Time of Ruptures: Challenges and Opportunities in the International Economy

Based on a lecture by Michel Oris

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Economic and social history of globalisation, 16th-21st centuries

Agrarian Structures and Rural Society: Analysis of the Preindustrial European Peasantry ● The demographic regime of the Ancien Régime: homeostasis ● Evolution of Socioeconomic Structures in the Eighteenth Century: From the Ancien Régime to Modernity ● Origins and causes of the English industrial revolution ● Structural mechanisms of the industrial revolution ● The spread of the Industrial Revolution in continental Europe ● The Industrial Revolution beyond Europe: the United States and Japan ● The social costs of the Industrial Revolution ● Historical Analysis of the Cyclical Phases of the First Globalisation ● Dynamics of National Markets and the Globalisation of Product Trade ● The Formation of Global Migration Systems ● Dynamics and Impacts of the Globalisation of Money Markets : The Central Role of Great Britain and France ● The Transformation of Social Structures and Relations during the Industrial Revolution ● The Origins of the Third World and the Impact of Colonisation ● Failures and Obstacles in the Third World ● Changing Methods of Work: Evolving Production Relationships from the End of the Nineteenth to the Middle of the Twentieth Century ● The Golden Age of the Western Economy: The Thirty Glorious Years (1945-1973) ● The Changing World Economy: 1973-2007 ● The Challenges of the Welfare State ● Around colonisation: fears and hopes for development ● Time of Ruptures: Challenges and Opportunities in the International Economy ● Globalisation and modes of development in the "third world"

The analysis of themes related to global development, economic crises, international aid and geopolitical transformations offers a profound insight into contemporary global issues. It begins with an exploration of critical thinking on development, highlighting figures such as Esther Boserup and key concepts such as the reproductive health paradigm. This approach examines the impacts of policies and practices on economic, social and cultural development, and highlights the importance of considering the perspectives of communities affected by development projects.

The discussion continues with an analysis of economic crises, focusing on agriculture, industry and the dynamics of foreign trade. These crises have reshaped the world's economies, revealing structural vulnerabilities and requiring appropriate response strategies. The focus then shifts to development aid, lending issues and debt management, highlighting the role of donors, the challenges faced by recipients and the implications of international debt.

Finally, the analysis concludes with an examination of the major changes in international relations, marked by the end of the Cold War, the emergence of new economic powers such as China and India, and the persistent challenges posed by inequalities in development. These transformations have redefined the dynamics of international relations and highlighted the specific challenges facing Third World countries in the current context.

This exploration offers a nuanced perspective on the complexities of global development, the management of economic crises, the impact of international aid and geopolitical transformations, underlining the need for a multidimensional understanding to effectively address global challenges.

Critical thinking on development

Critical thinking about development is a deep analytical approach that critically examines ideas, policies and practices related to economic, social and cultural development. The method not only assesses the impact of these policies on different stakeholders, but also takes specific account of the most vulnerable people and marginalised groups. This approach has its roots in the post-colonial historical context, where formerly colonised countries were seeking independent paths to development. Influential thinkers such as Frantz Fanon and Amartya Sen highlighted the importance of economic and social liberation in this process. During the Cold War, development theories were dominated by modernist approaches, which saw development as a linear and universal path, often modelled on the Western model. Critics of this period, such as Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, highlighted the inequalities and dependencies engendered by these models. Later, with the emergence of neoliberalism and globalisation in the 1980s and 1990s, critics such as Joseph Stiglitz and Noam Chomsky highlighted the growing disparities and negative impacts of globalisation on developing countries.

Critical development thinking not only assesses the economic impacts of policies, but also examines their environmental, cultural and social effects. This approach aims to understand the root causes of poverty and injustice, such as unequal power structures and the legacy of colonialism. It values the knowledge and experience of local communities, recognising that development solutions need to be adapted to specific cultural and environmental contexts. This thinking has influenced international organisations such as the United Nations and the World Bank, leading to more inclusive and sustainable development strategies. It has also fuelled social movements and NGOs that defend the rights of marginalised communities and fight environmental injustice.

Holistic perspectives: Populations, economies and cultural influences

The demo-economic vision of development, which focuses mainly on economic aspects and often downplays the social and cultural dimensions, is part of a historical framework that reflects the influence and standards of Western countries. This approach was particularly evident in the post-colonial period, when newly independent countries sought to rapidly modernise their economies by drawing on the models of their former colonial powers. This tendency often led to the neglect of local social and cultural structures, favouring rapid economic growth over a more balanced approach. With the rise of neo-liberalism in the 1980s and 1990s, the promotion of free market and privatisation policies, often dictated by institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, reinforced this demo-economic vision. These policies have been widely criticised for exacerbating social inequalities and neglecting cultural impacts. Studies by organisations such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development have shown that economic growth does not systematically translate into improved social well-being or reduced inequality. Similarly, UNESCO has regularly warned of the erosion of local cultures and traditions as a result of globalisation and the adoption of Western development models.

The demographic explosion in developing countries presents complex challenges, particularly in terms of resources, the economy and infrastructure. Responses to this rapid population growth, notably birth control policies, have historically provoked heated debate and varied reactions, often because they are perceived as being imposed by the West. Historically, Western intervention in the demographic policies of developing nations has sometimes been marked by a paternalistic approach and a lack of sensitivity to local contexts. For example, in the 1970s and 1980s, under the aegis of international organisations such as the UN or the World Bank, numerous birth control programmes were launched, often without adequate understanding of the cultural, social and religious nuances of the target populations. These initiatives have sometimes led to controversial practices. The most notorious example is China's one-child policy, initiated in 1979, which aimed to curb the rapid growth of the Chinese population. Although this policy succeeded in reducing the birth rate, it also had profound social and ethical consequences, such as gender imbalance and violations of individual rights. Another major concern about birth control policies is their impact on women's rights. In some cases, these policies have reinforced discriminatory practices and limited women's autonomy in matters of reproductive health. As a result, there is a growing emphasis on rights-based approaches that prioritise women's choice and consent. To respond effectively and ethically to the demographic explosion, it is imperative to adopt a holistic and culturally sensitive approach. This means investing in education, particularly girls' education, and improving access to healthcare, including reproductive health. Educating girls has been shown to be one of the most effective ways of reducing birth rates and promoting sustainable development.

Ethnology, as an academic discipline, has undergone major transformations over time, particularly in its relationship with colonised countries. During the colonial era, ethnology was often practised by Western researchers and served primarily to study the populations of colonised territories. This practice was marked by a clear paternalism and Western-centrism, reflecting the dynamics of power and domination inherent in colonialism. Ethnologists of this period sought to understand, categorise and often control local cultures by analysing them through Western values and norms, thus contributing to the colonial policy of domination and management of indigenous populations. However, after the Second World War and the rise of the decolonisation movements, the European colonial empires in Africa, Asia and elsewhere began to collapse, leading to a profound questioning of the methods and orientations of traditional ethnology. In the new political and social context, marked by the formation of independent nation-states and the redefinition of national identities, classical ethnological approaches were seen as obsolete and increasingly irrelevant. This period saw a decline in interest in ethnology as it had hitherto been practised, accompanied by growing criticism of its methods and its colonial legacy. Far from disappearing, ethnology has evolved towards more critical, reflexive and inclusive approaches. Contemporary ethnologists have moved towards more collaborative methodologies, seeking to understand cultures on their own terms and in collaboration with the communities being studied. This new era of ethnology has broken with Western-centrism to embrace a diversity of perspectives, recognising the value and richness of different cultures and societies around the world. In this way, the evolution of ethnology reflects a wider change in academic understanding of cultures and societies. It underlines the importance of equitable, respectful and collaborative intercultural research. This transformation reflects a growing awareness of the political and social implications of ethnological studies and a commitment to an approach that respects and values cultural diversity. In short, modern ethnology represents an ongoing effort to move beyond the vestiges of colonialism and to contribute to a more balanced and inclusive understanding of global cultural and social dynamics.

The Princeton project, which focuses on the comparative study of fertility decline in Europe and the search for solutions adapted to the demographic challenges of the countries of the South, reflects an important new awareness in the field of demography and development. This academic initiative highlights the fact that fertility decline, although often associated with economic factors, is in fact deeply rooted in specific cultural practices and social dynamics. Historically, the decline in fertility in Europe, observed significantly since the beginning of the 20th century, has been linked to several major social changes. For example, improved access to education, particularly for women, has played a key role in this process. Increased autonomy for women, their greater participation in the labour market, and changing gender role norms have also contributed to this change. In addition, greater access to contraception has led to better family planning, thus directly influencing fertility rates.

On the other hand, transposing these observations and solutions directly to the countries of the South without a thorough understanding of their specific cultural and social contexts could prove inadequate. In these countries, fertility is influenced by a complex set of factors, including cultural traditions, religious beliefs, family and socio-economic structures, and levels of access to education and healthcare. For example, in some societies, the value placed on large families may be linked to economic or social considerations, or even to issues of survival and family continuity. So the approach adopted by the Princeton project underlines the importance of an approach that respects and integrates 'cultural filters' into the design and implementation of development policies. This requires engaging in dialogue with the communities concerned, listening to and understanding their perspectives, and developing solutions that are tailored to their specific realities. This participatory approach is essential to ensure that family planning and development programmes are not only effective, but also respectful of the rights and cultures of the populations concerned.

Esther Boserup's contribution to development studies

Ester Boserup.

Ester Boserup, a renowned Danish economist, has made significant contributions to the field of economic and agricultural development, particularly through her work with the United Nations. Her unique perspective and innovative approach have had a considerable impact on our understanding of development dynamics, particularly in developing countries. Boserup is best known for her theory of the relationship between population growth and agricultural development, presented in her influential 1965 book, "The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure". Contrary to Malthusian theory, which postulates that population growth leads to resource scarcity and famine, Boserup suggested that population pressure could in fact stimulate agricultural innovation and improve productivity. According to her, faced with a growing population and pressure on resources, societies are encouraged to develop more intensive and efficient agricultural techniques.

