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| Based on a lecture by Michel Oris<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref>
| | 根据米歇尔-奥利斯（Michel Oris）的课程改编<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref> |
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| |[[Economic and social history of globalisation, 16th-21st centuries]] | | |[[全球化的经济和社会史，16-21 世纪]] |
| |[[Agrarian Structures and Rural Society: Analysis of the Preindustrial European Peasantry]] ● [[The demographic regime of the Ancien Régime: homeostasis]] ● [[Evolution of Socioeconomic Structures in the Eighteenth Century: From the Ancien Régime to Modernity]] ● [[Origins and causes of the English industrial revolution]] ● [[Structural mechanisms of the industrial revolution]] ● [[The spread of the Industrial Revolution in continental Europe]] ● [[The Industrial Revolution beyond Europe: the United States and Japan]] ● [[The social costs of the Industrial Revolution]] ● [[Historical Analysis of the Cyclical Phases of the First Globalisation]] ● [[Dynamics of National Markets and the Globalisation of Product Trade]] ● [[The Formation of Global Migration Systems]] ● [[Dynamics and Impacts of the Globalisation of Money Markets : The Central Role of Great Britain and France]] ● [[The Transformation of Social Structures and Relations during the Industrial Revolution]] ● [[The Origins of the Third World and the Impact of Colonisation]] ● [[Failures and Obstacles in the Third World]] ● [[Changing Methods of Work: Evolving Production Relationships from the End of the Nineteenth to the Middle of the Twentieth Century]] ● [[The Golden Age of the Western Economy: The Thirty Glorious Years (1945-1973)]] ● [[The Changing World Economy: 1973-2007]] ● [[The Challenges of the Welfare State]] ● [[Around colonisation: fears and hopes for development]] ● [[Time of Ruptures: Challenges and Opportunities in the International Economy]] ● [[Globalisation and modes of development in the "third world"]] | | |[[地结构与乡村社会： 前工业化时期欧洲农民分析]] ● [[旧政体的人口制度：平衡状态]] ● [[十八世纪社会经济结构的演变： 从旧制度到现代性]] ● [[英国工业革命的起源和原因]]] ● [[工业革命的结构机制]] ● [[工业革命在欧洲大陆的传播]] ● [[欧洲以外的工业革命：美国和日本]] ● [[工业革命的社会成本]] ● [[第一次全球化周期阶段的历史分析]] ● [[各国市场的动态和产品贸易的全球化]] ● [[全球移民体系的形成]] ● [[货币市场全球化的动态和影响：英国和法国的核心作用]] ● [[工业革命时期社会结构和社会关系的变革]] ● [[第三世界的起源和殖民化的影响]] ● [[第三世界的失败与障碍]] ● [[不断变化的工作方法： 十九世纪末至二十世纪中叶不断演变的生产关系]] ● [[西方经济的黄金时代： 辉煌三十年（1945-1973 年）]] ● [[变化中的世界经济：1973-2007 年]] ● [[福利国家的挑战]] ● [[围绕殖民化：对发展的担忧和希望]] ● [[断裂的时代：国际经济的挑战与机遇]] ● [[全球化与 "第三世界 "的发展模式]] |
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| This course aims to provide a detailed and structured analysis of the structural mechanisms that enabled the rise of the Industrial Revolution, beginning in the late eighteenth century. We will look at the early development of industry with a focus on how modest technological advances and accessible initial investment laid the foundations for the transformation of society. We will begin with an in-depth examination of small manufacturing firms in England, highlighting how they benefited from a low cost of entry, facilitating the emergence of a new class of entrepreneurs. We will examine the variable but often high profit rates of these early firms and their role in promoting continuous reinvestment and innovation. We will then explore the evolution of transport infrastructure and its impact on firm size and scope, ranging from protective isolation from local markets to increased competition brought about by lower transport costs. Particular attention will be paid to the social consequences of industrialisation, including precarious working conditions, the use of women's and children's labour, and the social mobility resulting from industrialisation. An examination of patterns of industrial development and their spread across Europe will complete our analysis, enabling us to understand the influence of the Industrial Revolution on the global economy. In summary, the aim of this course is to examine the many facets of the Industrial Revolution in a descriptive and methodical way, highlighting the economic, technological, social and human dynamics that marked this fundamental period.