Boserup was also a pioneer in adopting a microeconomic approach to the study of development dynamics. Rather than focusing solely on broad economic trends and statistics, she has focused on the practices and experiences of individual farmers, particularly women, in developing countries. Her research highlighted the crucial importance of women's role in agriculture and economic development, an area often neglected in previous studies. Boserup's approach marked a turning point in development studies, emphasising the importance of an in-depth understanding of local practices and innovations at the microeconomic level. Her ideas helped to shape development policies, emphasising the need to adapt development strategies to local realities and capacities, particularly in rural and farming communities.

Ester Boserup played a pioneering role in redefining the approach to economic and agricultural development, highlighting the importance of rural populations, particularly women, as key players in development. Her vision was revolutionary for its time, recognising and valuing women's contributions to agriculture and the rural economy, an aspect often overlooked in development discussions. Boserup also highlighted the crucial role of traditional practices in solving economic and social problems. She challenged the idea that these practices were obstacles to development, showing how they could, on the contrary, be valuable assets. This perspective made it possible to reassert the value of local knowledge and methods, which were often dismissed or underestimated by Western development approaches. Boserup also emphasised the importance of passing on knowledge and technical innovations to stimulate economic and agricultural development. She advocated a more humanistic approach to development, one that takes account of the needs, aspirations and realities of local populations. This participatory and inclusive approach contrasts sharply with the dominant Western-centric demo-economic vision of the time, which tended to impose top-down development models without taking account of local specificities. Boserup's approach contributed to a wider awareness of the need to adopt development strategies that were better adapted to the realities on the ground and more respectful of cultural diversity. His work has had a lasting influence on the way development policies are designed and implemented, by emphasising the involvement and participation of local communities, particularly women, in the development process. Her ideas continue to inspire researchers, development practitioners and policy-makers in their quest for more balanced and equitable development solutions.

Ester Boserup has contributed an original and innovative perspective on the role of demographic growth in agricultural development, particularly in pre-industrial societies. Her theory, set out in her 1965 book "The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure", contrasted sharply with the prevailing Malthusian views of the time, which saw population growth primarily as a threat leading to resource scarcity. Boserup observed that in many agrarian societies, population growth did not necessarily lead to famine or the degradation of resources, but could on the contrary stimulate changes and improvements in agricultural methods. In her view, demographic pressure encouraged communities to adopt more intensive and efficient farming techniques, to innovate and to improve productivity in order to feed a growing population. She thus proposed a model in which demographic growth was seen as a positive driving force for economic and agricultural development. This model represented a significant reversal of prevailing thinking, suggesting that demographic challenges could be transformed into opportunities for progress and innovation. However, Boserup was careful to stress that her model was not deterministic. She recognised that the relationship between population growth and agricultural development was complex and influenced by many contextual factors, including cultural, economic and environmental aspects. She highlighted the challenges that accompany population growth, such as the need for significant investment and cultural adaptation to modernise agriculture. Boserup's approach not only challenged Malthusian assumptions about population growth and development, but also offered a more nuanced and contextual view of the dynamics between population and agriculture. His work has had a lasting impact in the fields of agricultural economics and development, and continues to influence strategies and policies in these areas.

The 'creative difficulty' theory described by Ester Boserup provides a framework for understanding how societies respond to the challenges posed by population growth, particularly in the agricultural sector. According to this theory, moderate demographic pressure can act as a catalyst for change, encouraging populations to reconsider and modify their traditional practices in order to modernise agriculture and feed a growing population. In this context, Boserup identified that in societies with a food culture, where agricultural and food traditions play a central role in social and cultural life, adopting changes can be particularly difficult. Deep-rooted agricultural traditions can resist modernisation, and eating habits can be difficult to change. However, the need to provide for a growing population can lead to a gradual awareness and evolution of practices. The rural exodus is also an important factor in this process. By moving part of the population from rural to urban areas, rural exodus can reduce demographic pressure in the countryside, freeing up land for more intensive and modern agricultural use. This migration can also contribute to the reorganisation of agricultural production, allowing the specialisation of tasks and encouraging the introduction of more advanced and economically efficient techniques.

Nevertheless, rural exodus brings its own challenges and consequences. For rural populations, migration to cities can mean reduced access to essential services and economic opportunities. Rural communities can become destabilised, with social and economic impacts that require special attention. In addition, rapid urbanisation can put pressure on urban infrastructures and create new challenges in terms of housing, employment and services for migrants. According to Boserup, modernising agriculture and managing demographic challenges requires a balanced approach that takes into account both the economic and technical requirements and the social and cultural realities of the populations concerned. Creative difficulty is not just a challenge to be met, but also an opportunity to innovate and develop agricultural systems that are more sustainable and better adapted to the needs of modern societies.

The diffusion of innovation in societies, as Ester Boserup analyses, involves a complex social and psychological process. For a change to be adopted and become a widespread innovation within an economy or society, it must be validated by tangible successes. This confirmation encourages other members of society to follow suit, by adopting the new practice or technology in turn. According to Boserup, the innovator plays a crucial role in sharing his knowledge and experience, which facilitates the spread of innovations. The transmission of knowledge is essential, especially in contexts where innovations are the result of practical experimentation rather than formal research. In traditional societies, innovations are often disseminated via informal social networks. Decisions to adopt new techniques or practices are not based solely on formal economic analyses, but also on observations and interactions within the community. People are more inclined to try a new method if they can see its success in others they know and trust. This phenomenon is reinforced in communities where social relationships and networks of trust are particularly important. Another important aspect highlighted by Boserup is the speed with which techniques can spread in traditional societies when they are not hampered by restrictions such as patents. The absence of legal or commercial barriers to the use of new technologies or methods allows innovation to spread more quickly and widely.

Critics of Ester Boserup's approach highlight important aspects to consider in the field of international development. Although Boserup was innovative in the way she linked demographic growth to agricultural innovation, some have interpreted her model as a form of 'maternalism' or 'paternalism'. This criticism focuses on the idea that her model, by emphasising the need to feed the population and modernise agriculture, could imply a degree of condescension or an assumption that the populations of the South require the intervention of Western countries or international organisations to meet their demographic needs. This criticism is based on the perception that Boserup's approach could minimise or neglect the perspectives, capacities and aspirations of local populations, particularly those in the South. Indeed, any approach that views development primarily through the prism of perceived needs, without the active participation and contribution of the populations concerned, risks falling into paternalism, implicitly assuming that solutions must come from outside rather than from within the communities themselves. To counter these criticisms, it is crucial to encourage development approaches that are not only participatory but also inclusive. This means actively involving local people in the design, planning and implementation of development projects. It is important to recognise and value local knowledge, skills and aspirations. Such an approach involves listening to and understanding the perspectives of local people, and working with them to identify solutions tailored to their specific contexts. Ester Boserup's vision of the world and of development is different from those that prevailed at the time. She emphasises the need to take into account the perspectives and aspirations of people in the South, and to encourage a participatory and inclusive approach to development policies. She proposes a more humanist and less Western-centric vision of the issue.

Ester Boserup's emphasis on innovation 'from below', i.e. emerging directly from local communities rather than being imposed from outside, marked a turning point in the way development policies are conceived and implemented. Boserup recognised that local innovations, often born of necessity and adaptation to specific conditions, play a crucial role in demographic growth and agricultural development. These innovations are the direct result of the creativity and ingenuity of the communities themselves. This perspective has led to a significant change in the terminology and approach to international development. The change from the expression "development aid" to "development cooperation" reflects a shift in emphasis from an approach that can be perceived as unilateral and paternalistic, to one that emphasises partnership, mutual exchange and the sharing of knowledge and experience. Development cooperation recognises the importance of working together, respecting the skills and experiences of local communities. This approach emphasises that effective and sustainable development solutions are those that are co-created with the populations concerned, taking into account their specific cultural, social and economic context. It also implies a sharing of knowledge, where experiences in developing countries can enrich and inform practices in developed countries, and vice versa. Ultimately, the approach advocated by Boserup and the transition to "development cooperation" terminology underline the importance of equality, mutual respect and collaboration in development efforts. This means recognising and valuing the contributions and expertise of all stakeholders, and working together in an inclusive way to achieve common development goals.

The evolution of the concept of reproductive health

The reproductive health paradigm represents a holistic and integrated approach to health, which recognises the fundamental importance of providing universal access to quality reproductive health services. This paradigm encompasses a wide range of services and support, including family planning, reproductive health care, sexuality education and reproductive health care. It is based on key principles such as non-discrimination, gender equality, empowerment of women, and respect for the rights of the individual. At the heart of this paradigm is the idea that reproductive health is a fundamental right and an essential component of overall health and well-being. By enabling individuals, particularly women, to make informed and autonomous decisions about their reproductive health, this paradigm contributes to the promotion of overall health, gender equality and the empowerment of women.

The importance attached to sexuality education and access to quality reproductive health services is crucial to reducing the risks associated with pregnancy, childbirth and sexually transmitted diseases. These services are essential not only for the prevention of health problems, but also to ensure that individuals can lead safe and satisfying sexual and reproductive lives. The reproductive health paradigm adopts a holistic and integrated approach, recognising that people's reproductive health needs and concerns are influenced by a multitude of social, economic and cultural factors. It advocates a participatory approach, which includes consultation with and involvement of the communities concerned in the planning, implementation and evaluation of reproductive health programmes and services.

The World Conferences on Population and Development, organised under the aegis of the United Nations, have played a crucial role in the formulation and evolution of reproductive health policies worldwide. Each conference has made its own unique contribution to understanding and addressing these issues. The Bucharest conference in 1974 was an important milestone, highlighting the relationship between population growth and development. This conference resulted in a declaration that recognised the need for reproductive health policies to help regulate population growth. However, the emphasis was mainly on population control as a means of promoting economic development, without sufficient attention to individual rights and autonomy. In 1984, the Mexico conference took these ideas a step further by emphasising the importance of reproductive health not only for population control, but also for gender equality and women's empowerment. This approach began to recognise reproductive health as an issue linked to human rights and gender equality. The Cairo conference in 1994 marked a decisive turning point. It shifted the focus from demographic objectives to the rights of individuals, calling for a global approach to reproductive health that took account of social, economic and cultural aspects. This conference recognised that reproductive health goes beyond simple family planning and encompasses a range of issues related to sexual and reproductive health, including the rights to sex education and quality health care. These conferences have led to the establishment of reproductive health programmes in many countries, with a focus on access to contraception, sexuality education and the provision of reproductive health care. However, despite this progress, there are still significant challenges to ensuring universal access to reproductive health and to fully respecting the rights of individuals. These challenges include cultural, economic and political barriers, as well as the need for comprehensive education and equitable access to reproductive health services for all, without discrimination.