| | 本课程旨在从十八世纪末开始，对促成工业革命兴起的结构性机制进行详细而有条理的分析。我们将着眼于工业的早期发展，重点分析适度的技术进步和可获得的初始投资如何为社会变革奠定了基础。首先，我们将深入研究英格兰的小型制造企业，重点探讨这些企业如何从低进入成本中获益，从而促进新企业家阶层的出现。我们将研究这些早期企业不固定但往往很高的利润率，以及它们在促进持续再投资和创新方面的作用。然后，我们将探讨交通基础设施的演变及其对企业规模和范围的影响，包括从保护性隔离当地市场到降低运输成本带来的竞争加剧。我们将特别关注工业化的社会后果，包括不稳定的工作条件、妇女和儿童劳动力的使用，以及工业化带来的社会流动性。对工业发展模式及其在欧洲的传播进行研究将完成我们的分析，使我们能够理解工业革命对全球经济的影响。总之，本课程的目的是以描述性和有条理的方式研究工业革命的方方面面，强调标志着这一重要时期的经济、技术、社会和人文动态。 |
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| [[Fichier:Carnegie steel ohio panorama.jpg|center|1000px|vignette|Mass industrialisation: panorama of the Andrew Carnegie ironworks in Youngstown, Ohio, 1910.]] | | [[Fichier:Carnegie steel ohio panorama.jpg|center|1000px|vignette|Mass industrialisation: panorama of the Andrew Carnegie ironworks in Youngstown, Ohio, 1910.]] |
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| = Low investment costs = | | = 投资成本低 = |
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| The start of the First Industrial Revolution, which took place in the second half of the 18th century, began with a relatively limited level of technology and low capital intensity compared with what it later became. Initially, the companies were often small, and the technologies, although innovative for the time, did not require such massive investments as those needed for the factories of the late Victorian era. The textile industries, for example, were among the first to become mechanised, but early machines such as the spinning jenny or the power loom could be operated in small workshops or even in homes (as was done in the "putting-out" or "domestic system"). James Watt's steam engine, although a significant advance, was initially adopted on a relatively modest scale before becoming the driving force behind large factories and transport. This was partly because production systems were still in transition. Manufacturing was often still a small-scale activity, and although the use of machines enabled an increase in production, it did not initially require the huge facilities that we associate with the later industrial revolution. Moreover, the first phase of the Industrial Revolution was characterised by incremental innovations, which allowed for gradual increases in productivity without requiring huge capital outlays. Companies could often self-finance their growth or rely on family or local financing networks, without the need to resort to developed financial markets or large-scale borrowing. However, as the revolution progressed, the complexity and cost of machinery increased, as did the size of industrial plants. This led to an intensification of the need for capital, the development of dedicated financial institutions, and the emergence of practices such as raising capital via shares or bonds to finance larger industrial projects.
| | 第一次工业革命开始于 18 世纪下半叶，与后来的工业革命相比，当时的技术水平相对有限，资本密集度也较低。起初，企业通常规模较小，技术虽然在当时具有创新性，但并不需要像维多利亚时代后期的工厂那样进行大规模投资。例如，纺织业是最早实现机械化的行业之一，但纺纱机或动力织布机等早期机器可以在小作坊甚至在家中操作（如 "放线 "或 "家用系统"）。詹姆斯-瓦特的蒸汽机虽然是一项重大进步，但在成为大型工厂和运输业的驱动力之前，最初的应用规模相对较小。部分原因是当时的生产系统仍处于转型期。制造业通常仍是一种小规模活动，虽然机器的使用使生产得以提高，但最初并不需要我们后来工业革命所需的庞大设施。此外，工业革命第一阶段的特点是渐进式创新，这使得生产率可以逐步提高，而不需要巨额资本支出。企业往往可以自筹资金，或依靠家庭或当地的融资网络实现增长，而无需求助于发达的金融市场或大规模借贷。然而，随着革命的推进，机器的复杂性和成本不断增加，工业厂房的规模也在扩大。这导致对资金的需求增加，专门的金融机构发展起来，并出现了通过股票或债券筹集资金的做法，以资助大型工业项目。 |
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| Self-financing capacity at the end of the 18th century reflected the unique economic conditions of the time. The relatively low cost of initial investment in the first factories enabled individuals from the artisan or petty bourgeois classes to become industrial entrepreneurs. These entrepreneurs were often able to raise the necessary capital without recourse to large loans or significant outside investment. The low cost of technology at the time, which relied mainly on wood and simple metal, made initial investments relatively affordable. What's more, the skills needed to build and operate the first machines were often derived from traditional crafts. As a result, although specialised labour was needed, it did not require the level of training that later technologies did. This meant that labour costs remained relatively low, especially when compared with the wage and skill levels required to operate the advanced industrial technologies of the mid-20th century. This was in stark contrast to the situation in Third World countries in the mid-20th century, where the introduction of industrial technologies required a much higher level of capital and skills, beyond the reach of most local workers and even local entrepreneurs without external assistance. The investment required to start up an industrial activity in these developing countries was often so large that it could only be covered by state funding, international loans or foreign direct investment. The initial success of entrepreneurs during the British Industrial Revolution was therefore facilitated by this combination of low cost of entry and adapted craft skills, which created an environment conducive to innovation and industrial growth. This led to the formation of a new social class of industrialists, who played a leading role in driving forward industrialisation.