The reproductive health paradigm has played a transformational role in the way development and health policies are conceptualised and implemented, emphasising women's reproductive choices and autonomy. This paradigm shift has recognised that women's reproductive decisions are intrinsically linked to their personal autonomy and to the survival and well-being of their children. By focusing on women's reproductive choices, this paradigm emphasised the importance of giving women the power to decide if, when and how many children they wish to have. This approach highlighted the direct link between women's ability to control their fertility and their overall autonomy, including their health, education and economic and social participation. The integration of family planning centres into health systems has been another key aspect of this paradigm. This integration aims to ensure universal access to comprehensive, high-quality reproductive health services, including contraception, pre- and post-natal care, and sexual health services. By making these services accessible and affordable within general health systems, barriers to accessing reproductive health care are reduced, particularly for the most vulnerable populations. In addition, sexuality education has been recognised as a crucial element in reducing the risks associated with pregnancy, childbirth and sexually transmitted diseases. Comprehensive, high-quality sexuality education helps individuals to make informed decisions about their sexual and reproductive health and promotes responsible and safe behaviour. The reproductive health paradigm has contributed to a fundamental shift in development and health policies. By placing human beings, and in particular women, at the centre of concerns, this paradigm has strengthened the recognition of human rights in the field of reproductive health and encouraged more integrated, people-centred approaches to care. This has helped to improve reproductive health outcomes and promote gender equality and women's empowerment worldwide.

The Green Revolutions, which occurred mainly in the 1960s and 1970s, represent a key moment in the history of modern agriculture. These intensified farming programmes were initiated in many countries with the aim of increasing agricultural yields and meeting the food needs of a rapidly growing population. To achieve this, they have incorporated modern agricultural techniques such as the intensive use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides, the introduction of high-yield hybrid seeds and improved irrigation systems. One of the major impacts of the green revolutions has been their contribution to reducing population growth. By increasing agricultural yields, these programmes have improved food security, resulting in a stabilisation of birth rates. Historically, in many agrarian societies, families tended to have more children to provide the labour needed for farm work and to guarantee economic security. As agricultural productivity improved, this need diminished, leading to a reduction in the number of children per family.

However, the green revolutions have also attracted considerable criticism, particularly with regard to their environmental impact. The intensive use of chemicals such as fertilisers and pesticides has often had harmful effects on the environment, including pollution of waterways, soil degradation and reduced biodiversity. In addition, reliance on hybrid seeds can threaten the genetic diversity of crops, a major concern for long-term food security. Although the green revolutions have played a crucial role in improving food security and reducing population growth in several regions, they have also highlighted the challenges associated with intensive agriculture. These challenges include environmental concerns and the need to find sustainable solutions to maintain productivity gains while preserving the health of ecosystems and biodiversity.

The significant reduction in the demographic explosion in several regions of the world is the result of a synergy of various factors, including reproductive health policies, education and the emancipation of women, economic evolution, as well as the impacts of the green revolutions. At the heart of this transformation, reproductive health policies have played a crucial role. Improved access to reproductive health services, including contraception, maternal and child healthcare, and sexuality education, has enabled women and couples to make informed decisions about childbearing. For example, the introduction of family planning programmes in South-East Asia in the 1970s and 1980s led to a significant reduction in birth rates. Education and the emancipation of women are another central pillar of this development. Increased access to education for girls and young women has a direct impact on reducing birth rates. Education broadens women's economic prospects, empowers them and encourages them to delay marriage and childbearing. Countries such as South Korea saw a rapid decline in their birth rates as women's education levels improved in the second half of the 20th century. Rising levels of employment and income, resulting from economic development, have also influenced demographic trends. Greater economic security tends to reduce the need to have many children for reasons of economic or labour security. Countries such as Japan experienced a decline in their birth rate in parallel with their rapid economic growth after the Second World War. Finally, the green revolutions have contributed to these demographic changes. The intensification of agriculture through the use of fertilisers, pesticides and high-yield seeds has increased crop yields, reducing reliance on large family labour forces. India, for example, saw a significant increase in agricultural production following the adoption of Green Revolution technologies in the 1960s, which helped to stabilise its population growth.

Economic crises and their impact

Transformations and challenges of modern agriculture

The expansion of tropical products slowed down from the 1970s onwards, a phenomenon closely linked to the global economic situation at the time. During this period, Western economies were hit by an economic crisis marked by stagflation, a term that describes an unusual economic situation characterised by both high inflation and a slowdown in economic growth. The oil crisis of the 1970s played a significant role in this economic context, with oil price rises leading to a generalised increase in production and transport costs. These price rises, coupled with a slowdown in economic growth, forced Western consumers to rethink their consumption habits. In response to this difficult economic situation, many consumers in developed countries have begun to turn to local products, often perceived as more affordable and accessible than imported products, including those from tropical regions. This shift towards local products has led to a reduction in demand for tropical products such as coffee, cocoa, bananas and other exotic fruits and spices. Producers of these products in developing countries, who were largely dependent on Western export markets, were particularly hard hit. This reduction in demand has had major economic consequences for these countries, often leading to lower incomes and increased economic vulnerability.

In the 1990s, the world faced a significant increase in the cereals deficit, particularly in developing countries. This deficit, which represents the gap between cereal production and consumption, revealed striking geographical disparities, reflecting the economic inequalities and agricultural challenges facing these regions. Developing countries, which depended heavily on the export of agricultural products and often had limited capacity to produce enough cereals to meet the needs of their growing populations, were the hardest hit. This situation was exacerbated by rapid population growth, increasing demand for staple foods, and insufficient investment in agriculture. In addition, the rising cost of agricultural inputs, such as fertilisers and seeds, has limited the ability of small farmers to increase production. To illustrate, between 1993 and 1997, the cereals deficit reached alarming levels in several regions. In Black Africa, the deficit amounted to 13% of cereal production, while in the Maghreb it reached an extraordinary level of 77%. In Latin America, the deficit was 30%, and in Asia 10%. The Middle East also recorded a significant deficit of 39%. These figures reflect not only agricultural challenges, but also the consequences of dependence on international markets and the export of cereals to rich countries, often depriving local populations of essential food resources. In response to this crisis, food aid policies and agricultural development programmes have been put in place, but their results have often been limited. The obstacles encountered included problems of efficiency, logistics and sometimes corruption, underlining the complexity of responding to the challenges of food security in a globalised context. The worsening cereals deficit in the 1990s highlighted the major food security challenges, economic imbalances and agricultural difficulties in developing countries. This period highlighted the urgent need to develop sustainable and effective agricultural strategies capable of sustaining food production in the face of growing demand in a world with limited resources.

The economic dynamics of developing countries exporting agricultural products have revealed a significant paradox in the export strategies adopted over recent decades. In their quest for hard currency, these nations have frequently directed their agricultural production towards foreign markets, particularly those in rich countries. Although this has injected foreign currency into their economies, it has often led to a devaluation of their national currencies and an increase in their cereals deficit. Historically, in the 1980s and 1990s, several African and Latin American countries rich in agricultural resources adopted this export model. For example, countries such as Kenya and Côte d'Ivoire, which exported mainly coffee and cocoa, saw a reduction in the availability of cereals on the domestic market. As a result, their cereals deficit increased, despite the abundance of agricultural exports. Data from this period shows that many developing countries imported a significant proportion of their cereal requirements, despite exporting high-value agricultural products.

This situation led to increased vulnerability to food insecurity, making these countries dependent on cereal imports and sensitive to fluctuations in world prices. Agricultural development policies and food aid programmes were designed to address this crisis. These initiatives aimed to boost local agricultural production and improve food security. However, they often came up against obstacles such as resource limitations, technological and structural challenges, and governance issues. These challenges have highlighted the complexity of balancing short-term economic development objectives with the need to maintain long-term sustainable food security. The case of developing countries exporting agricultural products clearly illustrates the need for agricultural and economic strategies that take into account not only international markets, but also the needs and food security of local populations. It also highlights the importance of effective governance and well-structured policies to navigate the complex context of economic globalisation and food security.

Food dependency in developing countries is a major issue that highlights the vulnerability of these nations to the dynamics of the global market. To meet the food needs of their populations, many developing countries are forced to import a large proportion of their food products. This dependence exposes them to a number of risks and challenges. Firstly, dependence on food imports makes these countries particularly vulnerable to price fluctuations on world markets. Global food crises such as those in 2007-2008, when staple food prices rose sharply, have had a devastating impact on import-dependent countries. These price fluctuations can lead to increased food insecurity, social unrest and exacerbated poverty. Moreover, food dependency compromises the food sovereignty of these nations. Food sovereignty, a concept developed notably by the international movement La Via Campesina in the 1990s, refers to the right of peoples to define their own agricultural and food policies. When a country depends heavily on imports for its food, it loses a degree of control over its food production and becomes vulnerable to the policies and economic conditions of exporting countries. The consequences of this dependence are not only economic, but also social and environmental. Massive imports can undermine local farming systems, discourage small farmers and contribute to unsustainable practices. To counter these challenges, agricultural development policies and programmes have been put in place to enhance food security and self-sufficiency. These initiatives aim to improve local agricultural production, support small farmers, promote sustainable agricultural practices and diversify food sources. The aim is to reduce dependence on imports and enable countries to be more self-sufficient in meeting their food needs. However, the implementation of these policies faces numerous obstacles, such as a lack of financial resources, technological challenges, climate change, and sometimes structural and governance problems. Nevertheless, the focus on self-sufficiency and food sovereignty is essential to ensure a sustainable and secure food future for people in developing countries.