| | 18 世纪末的自筹资金能力反映了当时独特的经济条件。第一批工厂的初始投资成本相对较低，这使得来自工匠或小资产阶级阶层的个人能够成为工业企业家。这些企业家往往能够筹集到必要的资本，而无需求助于大额贷款或大量外部投资。当时的技术主要依靠木材和简单的金属，成本较低，因此初始投资相对较低。此外，制造和操作第一批机器所需的技能往往来自传统工艺。因此，虽然需要专门的劳动力，但并不需要像后来的技术那样进行培训。这意味着劳动力成本相对较低，尤其是与 20 世纪中期先进工业技术所需的工资和技能水平相比。这与 20 世纪中期第三世界国家的情况形成了鲜明对比，在这些国家，引进工业技术所需的资本和技能水平要高得多，大多数当地工人甚至是当地企业家在没有外部援助的情况下都无法企及。在这些发展中国家，启动一项工业活动所需的投资往往非常巨大，只能通过国家资助、国际贷款或外国直接投资来解决。因此，在英国工业革命期间，创业者最初的成功得益于低进入成本和适应性工艺技能的结合，这为创新和工业增长创造了有利环境。这导致形成了一个由实业家组成的新社会阶层，他们在推动工业化进程中发挥了主导作用。 |
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| In the early stages of the Industrial Revolution, plant requirements were relatively modest. Existing buildings, such as barns or sheds, could be easily converted into production spaces without requiring heavy investment in construction or fitting out. This contrasted with later industrial facilities, which were often vast factories specially designed to accommodate complex production lines and large teams of workers. As for circulating capital, i.e. the funds needed to cover current expenses such as raw materials, wages and operating costs, it was often higher than the investment in fixed capital (machinery and plant). Companies could use bank loans to finance these operating costs. Banks at the time were generally prepared to grant credit on the basis of title to raw materials, semi-finished or finished products, which could be used as collateral. The credit system was already quite developed in England at this time, with established financial institutions able to provide the working capital needed by industrial entrepreneurs. In addition, payment terms in the supply chain - for example, buying raw materials on credit and paying suppliers after selling the finished product - also helped to finance working capital. It is important to note that access to credit played a crucial role in the development of the industry. It allowed companies to rapidly expand production and take advantage of market opportunities without having to accumulate large amounts of upstream capital. This facilitated the rapid and sustained economic growth that became characteristic of the industrial period.
| | 在工业革命的早期阶段，对厂房的要求相对较低。现有的建筑物，如谷仓或棚屋，可以很容易地改造成生产空间，而不需要在建筑或装修方面进行大量投资。这与后来的工业设施形成了鲜明对比，后者通常是为容纳复杂的生产线和庞大的工人队伍而专门设计的大型工厂。至于循环资本，即支付原材料、工资和运营成本等经常性开支所需的资金，往往高于固定资本（机器和厂房）的投资。公司可以利用银行贷款来支付这些运营成本。当时的银行一般都愿意以原材料、半成品或成品的所有权作为抵押发放贷款。此时，英国的信贷系统已经相当发达，成熟的金融机构能够为工业企业家提供所需的营运资金。此外，供应链中的付款条件--例如，赊购原材料并在出售成品后向供应商付款--也有助于为营运资本融资。值得注意的是，获得信贷在工业发展中发挥了至关重要的作用。它使企业能够迅速扩大生产，利用市场机会，而无需积累大量上游资本。这促进了快速、持续的经济增长，而这正是工业时期的特征。 |
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| The reinvestment of the profits generated by the Industrial Revolution was one of the driving forces behind its spread beyond British borders. These profits, which were often substantial due to the improved efficiency and productivity brought about by new technologies and the expansion of markets, were allocated to a variety of purposes. On the one hand, manufacturers injected part of these sums into technological innovation, acquiring new machines and perfecting production processes. This led to a virtuous spiral of continuous improvement, with each advance generating more profits to reinvest. At the same time, the search for new markets and cheaper sources of raw materials encouraged British companies to expand internationally. This expansionism often took the form of investment in the colonies or other regions, where they established industries or financed industrial projects, thus transplanting British practices and capital. Infrastructure, essential to industrialisation, also benefited from these profits. Rail networks, canals and ports were developed or improved, not only in the UK but also abroad, making trade and industrial production more efficient. In addition to these direct investments, British colonial influence served as a vehicle for the spread of technology and industrial methods. This created a favourable ecosystem for the expansion of industrialisation in the colonies, which in turn provided the essential raw materials to supply British factories. In the area of international trade, surplus capital enabled UK companies to increase their global footprint, exporting manufactured goods in large quantities while importing the resources needed to produce them. Finally, the mobility of engineers, entrepreneurs and skilled workers, often financed by industrial profits, facilitated the exchange of skills and know-how between nations. These technology transfers have played a key role in the generalisation of industrial practices across the world. All these factors combined to make the Industrial Revolution a global phenomenon, transforming not only national economies but also international relations and the global economic structure.