The relationship between population growth and food production in developing countries illustrates the limits of David Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage. This theory, which suggests that nations should specialise in the production of goods in which they have a comparative advantage and trade with other countries, comes up against specific challenges in these regions. Historically, in the 1980s and 1990s, many developing countries, adhering to Ricardo's theory, focused their agriculture on exporting tropical products such as coffee, cocoa and sugar. The aim of this specialisation was to generate hard currency on international markets. However, this strategy has often led to economic monosectoralism, with agriculture becoming the dominant sector, but lacking diversification. In countries like Côte d'Ivoire, for example, cocoa exports accounted for a significant proportion of national income, but this dependence also exposed the country to fluctuations in international prices. This model has had a number of undesirable consequences. Firstly, it has created food dependency, as these countries have had to import an increasing proportion of their basic food needs, with agricultural land being used for export crops rather than food crops. For example, countries such as Kenya and Ethiopia, despite their substantial agricultural exports, have had to import significant quantities of cereals to meet the needs of their populations. This dependence has reduced the food sovereignty of these nations, making them vulnerable to fluctuations in food prices on world markets. The global food crisis of 2007-2008, when prices of staple cereals such as maize and wheat reached record levels, particularly affected these countries, exacerbating food insecurity. In response to these challenges, agricultural development policies and food aid programmes were designed to promote economic diversification, enhance food security and self-sufficiency, and improve the economic and social conditions of farmers. These policies aimed to balance the need to participate in international trade with the need to guarantee local food security. However, the implementation of these strategies has often come up against obstacles such as a lack of resources, technological constraints, and sometimes structural and governance problems.

The evolution of the industry in a changing context

In the 1970s and 1980s, and particularly between 1973 and 1985, the manufacturing industry in developing countries faced major challenges, marked by specialisation in traditional branches of industry such as textiles and food. This often resulted in a form of industrialisation based on substitution for Western imports. Although this strategy was initially adopted to reduce dependence on imports and stimulate local production, it has ultimately limited economic diversification.

The industries of many developing countries remained concentrated on traditional sectors, exploiting their existing comparative advantages such as abundant natural resources or low-cost labour. In the textile sector, for example, countries such as Bangladesh and Pakistan have undergone significant specialisation. However, this specialisation has not necessarily led to significant economic diversification. In Bangladesh, for example, the textile and clothing sector accounted for around 80% of the country's total exports at the end of the 1980s, reflecting a high level of economic dependence on this sector. This dependence on traditional sectors has also made industry in developing countries vulnerable to international price fluctuations and foreign competition. Sectors characterised by low value added and high labour intensity were particularly exposed to variations in raw material prices and changes in consumer preferences on international markets. In addition, this period was marked by structural changes in the global economy, such as the rise of neo-liberalism and the liberalisation of international trade. These developments have increased the competitive pressure on industries in developing countries. For example, market liberalisation has led to increased competition for countries such as India and Brazil, forcing them to reconsider their industrial strategies to meet the challenges of the globalised economy. Thus, these decades have highlighted the need for developing countries to adapt their industrial strategies in order to better respond to global economic challenges and pursue more diversified and sustainable economic development, balancing sectoral specialisation with the need for economic diversification.

The 1970s and 1980s were a period of significant change in the global economy, characterised by increasing multinationalisation. This phase marked a turning point for developing countries, which experienced an increased influx of foreign capital, mainly from industrialised countries. Although this influx brought essential investment and new technologies, it also created a form of economic dependence for these countries. Foreign investment in developing countries, while beneficial in terms of capital and technology, often had a major impact on their economic autonomy. National economic decisions were increasingly influenced by the interests of foreign multinationals. This situation led to a growing influence of these companies in key sectors of the economy of developing countries, often over and above short-term profit objectives. For example, in the 1980s, countries such as Nigeria and Indonesia saw a massive expansion of foreign investment in their oil and mining sectors, but this was often accompanied by little investment in vital sectors such as agriculture or education. In addition, the increased presence of multinationals in developing countries has sometimes led to the over-exploitation of local resources and industries. Investments were often directed towards sectors with high short-term profitability, such as the extraction of natural resources, without sufficient consideration for the sustainable development of the local economy. This approach has had negative consequences for the environment and working conditions. For example, in countries such as Brazil, mining and deforestation have been exacerbated by foreign investment, leading to serious environmental problems. This period also saw the emergence of debates and criticisms concerning the role and impact of multinationals in developing countries. Criticism focused on issues such as the unfair transfer of profits, negative environmental impacts and the exploitation of workers. These concerns have highlighted the need for tighter regulation and improved governance to manage the impact of foreign investment. It became clear that, to make a positive contribution to sustainable economic development, foreign investment needed to be better regulated and aligned with the long-term development objectives of host countries.

During the 1970s and 1980s, the manufacturing industry in developing countries faced significant challenges, particularly in terms of under-utilisation of production capacity. This situation was mainly the result of economic planning errors, where investments were not always in line with the real needs or capacities of these economies. Against this backdrop, governments in many developing countries launched ambitious industrial projects, often without a rigorous assessment of market needs or underlying economic dynamics. For example, in the 1980s, countries such as Brazil and India invested heavily in heavy industries such as steel and car manufacturing. However, domestic demand for these products was limited, and export markets were not sufficiently developed to absorb surplus production. As a result, many countries found themselves with under-utilised factories and production levels well below capacity. This under-utilisation of capacity led to a considerable waste of resources, both human and financial. Investment in these industrial projects was often financed by international loans, adding to these countries' external debt. For example, the external debt of sub-Saharan Africa increased from 11 billion dollars in 1970 to more than 230 billion dollars in 1990, a significant part of this debt being linked to unprofitable industrial investments. The situation was exacerbated by a lack of effective coordination between different sectors of the economy, as well as a lack of long-term vision for economic development. Industrial development plans were often conceived in isolation, without taking into account interdependencies with other sectors such as agriculture or services, or the real needs of the population. This period highlighted the challenges of planning and managing industrial development in developing countries. It has underlined the importance of a balanced and integrated approach to economic development, which takes account of market realities, productive capacities and sectoral interdependencies, while aiming for sustainable and inclusive growth.

The excessive geographical concentration of manufacturing industry in developing countries during the 1970s and 1980s posed major challenges in terms of economic and social imbalances. Many of these industries were concentrated in large cities, leading to significant gaps between urban and rural areas in terms of economic development and opportunities. This urban concentration of manufacturing has had several consequences. On the one hand, rural areas have been largely neglected, with little industrial investment or economic opportunity. This has exacerbated regional inequalities and hampered economic development in rural areas. On the other hand, large cities have become centres of industrial attraction, attracting large numbers of rural workers in search of jobs. Cities such as Mumbai in India, Lagos in Nigeria and Mexico City in Mexico have experienced rapid population growth, often outstripping their capacity to provide adequate services and infrastructure. This massive flow of people into urban areas has led to problems of overcrowding, inadequate housing and inadequate infrastructure. The challenges associated with rapid urbanisation, such as congestion, pollution and slums, have become commonplace in many large cities in developing countries. To address these problems, it was essential to diversify industrial locations and promote economic development in rural areas. This geographical diversification could have contributed to more balanced development, reducing the pressure on large cities and providing economic opportunities in previously neglected regions. The high geographical concentration of manufacturing industry in large cities in developing countries has highlighted the need for a more balanced and distributed approach to industrial development. Such an approach would not only have helped to reduce regional imbalances, but would also have contributed to more harmonious and sustainable development on a national scale.

The 1970s and 1980s were marked by a crisis in agriculture and industry in developing countries, which was exacerbated by a series of structural factors. Specialisation in traditional branches of industry, dependence on foreign capital, under-utilisation of production capacity and excessive geographical concentration of industry created a difficult economic environment for these countries. During this period, some countries, dubbed the "Asian dragons" (Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan), as well as certain Latin American powers, such as Brazil and Mexico, succeeded in reindustrialising. These countries have adopted effective economic strategies, including investment in high value-added industrial sectors, greater integration into the global economy and economic policies that encourage diversification. South Korea, for example, has seen rapid development of its manufacturing and technology industries, becoming a major player in sectors such as electronics and automobiles. However, despite these successes, most developing countries have continued to be under-industrialised. The challenges of the 1970s and 1980s, such as dependence on traditional sectors, vulnerability to external influences, and inadequate economic planning, have persisted. This has limited their ability to achieve sustainable economic growth and reduce poverty. Today, these challenges remain relevant for many developing countries. Despite some progress and the adoption of policies to encourage economic diversification and industrial development, many countries are still struggling to overcome the structural obstacles to sustainable economic development. The need to diversify economies, reduce dependence on foreign capital, make full use of production capacity, and promote a balanced geographical distribution of industry remains crucial for these nations. The period of the 1970s and 1980s laid the foundations that continue to influence the economic development of developing countries. The experience of this period underlines the importance of a balanced and strategic approach to economic development, which takes account of structural challenges while aiming for sustainability and inclusiveness.

International trade: Trends and disruptions

The 1973 oil crisis marked a turning point in the world economy, with far-reaching repercussions, particularly for developing countries. The sudden and significant rise in oil prices, triggered by the OPEC (Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries) oil embargo, created major economic distortions between oil-producing and oil-importing countries. This crisis led to a prolonged period of economic difficulties, marked by two distinct phases. The first phase, from 1974 to 1985, was characterised by economic depression, with many countries experiencing high inflation, slower economic growth and rising unemployment. Oil-importing countries, particularly those in the Third World, were hit hard because of their dependence on oil imports and rising energy costs. The second phase, from 1985 to 1995, saw some economic recovery, thanks in part to lower oil prices and the adaptation of economies to these new conditions. However, the long-term effects of the oil crisis continued to influence economic policies and development strategies in many countries.

A key indicator of the impact of this crisis is the extraversion rate, which measures a country's dependence on exports. In 1913, before the First World War, this rate was already high, reflecting the interconnected nature of the world economy at the time. It reached high levels again in 1972 and 1973, just before the oil crisis. This dependence was particularly marked in Third World countries, which were heavily dependent on exports, particularly of raw materials, to Western countries. The oil crisis exacerbated this dependence, highlighting the vulnerability of these economies to external shocks. The 1973 oil crisis highlighted the structural imbalances in the world economy and played a key role in redefining economic policies and development strategies, particularly for developing countries. It demonstrated the need to diversify economies, reduce dependence on exports of raw materials and adopt more sustainable energy policies that are less dependent on oil.