| | 将工业革命产生的利润进行再投资，是工业革命向英国境外扩展的推动力之一。由于新技术和市场扩张带来了效率和生产力的提高，这些利润往往十分可观，它们被分配用于各种用途。一方面，制造商将其中部分资金投入技术创新，购置新机器，完善生产流程。这导致了不断改进的良性循环，每一次进步都会产生更多的利润用于再投资。与此同时，对新市场和廉价原材料来源的寻求也鼓励英国公司进行国际扩张。这种扩张主义通常采取在殖民地或其他地区投资的形式，在那里建立工业或资助工业项目，从而移植英国的做法和资本。对工业化至关重要的基础设施也从这些利润中获益。不仅在英国，而且在国外，铁路网、运河和港口都得到了发展或改善，从而提高了贸易和工业生产的效率。除了这些直接投资，英国的殖民影响也成为传播技术和工业方法的工具。这为殖民地工业化的扩张创造了有利的生态系统，而殖民地又为英国工厂提供了必需的原材料。在国际贸易领域，剩余资本使英国公司能够扩大其全球足迹，大量出口制成品，同时进口生产这些产品所需的资源。最后，工程师、企业家和技术工人的流动（通常由工业利润提供资金）促进了国家间的技能和诀窍交流。这些技术转让在全球工业实践的普及中发挥了关键作用。所有这些因素结合在一起，使工业革命成为一种全球现象，不仅改变了国家经济，也改变了国际关系和全球经济结构。 |
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| = High profits = | | = 高利润 = |
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| The high profit rates recorded during the First Industrial Revolution, often between 20% and 30% depending on the sector, were decisive for capital accumulation and economic growth at the time. These high profit margins provided companies with the means to reinvest and sustain industrial expansion, enabling sustained growth and the development of increasingly sophisticated industrial infrastructures. When we compare these profit rates with those of the 1950s, which fell to around 10%, and even lower in the 1970s, to around 5%, it is clear that the early industrial entrepreneurs had a considerable advantage. This advantage enabled them to reinvest significant sums in their businesses, explore new industrial opportunities and constantly innovate. This spirit of capital accumulation and reinvestment was a key driver of industrialisation. It was made possible not only by the economic benefits, but also by a certain ethos that prevailed in England during this period. The idea that money should be used productively, to stimulate employment and wealth creation, was a guiding principle that shaped British society. The relatively modest initial capital, which could be raised by individuals or small groups of investors, enabled a first wave of industrial activity. However, it was the profits from these early ventures that fuelled more substantial investment and led to a rapid expansion of industrial capacity and economic development as a whole. This virtuous circle of investment and innovation accelerated the process of industrialisation, leading to technological advances, increased production and, ultimately, a profound transformation of society and the economy.
| | 第一次工业革命期间记录的高利润率（根据行业不同，通常在 20% 至 30% 之间）对当时的资本积累和经济增长起着决定性作用。这些高利润率为企业提供了再投资和维持工业扩张的手段，从而实现了持续增长，并发展了日益完善的工业基础设施。与 20 世纪 50 年代下降到 10%左右、70 年代下降到 5%左右的利润率相比，早期的工业企业家显然具有相当大的优势。这种优势使他们能够将大量资金再投资于企业，探索新的产业机会，并不断创新。这种资本积累和再投资的精神是工业化的主要推动力。这不仅得益于经济利益，也得益于这一时期英国盛行的某种风气。资金应该用于生产，以刺激就业和创造财富，这一理念是塑造英国社会的指导原则。个人或小团体投资者可以筹集到相对较少的初始资本，从而推动了第一波工业活动。然而，正是这些早期企业的利润推动了更大规模的投资，并导致工业能力和整体经济发展的迅速扩张。这种投资和创新的良性循环加速了工业化进程，带来了技术进步和生产增长，并最终导致社会和经济的深刻变革。 |
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| = Company size = | | = 公司规模 = |
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| == The absence of an optimum or minimum size == | | == 没有最佳或最小尺寸 == |
| Comparing entrepreneurial dynamics between the period of the Industrial Revolution and the present day highlights the changing economies and contexts in which businesses operate. During the Industrial Revolution, the low cost of entry into the industrial sector enabled many small businesses to emerge. The low cost of the technologies of the time, which were mainly mechanical and often powered by water or steam, combined with an abundance of cheap labour, created an environment where even businesses with little capital could start up and prosper. Growing demand, driven by urbanisation and population growth, as well as the absence of strict regulations, also favoured the emergence and growth of these small businesses. On the other hand, in today's world, the size of a company can be a determining factor in its resilience to crises. High fixed costs, advanced technologies, strict regulatory standards and intense international competition require substantial investment and a capacity to adapt that small businesses may find difficult to deploy. Labour, which has become more expensive as a result of rising living standards and social regulations, also represents a much more significant cost for today's businesses. As a result, the current trend is towards business concentration, where larger companies can benefit from economies of scale, easier access to finance and an ability to influence the market and withstand periods of economic downturn. However, it is important to note that today's entrepreneurial ecosystem is also very dynamic, with technology start-ups and innovative companies that, despite their sometimes modest size, can disrupt entire markets thanks to radical innovations and the agility of their structure.
| | 比较工业革命时期与当今的创业动态，可以凸显经济和企业运营环境的变化。在工业革命时期，进入工业领域的低成本使许多小企业得以出现。当时的技术以机械为主，通常以水或蒸汽为动力，成本低廉，再加上大量廉价劳动力，创造了一个即使资金很少的企业也能起步和繁荣的环境。城市化和人口增长带来的需求增长，以及缺乏严格的法规，也有利于这些小企业的出现和发展。另一方面，在当今世界，公司的规模可能是其抵御危机能力的决定性因素。高昂的固定成本、先进的技术、严格的监管标准和激烈的国际竞争，都需要大量投资和适应能力，而小企业可能很难做到这一点。由于生活水平和社会法规的提高，劳动力变得更加昂贵，这对今天的企业来说也是一项更为重要的成本。因此，目前的趋势是企业集中化，大型企业可以从规模经济中获益，更容易获得资金，并有能力影响市场和抵御经济衰退时期。不过，必须指出的是，当今的创业生态系统也非常活跃，新成立的技术公司和创新型公司尽管有时规模不大，但凭借激进的创新和灵活的结构，可以颠覆整个市场。 |
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| == The Krupp example == | | == 克虏伯公司的例子 == |
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| [[Image:Alfred Krupp.jpg|thumb|180px|right|Alfred Krupp.]] | | [[Image:Alfred Krupp.jpg|thumb|180px|right|阿尔弗雷德-克虏伯（Alfred Krupp）。]] |
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| The case of Krupp is a perfect illustration of the transition that has taken place in the industrial landscape since the Industrial Revolution. Founded in 1811, Krupp began as a small company and grew to become an international industrial conglomerate, symbolising the growth potential that characterised this era of economic transformation. At the start of the Industrial Revolution, the flexibility of small businesses was an advantage in a rapidly changing market, where technical innovations could be quickly adopted and implemented. In addition, the often lax regulatory framework allowed small entities to thrive without the administrative and financial burdens that can accompany large companies in modern economies. However, as the industrial age progressed, factors such as the development of transport systems (rail, sea, road) and the globalisation of trade began to favour companies capable of producing on a large scale and distributing their products more widely. These companies, such as Krupp, were able to invest in heavy infrastructure, adopt cutting-edge technologies, extend their grip on supply chains and access international markets, giving them a competitive advantage over smaller companies. Krupp's rise reflects this dynamic. The company was able to move with the times, evolving from an iron foundry to a multinational steel and armaments producer, capitalising on wars, the growing demand for steel for construction and general industrialisation, as well as technological innovations. Against this backdrop, small businesses faced major challenges. Without access to the same level of resources, they have found it difficult to compete in terms of price, efficiency and market reach. Many have been absorbed by larger entities or have had to specialise in niches to survive. The ability to withstand crises became an attribute associated with size, and large companies like Krupp were better equipped to deal with economic volatility, wars, financial crises and political change. Their size enabled them to absorb shocks, diversify risks and plan for the long term, a capacity less accessible to smaller companies. Krupp's trajectory is therefore part of the broader logic of industrial and economic development, where corporate structures have had to adapt to the new realities of a rapidly changing world.