The oil crisis of the 1970s and 1980s exacerbated the economic dependence of Third World countries on Western countries, highlighting the imbalances in global trade relations. The economies of developing countries were often closely linked to those of developed countries, particularly the West, and were heavily dependent on them for their economic growth. This dependence manifested itself mainly in trade in raw materials, particularly agricultural products and natural resources, of which oil is a key example. Third World countries exported these raw materials to developed countries in exchange for manufactured goods and technology. This trade dynamic often led to a relationship of dependence, where the economies of developing countries were sensitive to fluctuations in world markets and the economic policies of developed countries.

The oil crisis has exacerbated this situation. Rising oil prices have had a significant impact on world economies, particularly those of oil-importing countries. For non-oil producing Third World countries, the rise in energy costs has led to an increase in import spending and put additional pressure on their already fragile trade balances. In addition, the economic recession in developed countries, a consequence of the oil crisis, has reduced demand for exports from developing countries, impacting on their economic growth. In contrast, developed countries, although affected by the crisis, had more diversified economies and were less dependent on a single type of trade or market. Their more diversified trading relationships enabled them to better absorb economic shocks such as those caused by the oil crisis. The oil crisis deepened Third World countries' legacy of economic dependence on Western countries, highlighting the need for these countries to diversify their economies and reduce their dependence on commodity exports. She also stressed the importance of developing more balanced and sustainable trade relations to ensure stable and sustainable economic growth in the global context.

Dynamics of development aid and debt management

Understanding development aid: Origins and orientations

Since the end of the Second World War, development aid has become a central element of international relations, aimed at improving living conditions in developing countries. This aid takes a variety of forms, including financing, technical cooperation, technology transfer and vocational training. The main actors in this aid are the governments of developed countries, international organisations such as the United Nations, NGOs and, to a certain extent, private companies. The history of development aid reflects changing global priorities. After the Second World War, the initial focus was on the reconstruction of Europe, notably through the Marshall Plan. With decolonisation in the 1960s and 1970s, the emphasis shifted to helping the newly independent countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America. Later, in the 1980s and 1990s, aid focused on structural reforms and poverty reduction. With the advent of the Millennium Development Goals in the early 2000s, development aid was redefined around specific goals such as eradicating poverty, improving education and health, and promoting sustainable development. Quantitatively, development aid has grown significantly over time. In 2020, for example, official development assistance provided by OECD member countries was estimated at around 147 billion dollars. However, this sum is often considered insufficient in relation to the target set by the United Nations, which is to devote 0.7% of the gross national income of donor countries to development aid. The effectiveness of development aid has been widely debated. Critics have focused on issues such as the actual effectiveness of aid, the dependency it can create, and the political influence it can wield. Some projects have also been criticised for failing to meet the real needs of recipient countries or for favouring the interests of donors. Despite these challenges, development aid remains an essential tool for promoting sustainable and inclusive development in developing countries. Recent efforts have focused on improving the effectiveness of aid, ensuring that it is more transparent, better targeted and aligned with the priorities of recipient countries, to ensure that it truly benefits those who need it most.

Development aid, a crucial aspect of international policy since the post-war period, takes a variety of forms, each with a distinct impact on the recipient countries. Donations, which make up a large proportion of this aid, are financial or in-kind contributions provided without any obligation to repay. These donations are often directed towards humanitarian, educational or sustainable development projects. For example, according to the OECD, in 2019, donations accounted for around 27% of total official development assistance. These contributions are vital because they do not increase the debt of recipient countries and are generally flexible as to how they are used. Preferential loans, another form of aid, are loans granted on favourable terms, often at reduced interest rates, to support projects that stimulate economic and social development. Although they require repayment, the conditions are more flexible than those for standard commercial loans. These loans are crucial for financing infrastructure and large-scale projects, playing a significant role in long-term development.

At the same time, private sector loans, provided by commercial financial institutions, are geared towards industrial or commercial projects. These loans can catalyse economic development, but often carry higher interest rates and stricter conditions. They are essential for investments in sectors such as industrial production or business start-ups. Finally, export credits are a form of financing designed to encourage exports to developing countries. Historically, this form of aid has been criticised for favouring the interests of exporting countries. For example, in the 1980s, many African countries were encouraged to import expensive equipment and technology, which sometimes increased their external debt without bringing the expected benefits for economic development. Each of these types of aid has different economic, social and environmental consequences. While grants and concessional loans are often seen as beneficial for sustainable development, private sector loans and export credits can lead to increased debt or economic dependence. It is therefore crucial for recipient countries to carefully assess the benefits and risks associated with each form of aid to ensure balanced and sustainable development.

Conditional aid, a common method in development assistance, requires recipient countries to meet certain conditions in order to receive aid. Although this approach aims to ensure the effective use of aid and encourage positive reforms, it can sometimes have negative consequences for recipient countries.

Historically, conditional aid has been widely used since the late 20th century, particularly by institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. These conditions have often been geared towards economic reforms, such as privatisation, market liberalisation and reductions in public spending. However, this approach has sometimes led to development projects being over-valued. Beneficiary countries, in their quest to meet the conditions imposed, have sometimes invested in projects that do not correspond to their real needs. For example, studies show that in the 1980s and 1990s, many African countries had to follow prescribed economic policies in order to obtain loans, which often diverted resources away from essential sectors such as health and education. In addition, increased project costs are a common consequence of conditional aid. The need to meet specific requirements can lead to additional costs, limiting the resources available for other essential initiatives. In addition, the loss of economic sovereignty is a major problem associated with conditional aid. Recipient countries can find themselves in a position where they have to follow economic guidelines that are not necessarily aligned with their own development strategies or the preferences of their population. The very effectiveness of aid can be called into question when the conditions do not correspond to the real needs and priorities of the recipient country. This can lead to inefficient use of funds and a lack of progress towards development goals. For example, a World Bank study found that while conditional aid has had some success, in many cases it has not led to the desired development results due to ill-adapted or unrealistic conditions. So, while recognising the intention behind conditional aid to promote positive change and effective use of resources, it is crucial for donors to consider the potential impacts on recipient countries. A more nuanced and context-sensitive approach, which takes into account the specific realities of each country and is flexible in the face of changes and challenges, is necessary if development aid is to achieve its objectives in a sustainable and equitable manner.

Economic and financial crises have a significant impact on development aid. When the economies of donor countries are in difficulty, development aid is often one of the first sectors to be affected by budget cuts. These periods of economic crisis tend to lead to a reassessment of government priorities, with a greater emphasis on stabilising and stimulating the domestic economy. As a result, budgets allocated to development aid often suffer cuts. Historically, this phenomenon has been observed on several occasions. For example, during the global financial crisis of 2008-2009, many developed countries reduced their official development assistance (ODA) to focus their resources on stimulating their domestic economies. According to the OECD, after a period of steady growth, global ODA fell in 2011 and 2012, reflecting budget constraints in several donor countries following the financial crisis. This trend has important implications for recipient countries. A reduction in ODA can delay or compromise essential development projects, impacting sectors such as health, education and infrastructure. It can also undermine efforts to achieve the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals, as these goals depend in part on continued financial support from developed countries. In response to these challenges, some donor countries and international organisations have sought ways to maintain or increase the effectiveness of development aid, even with reduced budgets. This includes approaches such as mixed financing, which combines public and private funds, and a focus on aid effectiveness to ensure that available resources are used optimally.

The 1990s saw a decline in development aid, impacted by a number of key factors, including reduced aid budgets in donor countries and the growing influence of neo-liberal ideologies. This period has been marked by a reassessment of government and economic priorities in many developed countries, where public spending, including development aid, has been subject to significant budget cuts. The political and economic context of the time, marked by the end of the Cold War and the rise of neo-liberalism, also played a role in the decline in aid. The end of the Cold War reduced the political and strategic motivation for development aid, which had been used as a foreign policy tool during that period. In addition, the rise of neo-liberal ideologies favoured an approach of public spending cuts and privatisation, which often led to a reduction in governments' commitment to development aid. However, this trend began to change in the 2000s. The increase in development aid in absolute terms during this decade was influenced by a number of factors, including a growing awareness of global challenges such as poverty, infectious diseases and climate change. International initiatives such as the Millennium Development Goals, launched in 2000, have also played a key role in revitalising development aid.

In 2010, there was even a slight increase in official development assistance (ODA) as a percentage of donor countries' GDP. According to OECD data, ODA reached a record high in 2010, representing around 0.32% of donor countries' combined gross national income, up from around 0.22% in the mid-1990s. This increase reflects a renewed commitment to global development issues, although the UN target of 0.7% of gross national income for ODA was not met by most donor countries. These developments show how global political, economic and social dynamics can significantly influence the levels and priorities of development aid. They also underline the importance of the continued commitment of developed countries to support sustainable development and poverty reduction worldwide.

Aid from the private sector, particularly in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI) and private sector loans, has been sensitive to global economic fluctuations. During periods of economic crisis, a downward trend in these forms of aid is frequently observed, mainly due to an increase in the perception of risk by companies and investors. FDI, which is investment by companies or private entities in a foreign country, plays a crucial role in the economic development of developing countries. They can help to create jobs, improve infrastructure and transfer technology. However, in times of economic crisis, companies often become more cautious about investing, particularly in developing countries considered to be higher-risk markets. This caution is due to global economic uncertainty, fears about political or economic stability in the recipient countries, and a potential reduction in the profitability of investments.

Similarly, private sector lending by commercial banks and other financial institutions is likely to decline during periods of economic crisis. Banks become more reluctant to lend to developing countries because of fears of default, concerns about the stability of the economies of these countries and the increased risks associated with these loans. This situation is often exacerbated by a global credit crunch, as financial institutions are more inclined to minimise risk and conserve liquidity in times of crisis. For example, during the global financial crisis of 2008-2009, FDI in developing countries fell considerably. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), global FDI flows fell by almost 40% in 2009, reflecting investors' increased caution in the face of global economic instability. Private sector lending was also affected, as international banks became more cautious in their approach to credit. These dynamics demonstrate the vulnerability of developing countries not only to fluctuations in official aid, but also to variations in private investment and financing. They underline the importance of diversifying sources of financing for development and strengthening economic resilience to better withstand external economic shocks.