| | 克虏伯公司的案例完美地诠释了工业革命以来工业格局的转变。克虏伯公司成立于 1811 年，从一家小公司发展成为一家国际工业集团，象征着这个经济转型时代的增长潜力。在工业革命初期，小企业的灵活性是其在瞬息万变的市场中的优势，技术创新可以被迅速采用和实施。此外，通常宽松的监管框架也使小型实体得以茁壮成长，而无需承担现代经济体中大公司可能面临的行政和财务负担。然而，随着工业时代的到来，运输系统（铁路、海运、公路）的发展和贸易全球化等因素开始有利于有能力进行大规模生产和更广泛分销产品的公司。这些公司（如克虏伯）能够投资于大型基础设施，采用尖端技术，扩大对供应链的控制，并进入国际市场，从而使它们比小型公司更具竞争优势。克虏伯的崛起反映了这一动态。该公司能够与时俱进，从一家铸铁厂发展成为跨国钢铁和军备生产商，充分利用了战争、建筑钢材需求的增长、总体工业化以及技术创新。在此背景下，小企业面临着重大挑战。由于无法获得同等水平的资源，它们发现很难在价格、效率和市场覆盖面方面进行竞争。许多企业被大型企业吞并，或不得不专攻利基市场以求生存。抵御危机的能力成为与规模相关的一个属性，像克虏伯这样的大公司更有能力应对经济动荡、战争、金融危机和政治变革。它们的规模使其能够吸收冲击、分散风险并进行长期规划，而这种能力较小的公司较难具备。因此，克虏伯的发展轨迹是更广泛的工业和经济发展逻辑的一部分，企业结构必须适应快速变化的世界的新现实。 |
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| = Transport costs = | | = 运输费用 = |
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| == High costs: an advantage in the early stages of industrialisation == | | == 高成本：工业化初期的优势 == |
| Before the spread of steamboats and the development of railways, the high cost of transport had a significant impact on industrial and commercial structure. Factories tended to produce for local markets, as it was often too expensive to transport goods over long distances. This period saw the proliferation of small, scattered factories, which met the immediate needs of the local population, with each region often developing its own specialities based on the resources and skills available. Industrial production took place close to sources of raw materials such as coal and iron ore to minimise transport costs. This constraint also stimulated significant investment in transport infrastructure, such as canals and railways, and encouraged the improvement of existing roads. When railways became commonplace and steamboats became widespread, the dynamic changed radically. Transport became cheaper and faster, allowing larger, centralised factories to mass-produce and sell their products in wider markets, benefiting from economies of scale. This began to squeeze out small local factories that couldn't compete with the large-scale production and widespread distribution of the big companies, profoundly transforming the industrial economy.
| | 在蒸汽船普及和铁路发展之前，高昂的运输成本对工业和商业结构产生了重大影响。由于长途运输成本过高，工厂倾向于为当地市场生产。在这一时期，小型、分散的工厂大量涌现，它们满足当地居民的直接需求，每个地区往往根据现有的资源和技能发展自己的特色产业。工业生产靠近煤炭和铁矿石等原材料产地，以最大限度地降低运输成本。这种限制也刺激了对运输基础设施（如运河和铁路）的大量投资，并鼓励改善现有道路。随着铁路的普及和蒸汽船的推广，运输方式发生了根本性的变化。运输变得更便宜、更快捷，从而使规模更大、更集中的工厂能够大规模生产，并在更广阔的市场上销售产品，从规模经济中获益。这开始挤压那些无法与大公司的大规模生产和广泛分销竞争的地方小工厂，从而深刻地改变了工业经济。 |
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| High transport costs at the start of the Industrial Revolution effectively created a form of natural protectionism, shielding local infant industries from competition from larger, more established firms. These transport costs acted as unofficial barriers, isolating markets and allowing companies to concentrate on supplying demand in their immediate vicinity. In those days, competition was essentially local; a company only needed to compete within a limited area, where prohibitive transport costs acted as a barrier to distant competition. In its early stages, the Industrial Revolution was strongly marked by its local and regional character. In England, for example, it was the Lancashire region around Manchester that was the cradle of many industrial innovations and developments. Similarly, in France, the Nord and Alsace regions became key industrial centres, as did Catalonia in Spain and New England in the United States. These regions benefited from their own favourable conditions for industrialisation, such as access to raw materials, craft skills and capital. On an international scale, these same transport costs played a crucial role in protecting continental European industries from British industrial supremacy. England, a pioneer of industrialisation with a significant technical lead, could not easily flood the rest of Europe with its products because of these high transport costs. This offered a respite to industries on the continent, allowing them to develop and advance technologically without being swamped by British competition. In this context, high transport costs had a paradoxical impact: they restricted trade and the spread of innovation, but at the same time they encouraged industrial diversification and the development of local capabilities. This is what enabled many regions of Europe and North America to lay the foundations for their own industrial development before the era of globalised trade and large-scale distribution.