Profile of the main international donors

Industrialised countries, particularly those that are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), play a central role as donors of development aid. Among these countries, the United States, Japan, Germany and Scandinavian countries such as Norway, Sweden and Denmark traditionally stand out as the main contributors in terms of Official Development Assistance (ODA). The United States, for example, has for many years been the largest donor of ODA in absolute terms, although its contribution as a percentage of its gross national income (GNI) often falls short of the 0.7% target set by the United Nations. Japan, for its part, has been a major contributor in Asia, focusing its aid on economic development and infrastructure. Germany, for its part, has focused on sustainable development projects and technical cooperation. The Scandinavian countries, while representing a smaller share of the world economy, are known for their strong commitment to development aid. These countries often exceed the ODA target of 0.7% of GNI, focusing on issues such as human rights, gender equality and sustainable development.

In addition to multilateral aid, which is channelled through international organisations such as the United Nations or the World Bank, many OECD member countries have also set up bilateral aid programmes. These programmes enable donor countries to directly support specific development projects in developing countries. Bilateral aid allows donor countries to target specific areas of interest, such as health, education or infrastructure, and to develop closer relations with recipient countries. The commitment of these countries to development aid is crucial to global progress towards goals such as reducing poverty and achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. However, the distribution of aid, the selection of projects and the effectiveness of aid continue to be subjects of debate and continuous improvement.

During the Cold War, the provision of development aid was also influenced by geopolitical dynamics and political alliances. In addition to Western countries, socialist and oil-producing countries played a significant role in providing aid to developing countries, particularly those aligned with their political and ideological interests. The socialist countries, led by the Soviet Union, used development aid as a tool to extend their influence and promote socialism, particularly in Africa, Asia and Latin America. This aid often took the form of technical support, training, military assistance and infrastructure projects. For example, the Soviet Union provided substantial aid to countries such as Cuba, Egypt and Ethiopia. However, the nature and extent of this aid was often closely linked to the strategic objectives of the Cold War, rather than to the specific development needs of the recipient countries. Similarly, oil-producing countries, particularly those in the Middle East, also contributed to development aid. After the oil shock of the 1970s, which led to a massive increase in oil revenues, these countries used some of their wealth to provide aid, often as part of Islamic solidarity or to strengthen political and economic ties. Countries such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates have been active in this area, focusing in particular on projects in Muslim countries. However, in overall terms, the contribution of these countries to development aid was generally lower than that of Western countries. Aid from socialist and oil-producing countries was often conditioned by political and strategic considerations, and its scale was limited compared with contributions from OECD countries.

Since the 2000s, the development aid landscape has undergone significant changes with the emergence of new players, in particular the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and other emerging developing countries. These countries have begun to play an increasingly important role, both as donors of development aid and as influential members of multilateral bodies. China, in particular, has established itself as a major player in development aid. Through its "Belt and Road" (or New Silk Road) initiative, China has invested massively in infrastructure projects across Asia, Africa and Europe. These investments are often presented as development aid, although they are also motivated by strategic and economic objectives. In Africa, for example, China has become one of the largest trading partners and investors, financing projects in a variety of areas including infrastructure, energy and telecommunications. India, another BRICS member, has also increased its role as a donor of development aid, focusing particularly on its neighbours in South Asia and Africa. Indian aid is often linked to technical development projects and capacity-building initiatives. The BRICS countries have also worked together to create new financial institutions, such as the New Development Bank (NBD), which aims to finance development and infrastructure projects in emerging and developing countries. This initiative marks a significant shift in the global aid landscape, offering an alternative to traditional financial institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF. These new players bring an additional dimension to development aid, offering alternative financing and partnership options for developing countries. However, the approach of these new donors also raises questions in terms of sustainability, lending conditions and the impact on the debt of recipient countries. It is therefore crucial for recipient countries to carefully assess the benefits and risks associated with accepting this emerging aid, ensuring that these initiatives are aligned with their own long-term development strategies.

Beneficiary countries: challenges and opportunities

The history of development aid is closely linked to the historical and cultural relationships between countries, particularly those formed during the colonial period. Developing countries that were once colonies or protectorates of industrialised nations have often become major recipients of development aid, particularly bilateral aid. This trend can be explained by the close links that have been maintained between former colonies and their colonial metropolises, particularly through linguistic, cultural and political affinities. These historical links have often guided the distribution of development aid. For example, French-speaking African countries receive a significant proportion of their development aid from France. Similarly, former British colonies in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean have received significant aid from the UK. These relationships often extend historical interactions, with donors justifying their support with a sense of historical responsibility or a desire to maintain political and economic ties.

However, the criteria for selecting recipients of development aid are not based solely on these historical links. In general, aid is directed towards the poorest and most vulnerable countries, with the aim of reducing poverty, improving living conditions and promoting sustainable development. The selection criteria vary from donor to donor, but generally take into account the needs of the recipient countries and their capacity to use aid effectively. In quantitative terms, the scale of aid varies considerably. According to the OECD, OECD countries provided around $147 billion in official development assistance in 2020. This aid is distributed unevenly among recipients, with some countries receiving a disproportionate share because of their historical links with donors.

Countries considered to be politically "fragile" or "at risk" often receive substantial amounts of development aid because of their particular situations. The purpose of this aid is manifold: it aims to stabilise the political situation, prevent conflict and radicalism, and encourage the transition to more stable and democratic political systems. This aid can take the form of support for governance, institution-building, security sector reform, as well as programmes to improve economic and social conditions. However, it is crucial that development aid is not perceived or used as a tool to exert control over recipient countries or to keep them in a state of dependency. The relevance and effectiveness of development aid depend on its ability to strengthen the autonomy and sovereignty of recipient countries. Aid must focus on building local capacities, promoting sustainable economic and social development, and supporting the self-determination of peoples. In practice, this implies development aid approaches that are aligned with the priorities of recipient countries and implemented in close collaboration with them. It also means ensuring that aid is not conditioned in such a way as to impose specific political or economic choices that do not correspond to the needs or desires of local populations. Historically, the challenges of providing aid in countries at risk or in fragile situations have been numerous. For example, countries such as Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Haiti have received large amounts of aid, but have continued to face major challenges in terms of stability and development. These situations underline the complexity of delivering effective aid in politically unstable contexts.

Development aid, while an essential tool for supporting progress in developing countries, can also be influenced by the political and strategic objectives of donor countries. Historically, aid has sometimes been used to strengthen diplomatic relations, increase geopolitical influence, or further the economic interests of donor countries in recipient countries. From the Cold War era, when aid was often linked to the struggle for influence between East and West, to the current era of globalisation, the political dimension of development aid has been a constant reality. The United States, for example, has historically used development aid as a means of strengthening its strategic alliances and supporting countries aligned with its political and economic interests. During the Cold War, US assistance was often conditional on political or military commitments. Similarly, other powers, such as the Soviet Union, China and European countries, also used development aid to extend their influence. China's massive investments in infrastructure and natural resources in Africa and Asia, often presented as development aid, are a contemporary example of the use of aid for strategic purposes. In terms of figures, the scale of aid linked to political objectives is difficult to quantify precisely, as it is often integrated into broader aid programmes. However, it is clear that political and strategic considerations play an important role in the decision to provide aid, to select recipients, and to determine the amounts allocated. It is important to recognise that the use of development aid for political or strategic purposes raises questions of ethics and effectiveness. Critics argue that when aid is motivated primarily by political interests, it may not meet the real needs of recipient countries and can sometimes support controversial political regimes or undemocratic policies. Although development aid is an essential tool for improving living conditions in developing countries, it is crucial that its use is guided by ethical principles and focused on the real needs of recipients. Donor countries must ensure that aid makes a genuine contribution to sustainable development and improved living conditions, rather than serving only their political and economic interests.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the countries of Central Asia in the 1990s, countries such as Switzerland and Belgium quickly became involved in providing development aid to this newly independent region. This period marked an important turning point in world geopolitics, creating new opportunities and challenges in the field of international aid. The involvement of Switzerland and Belgium in Central Asia can be seen from different angles. On the one hand, it is possible that political and strategic motivations influenced their decision to offer aid. By supporting Central Asia, these countries could have sought to strengthen their influence in a resource-rich and strategically located region. This influence could, in turn, have supported their ambitions in international organisations such as the World Bank. However, it is difficult to quantify precisely the extent of aid provided specifically for these political and strategic reasons. On the other hand, Switzerland and Belgium, like many donor countries, have also been motivated by humanitarian and ethical considerations. These countries have a long tradition of commitment to humanitarian aid and international development, guided by principles of solidarity and global responsibility. Development efforts in the fields of health, education, infrastructure and institution building in Central Asian countries reflect this commitment. Historically, Switzerland and Belgium have been consistent but modest contributors to global development aid. According to OECD data, Switzerland, for example, devoted around 0.44% of its GNI to official development assistance in 2019, falling short of the 0.7% target set by the United Nations, but remaining an active player in the field of international development.

International debt: Causes and consequences

During the 1970s and 1980s, a widespread strategy among many developing countries was to borrow from rich countries. These loans were mainly aimed at financing the construction of infrastructure and stimulating economic growth. This period was characterised by relatively easy access to international credit, due in particular to excess liquidity in Western banks following the oil shocks of the 1970s. However, this debt strategy led to unexpected and often serious consequences. High interest rates, combined with exchange rate fluctuations, have increased the cost of servicing debt for these countries. Many of the projects financed by these loans did not generate the expected economic returns, making debt repayment difficult, if not impossible for some. As a result, several countries found themselves in an unsustainable debt cycle, where they had to take out new loans to repay the previous ones.

The economic policies of the time, often inspired by Keynesianism, advocated heavy public spending to stimulate growth. Although these policies were intended to promote development, they frequently led to budget deficits and increased debt without significantly stimulating economic growth. In the 1980s, for example, Latin America saw its external debt quadruple, with the region's debt crisis becoming a major problem for the global economy. The debt crisis of the 1980s led to major intervention by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These institutions made their aid conditional on the launch of structural adjustment programmes, which involved austerity measures, cuts in public spending and major economic reforms. Although these measures were aimed at stabilising economies and restoring solvency, they often had a negative social impact, with cuts in investment in health, education and infrastructure. This period therefore revealed the dangers of excessive dependence on external debt and highlighted the need for more sustainable development policies. It also highlighted the importance of prudent debt management and economic policies tailored to the specific realities of developing countries to avoid similar crises in the future.