| | 工业革命初期高昂的运输成本有效地形成了一种自然保护主义，使地方新兴产业免受规模更大、更成熟企业的竞争。这些运输成本起到了非官方壁垒的作用，隔离了市场，使企业能够集中精力满足周边的需求。在那个时代，竞争基本上是地方性的；公司只需要在有限的区域内竞争，高昂的运输成本成为远距离竞争的障碍。在早期阶段，工业革命具有强烈的地方性和区域性特征。例如，在英国，曼彻斯特周围的兰开夏地区是许多工业创新和发展的摇篮。同样，在法国，北部和阿尔萨斯地区成为重要的工业中心，西班牙的加泰罗尼亚和美国的新英格兰也是如此。这些地区得益于自身工业化的有利条件，如获得原材料、工艺技能和资本。在国际范围内，同样的运输成本在保护欧洲大陆工业免受英国工业霸权影响方面发挥了至关重要的作用。英国是工业化的先驱，在技术上遥遥领先，但由于运输成本高昂，其产品无法轻易涌入欧洲其他国家。这为欧洲大陆的工业提供了喘息的机会，使其能够在技术上发展和进步，而不被英国的竞争所淹没。在这种情况下，高昂的运输成本产生了自相矛盾的影响：它限制了贸易和创新的传播，但同时也鼓励了工业多样化和本地能力的发展。这使得欧洲和北美的许多地区能够在全球化贸易和大规模分销时代到来之前为自身的工业发展奠定基础。 |
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| The development of transport infrastructure, particularly railways, in the second half of the 19th century considerably reduced travel costs and times. The train, in particular, revolutionised the transport of goods and people, making it possible to trade over longer distances and at much lower cost than traditional methods such as transport by cart, horse or waterway. This reduction in transport costs had a major impact on industrial organisation. Smaller industries, which had thrived in a context of high transport costs and were therefore protected from outside competition, began to feel the pressure of larger, technologically advanced companies capable of mass production. These large companies could now extend their commercial reach, distributing their products to much wider markets. With the railway, large companies could not only reach distant markets, but also benefit from economies of scale by centralising their production in larger factories, which reduced their unit costs. This meant that they could offer their products at prices that small local industries, with their higher cost structures, could not compete with. It was against this backdrop that many small businesses were forced to close or transform, while previously isolated industrial regions were integrated into a national and even international economy. The industrial landscape was reshaped, favouring areas with privileged access to new transport infrastructures, and laying the foundations for the globalisation of markets that we know today.