The second oil shock in 1979 had profound economic repercussions, particularly for developing countries. The sudden rise in energy prices not only directly affected energy costs but also had a significant impact on the world economy, notably by reducing the supply of dollars on international markets. One of the most notable effects of this shock has been the rise in interest rates. Central banks, particularly the US Federal Reserve, reacted to rising inflation by raising interest rates. This led to a reduction in the availability of credit, making it more difficult and more expensive for developing countries to borrow on international markets.

This has exacerbated existing debt problems for many developing countries. Faced with reduced access to credit and high interest rates, these countries found themselves in a position where they had to borrow more to repay the interest on their existing debts. This created a debt spiral, where borrowing countries found themselves caught in a cycle of successive borrowing to cover repayments of previous debts, leading to an unsustainable debt situation. The economic consequences of this debt spiral have been severe. Many developing countries faced major economic difficulties, including slower economic growth, high inflation rates, and reduced public spending due to debt burdens. This period paved the way for the debt crisis of the 1980s, during which many developing countries were unable to repay or service their external debt, requiring bailouts and structural adjustment programmes led by international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

In the years following the 1980s, there was a notable shift in global economic policies. Whereas Keynesian thinking had predominated for much of the mid-20th century, encouraging active state intervention in the economy to stimulate growth and employment, it began to be supplanted by a neoclassical liberal economic approach. This new orientation emphasised fiscal discipline, debt reduction and free markets. This transition had a considerable impact on developing countries, particularly those struggling with high levels of external debt. Faced with economic crises and growing deficits, these countries often found themselves forced to adopt structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) as a condition for obtaining loans from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, or for restructuring their existing debt. These adjustment programmes had common features, such as cuts in public spending, privatisation of state-owned enterprises, liberalisation of trade and investment, and deregulation of markets. Although the underlying intention of these measures was to stabilise economies and promote long-term growth, they often had immediate negative consequences. For example, budget cuts frequently led to a reduction in essential public services such as health and education, exacerbating social and economic inequalities.

The impact of these policies has been felt throughout the developing world. In Latin America, for example, external debt exploded in the 1980s, rising from $75 billion in 1970 to over $315 billion in 1983, prompting many countries in the region to adopt SAPs. The social effects of these austerity policies were severe, with an increase in poverty and a reduction in access to basic services. Similarly, in Africa, the debt crisis of the 1980s forced many countries to implement SAPs, with similar consequences. These policies have been criticised for favouring the interests of international creditors over the needs of local populations, and for contributing to a loss of economic and political autonomy.

In the 1980s, structural adjustment plans (SAPs) were widely adopted as a solution to debt crises in developing countries. Imposed by international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, these plans aimed to restore economic stability. However, they were strongly criticised for their negative impact on the most disadvantaged populations. These SAPs typically included austerity measures such as drastic cuts in public spending, particularly in essential social sectors such as health and education. These policies were in line with the dominant neo-liberal economic thinking of the time, which advocated reducing the size of the state, liberalising markets and reducing budget deficits. In practice, these measures often led to a reduction in public services, exacerbating social and economic inequalities. For example, in Latin America, a region particularly hard hit by the debt crisis of the 1980s, SAPs have led to rising unemployment and reduced public spending on health and education. In Africa, where the external debt of sub-Saharan countries almost tripled between 1980 and 1986, rising from $61 billion to $178 billion, SAPs also had profound repercussions, with devastating social consequences. These programmes were negotiated between states in financial difficulty and the international financial institutions, which demanded economic reforms and budget cuts in exchange for financial aid. This approach has been widely criticised for exacerbating the economic problems of borrowing countries and for imposing measures that have had a detrimental impact on the most vulnerable populations.

In the 1980s, the adoption of structural adjustment plans (SAPs) in many developing countries, as part of efforts to manage their debt crises, had considerable social and economic repercussions. These plans, often conditioned by institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, have imposed drastic budget cuts, particularly in areas crucial to development such as education and health. These sectors, which are essential to economic and social progress, have suffered significant cuts in funding. In many African countries, for example, the budgets allocated to health and education have been drastically reduced, leading to a decline in the quality and accessibility of services. As a result, inequalities have increased and progress in key areas of development has been hampered. Statistics from this period show an increase in illiteracy rates and a deterioration in health indicators in several countries subject to these adjustments. The implementation of SAPs was also criticised for its Western-centric approach. Many perceived these policies as an imposition of economic and social development models designed by and for Western countries, without taking into account the specific contexts of the borrowing countries. This criticism has focused on the fact that these plans were drawn up without adequate participation by the governments and populations of the countries concerned, reflecting the priorities of the creditors rather than those of the beneficiaries. Moreover, the imposition of these plans by international organisations has often been seen as interference in national sovereignty. The effects of the austerity policies imposed have been particularly devastating for local populations, exacerbating poverty and social inequality. For example, countries such as Bolivia and Nigeria saw their external debts increase significantly during this period, while their economies were subjected to rigorous structural reforms. Since then, awareness has grown of the limitations of this approach. It is recognised that development solutions cannot be effectively imposed from outside, but must be devised in close collaboration with local actors. This evolution has led to a change in development aid practices, favouring a more participatory approach that is adapted to the specific realities of each country. This new orientation recognises the importance of the involvement of governments and local populations in the development process, seeking to promote more inclusive and sustainable policies.

Global geopolitical and economic reorganisation

Since the 1980s, the global political and economic landscape has undergone profound changes. This period has been marked by the rise of new economic powers, notably China, India and other emerging countries, which have begun to exert increasing influence on the international scene. This emergence has challenged old power dynamics and led to a rebalancing of forces in global economic and political relations. The rise of the emerging economies has been accompanied by an intensification of cooperation and competition between developing and developed countries. For example, China's share of the global economy, which was around 2% in the 1980s, has risen to over 16% in 2019, reflecting its rapid rise as a major economic player. Similarly, India, with its sustained economic growth, has also strengthened its presence on the world stage.

The debt crisis of the 1980s played a crucial role in this transformation. Faced with the consequences of Western economic policies and imposed structural adjustment programmes, many developing countries began to look for alternatives for their economic and social development. This period highlighted the limitations of Western models and prompted these countries to explore development paths based on their own realities and potential. In response, developing countries began to establish more diversified and equitable economic and political relations with developed nations, while capitalising on their own growth potential. They invested in education and innovation, and diversified their trading partners to reduce their dependence on traditional markets. These changes have given rise to a new international framework, characterised by growing multipolarity and offering opportunities for fairer, more sustainable development. The rise of new economic powers and the reconfiguration of international relations have paved the way for a world in which developing countries play a more assertive role, contributing to a more balanced and diversified global landscape.

Major changes and geopolitical pivots

In 1978, China began an era of economic reform and modernisation under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, who took over after the death of Mao Zedong. The Four Modernisations movement, launched by Deng, aimed to transform and modernise the main sectors of the Chinese economy - agriculture, industry, national defence, and science and technology. The aim of this initiative was to increase China's economic competitiveness on the international stage. The reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping marked a radical departure from previous Maoist policies. The introduction of elements of a market economy, the partial privatisation of state-owned enterprises, and the opening up of the economy to foreign investment were key aspects of this transformation. These changes have stimulated meteoric economic growth in China, laying the foundations for its future rise as a global economic power. In terms of growth, the Chinese economy has undergone a remarkable expansion. China's GDP, which was around 150 billion dollars in 1978, has increased spectacularly over the following decades, reaching almost 14 trillion dollars in 2019. This growth has been particularly visible in the export sector, where China has established itself as a major player in world trade.

At the same time, the opening up to foreign investment has transformed the Chinese economic landscape, with a significant influx of capital and technology. However, the reforms have also brought considerable social challenges. The transition to a market economy has created growing inequalities, with a widening gap between prosperous urban areas and poorer rural areas. Income disparities and social changes have led to tensions and challenges in terms of social policy and governance. China's economic reforms, initiated as part of the Four Modernisations, have transformed the country in a profound and lasting way. They have propelled China towards rapid economic growth and greater integration into the global economy, while presenting new challenges in terms of social equity and the management of economic transformations. These reforms marked the beginning of China's rise as a world economic power, redefining its role and position in the global context.

In 1986, Vietnam undertook a series of radical economic reforms known as Doi Moi, or Renewal, marking a significant turning point in its economic history. These reforms aimed to modernise the Vietnamese economy by incorporating market elements within a socialist system. The aim was to revitalise an economy that, at the time, was facing serious difficulties, including low productivity, food shortages and high inflation. Key measures under Doi Moi included the decentralisation of economic decision-making, allowing greater autonomy for local businesses and farmers, the partial privatisation of state-owned enterprises, and the opening up of the economy to foreign investment. These reforms marked a significant departure from the strict centralised planning that had previously prevailed, inspired in part by models of economic reform seen in other socialist countries such as China.

Doi Moi had a remarkable impact on Vietnam's economic growth. The country's GDP, which had stagnated in the years preceding the reforms, grew rapidly in the decades that followed. For example, Vietnam's GDP rose from around $6 billion in 1986 to more than $260 billion in 2019, testifying to the economic success of the reforms. Vietnam has become a major player in certain export sectors, and increased foreign investment has helped to modernise the economy. However, these economic changes have also brought new social challenges. Income inequalities have widened, creating a growing gap between rapidly developing urban areas and poorer rural regions. In addition, although the economy liberalised, Vietnam remained a one-party state, with the Vietnamese Communist Party retaining firm control over the political and social aspects of the country. The Doi Moi was a crucial step in Vietnam's economic development, allowing it to integrate more effectively into the global economy and achieve sustained economic growth. However, the reforms also highlighted the need to balance economic growth with social development and to tackle the growing inequalities that often accompany such a transformation.

The year 1989 has gone down in history as a pivotal moment, characterised by radical change and upheaval on a global scale. The most emblematic event of the year was the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, which marked not only the symbolic end of the Cold War, but also initiated a series of profound transformations in global politics, economics and society. The disappearance of the Berlin Wall was more than just a physical event; it symbolised the collapse of the bipolar system that had dominated the world stage for decades. It marked the end of the ideological and geopolitical division between the capitalist West, led by the United States, and the communist East, led by the Soviet Union. In the months and years that followed, this led to a series of political revolutions in Eastern Europe, marking the collapse of communist regimes in the region. The collapse of the Communist bloc ushered in an era of political and economic transformation. Many Eastern European countries began the process of transition to democracy and a market economy. This period saw the reunification of Germany, the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, and the subsequent enlargement of the European Union to include several former communist states. In economic terms, the end of the Cold War ushered in an era of almost unchallenged dominance of the capitalist market economy. Neo-liberal policies gained ground, influencing economic reforms in countries in transition and redefining economic and social policies on a global scale. In terms of international relations, the end of the Cold War led to a reassessment of foreign policies and a reconfiguration of alliances and strategic priorities. The years that followed saw an increase in globalisation, with greater economic integration and cross-border trade and financial flows. 1989 was a pivotal year in world history, marking the end of one era and the beginning of another. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Communist bloc not only reshaped the political map of Europe, but also had a profound and lasting impact on global politics, economics and society, ushering in an era of unprecedented change, challenge and opportunity.

In 1989, another landmark event took place in China: the Tiananmen Square protests in Beijing. These demonstrations, mainly led by students, called for democratic reforms, human rights and freedom of the press. The movement, which began peacefully, took a tragic turn when the Chinese government chose to violently repress it in June 1989. The image of the man standing alone in front of a column of tanks remains a powerful symbol of this event and of the democratic aspirations repressed in China. The Tiananmen crackdown led to widespread international condemnation, with economic and diplomatic sanctions imposed by many countries. The event also highlighted the internal tensions in China between pursuing economic reform and maintaining authoritarian political control. Despite these events, China continued to follow a path that combined a communist political regime with an increasingly liberalised market economy. The economic reforms initiated under Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s continued to bear fruit, leading to rapid economic growth and China's increased integration into the world economy. This growth has been characterised by a massive expansion of the manufacturing sector and a significant increase in exports. Globally, with the exception of a few countries such as Cuba, most former communist countries gradually adopted market economic systems and liberal economic policies after the end of the Cold War. This transition to capitalism was a key factor in the economic globalisation that marked the following decades. Increased cross-border trade and investment transformed the world economy, fostering economic interdependence between nations.

Analysis of development inequalities : Progress and challenges

The Trente Glorieuses period, which stretched from the end of the Second World War to the economic crisis of 1973, was characterised by sustained economic growth in industrialised countries. During this era, nations such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Germany enjoyed a remarkable economic boom, marked by a significant increase in GDP, technological advances and improved living standards. However, this period of prosperity was not evenly distributed across the globe. Developing countries, particularly in Africa, Asia and Latin America, experienced lower rates of economic growth, resulting in a widening development gap between rich and poor nations.

The 1970s and 1980s marked a turning point, with the emergence of economic crises and debt problems, which had a severe impact on developing countries. The 1973 oil crisis, interest rate fluctuations and global economic policies led to increased economic difficulties in these regions, exacerbating inequalities in development. Structural adjustment programmes imposed by the IMF and World Bank, although initially designed to stabilise economies, often had negative social effects, increasing poverty and inequality. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 also had significant consequences for international relations. With the end of the Cold War, Africa and other developing regions lost their status as ideological battlegrounds between the powers of East and West. This led to a decline in the attention and development aid allocated to these regions by the former superpowers, leaving many countries facing development challenges without the international support they had previously received. These factors have combined to widen the development gap between rich and poor countries. Global economic inequalities increased, making it more difficult to combat poverty and eradicate hunger in developing countries. The post-1991 period has therefore been marked by the need to rethink development and international aid strategies in order to respond more effectively to the needs of the most disadvantaged nations.

Despite international efforts to reduce inequalities and development gaps between rich and developing countries, these gaps persist and remain a major challenge in the current global context. According to the latest data, economic disparities between developed and developing countries are still striking. On average, a person living in a developed country has a significantly higher income than a person living in a developing country. This difference can be illustrated by the fact that an individual in a developed country is often around 10 times richer than his or her counterpart in a developing country. These inequalities are not limited to differences between countries, but also exist within developing countries themselves. In many developing countries, there are considerable economic and social disparities between different regions and different social groups. These internal inequalities are often exacerbated by factors such as unequal access to resources, education, healthcare and economic opportunities. Prosperous urban regions can coexist with rural areas where poverty and lack of infrastructure are still pervasive problems. The persistence of these gaps and inequalities underlines the complexity of the development challenges and the need for comprehensive and integrated approaches to address them. It is essential to focus efforts not only on economic growth but also on the equitable distribution of resources and opportunities to ensure sustainable and inclusive development. This means tackling the root causes of inequality and implementing policies that promote equal opportunities for all, regardless of their place of birth, economic status or social background.

Africa, as a continent, has faced many challenges in its development journey over recent decades. Despite abundant natural resources and considerable human potential, many African countries continue to struggle with high levels of poverty, undernourishment and stagnant or insufficient economic growth. Poverty in Africa manifests itself in high rates of material deprivation, limited access to basic services such as education and healthcare, and precarious living conditions. According to the World Bank, a large number of African countries are among the poorest in the world in terms of per capita income. In addition, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations reports that undernourishment and malnutrition remain major problems in several regions of the continent. Development efforts and international aid programmes in Africa have produced mixed results. Although there has been progress in some areas, such as increasing school enrolment rates and improving certain health indicators, the overall pace of development has been uneven and insufficient to overcome deep-rooted structural challenges. Aid programmes have often been criticised for their lack of effectiveness, their inability to respond to the specific needs of local communities, and their over-reliance on donor rather than recipient priorities. Reducing development gaps and improving living conditions in Africa requires a multidimensional and integrated approach. This implies investment in education, infrastructure, health and sustainable economic development, as well as effective and transparent governance. In addition, it is crucial to foster the autonomy and capacity of African communities and nations to lead their own development, by focusing on solutions adapted to local contexts and strengthening the participation of citizens in decision-making processes.

The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the communist bloc in Eastern Europe in the late 1980s and early 1990s marked a decisive turning point in world history. This event brought about a profound change in the global economic and political order, with the transition from a bipolar world to a system dominated by the capitalist market economy. This transition accelerated the process of economic globalisation, characterised by an increase in world trade and capital flows, as well as closer economic and financial integration between nations. However, this move towards a unified global economic system has not led to uniform economic and social conditions across the world. Indeed, economic inequalities, both between nations and within countries, have persisted and, in many cases, even increased. For example, while global GDP has grown considerably since the 1990s, reflecting global economic growth, the benefits of this growth have not been distributed equitably. Developed countries have often benefited more from globalisation, while many developing countries have faced persistent challenges in terms of poverty, limited access to global markets and technology, and vulnerability to economic and financial crises.

Within countries themselves, income inequalities have widened in many parts of the world. For example, in countries such as the United States and China, the concentration of wealth at the top of the economic ladder has increased, with a growing share of income and wealth held by a small elite. This concentration of wealth has been accompanied by stagnating or falling incomes for the middle and lower classes in many countries, exacerbating social and economic disparities. Although the post-Cold War period has seen unprecedented economic expansion and globalisation, it has also been marked by the persistence and deepening of economic inequalities. These inequalities, both between countries and within nations, underline the need for more inclusive and equitable economic and development policies to ensure a fairer distribution of the benefits of global economic growth.

The dynamics of international relations have changed considerably since the end of the Cold War, marking a shift from a bipolar world to a more multipolar world order. The United States, despite maintaining its status as a superpower, is facing the emergence of new influential players who are redefining the global balance of power. The United States, with a GDP of over 20 trillion dollars and military spending in excess of 700 billion dollars annually, remains the world's leading economic and military power. Its influence also extends to culture and technology, where it continues to dominate. However, the rise of China is one of the most significant developments of recent decades. With a GDP approaching 14 trillion dollars, China has become the world's second largest economy and a central player in international trade and investment. Its "Belt and Road" initiative represents an investment of several billion dollars aimed at strengthening its economic links with various regions of the world. India, with a population of over 1.3 billion and a steadily growing GDP, is also establishing itself as a major economic and political player. Latin American and Asian countries such as Brazil and South Korea are also growing in influence, thanks to their expanding economies and active participation in international forums.

Global issues such as climate change and international security require multilateral cooperation. Climate change, for example, is at the centre of global concerns, as demonstrated by the Paris Agreement signed by 196 parties in 2015. Migration and regional conflicts continue to influence foreign policy and international relations, requiring coordinated responses across national borders. The current international landscape is characterised by a more distributed balance of power and increased complexity. The dominance of the United States is now being challenged by the emergence of other economic and political powers, and global challenges require collaborative and multilateral solutions. This new era of international relations calls for agile diplomacy and an inclusive approach to navigating a rapidly changing, interconnected world.

The challenges facing Third World countries in the new world order

Over the last few decades, developing countries have made significant progress in terms of health and education indicators, such as life expectancy and illiteracy rates. These improvements reflect the positive impact of development initiatives and targeted public policies. In terms of life expectancy, there has been a marked increase in many developing countries. According to World Bank data, life expectancy in low-income countries has risen from around 40 years in the 1960s to over 60 years today. This increase is attributable to advances in health care, notably increased access to medical services, vaccination campaigns and improved nutrition. As far as education is concerned, UNESCO has reported a significant reduction in the illiteracy rate worldwide. For example, the adult illiteracy rate has fallen significantly, from 22% in 2000 to around 14% in 2016. This improvement is largely due to increased investment in primary and secondary education, as well as initiatives such as Education for All.

However, despite this progress, economic and social inequalities remain a cause for concern. Income disparities remain high both globally and within countries. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) reports that the richest 20% of the world's population hold over 70% of the world's income. This inequality is also evident within developing countries, where the gaps between urban and rural areas, as well as regional disparities, remain significant. In addition, economic and financial crises often have a disproportionate impact on vulnerable populations in developing countries. The 2008 financial crisis, for example, led to an increase in poverty and a slowdown in economic growth in several regions. These crises highlight the need to strengthen economic resilience and put in place effective social safety nets.

To continue to improve living conditions in developing countries, it is crucial to maintain the focus on inclusive and sustainable policies. This means continued investment in key areas such as health, education and infrastructure, as well as efforts to reduce inequalities and promote equitable economic development. International collaboration and commitment to development aid remain essential to support these efforts and ensure a better future for people in developing countries.