| | 19 世纪下半叶，交通基础设施，特别是铁路的发展大大降低了旅行成本和时间。尤其是火车，它彻底改变了货物和人员的运输方式，使长距离贸易成为可能，而且与传统的车、马或水路运输方式相比，成本要低得多。运输成本的降低对工业组织产生了重大影响。小型工业曾在运输成本高昂的环境下蓬勃发展，并因此免受外部竞争的影响，但现在它们开始感受到能够进行大规模生产的技术先进的大型公司所带来的压力。这些大公司现在可以扩大其商业范围，将其产品分销到更广阔的市场。有了铁路，大公司不仅可以进入遥远的市场，还可以通过将生产集中到更大的工厂来降低单位成本，从而从规模经济中获益。这意味着它们可以以较高的成本结构提供本地小型企业无法竞争的产品价格。正是在这种背景下，许多小企业被迫关闭或转型，而以前孤立的工业地区则融入了国家甚至国际经济。工业版图被重塑，新的交通基础设施为拥有特权的地区提供了便利，为我们今天所熟知的市场全球化奠定了基础。 |
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| = Social conditions relating to employment = | | = 与就业有关的社会条件 = |
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| [[Fichier:Lh1 03.jpg|vignette|right|200px|La Houve colliery at Creutzwald (Lorraine).]] | | [[Fichier:Lh1 03.jpg|vignette|right|200px|位于 Creutzwald（洛林）的 La Houve 煤矿。]] |
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| The Industrial Revolution brought about profound changes in social structure, notably through the movement of people from the countryside to the cities. This massive movement was largely due to enclosures in England, for example, which pushed many peasants off their traditional land, as well as to agricultural transformations that reduced the need for labour. Landless peasants and those who had lost their livelihood as a result of the introduction of new farming methods or mechanisation found themselves looking for work in the cities, where the emerging industrial factories needed labour. This migration was not motivated by the lure of social betterment, but by necessity. Jobs in industry often offered low wages and difficult working conditions. The absence of social legislation at the time meant that workers had very little protection: they worked long hours in dangerous and unhealthy conditions, with no job security, no insurance against accidents at work, and no right to retirement. Historians often speak of "negative social fluidity" during this period to describe the phenomenon where individuals, far from climbing the social ladder, were instead drawn into a precarious and often exploitative working environment. Despite this, for many, factory work represented the only opportunity to earn a living, even if it meant enduring difficult conditions. It was only gradually, often as a result of crises, trade union struggles and political pressure, that governments began to introduce laws to protect workers. The first laws on child labour, working conditions, working hours and safety laid the foundations for the social protection systems we know today. But these changes took time and many suffered before these protections were introduced.
| | 工业革命带来了社会结构的深刻变化，特别是人口从农村向城市的流动。这种大规模的人口流动主要是由于英格兰的圈地运动，该运动将许多农民从传统的土地上赶了出来，同时农业变革也减少了对劳动力的需求。无地农民和那些因采用新的耕作方法或机械化而失去生计的人发现自己正在城市寻找工作，因为那里新兴的工业工厂需要劳动力。这种迁移并非出于改善社会的诱惑，而是出于生活所迫。工业领域的工作往往工资低、工作条件艰苦。当时缺乏社会立法，这意味着工人几乎得不到任何保护：他们在危险和不健康的条件下长时间工作，没有工作保障，没有工伤保险，也没有退休权。历史学家经常提到这一时期的 "消极社会流动性"，以描述这样一种现象，即个人非但不能攀登社会阶梯，反而被卷入不稳定的、往往是剥削性的工作环境。尽管如此，对许多人来说，工厂工作是谋生的唯一机会，即使这意味着要忍受艰苦的条件。往往是在危机、工会斗争和政治压力下，各国政府才逐渐开始出台保护工人的法律。第一批关于童工、工作条件、工作时间和安全的法律为我们今天所熟知的社会保障体系奠定了基础。但是，这些变革需要时间，许多人在这些保护措施出台之前就已经遭受了苦难。 |
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| Working conditions during the Industrial Revolution reflected the market dynamics of the time, when an oversupply of labour allowed employers to charge very low wages. Women and children were often employed because they constituted an even cheaper workforce than adult men and because they were generally less inclined to unionise and demand better working conditions. These groups were often paid a fraction of what adult men were paid, which further increased the companies' profit margins. In this context, the wages paid to the workers were often no more than the subsistence minimum, calculated according to what was strictly necessary for the survival of the worker and his family. This approach, sometimes described as a "subsistence wage", left little room for personal savings or improved living standards. A direct consequence of the lack of regulation and social protection was a system where lower wages could be used as a lever to increase profit margins. The entrepreneurs of the Industrial Revolution, often praised for their ingenuity and entrepreneurial spirit, also benefited from a system where production costs could be squeezed to the detriment of workers' welfare. The fact that profits did not have to be shared meant that factory owners could reinvest more of their profits in expanding their businesses, buying new machinery and improving production processes. This undoubtedly contributed to the acceleration of industrialisation and overall economic growth, but this growth came at a high social cost. It took decades of workers' struggles, social activism and legislative reforms to begin to create a more balanced and fair working environment, where workers enjoyed protections and a fairer share of the fruits of economic growth.
| | 工业革命时期的工作条件反映了当时的市场动态，劳动力供过于求使得雇主可以收取极低的工资。妇女和儿童经常被雇用，因为他们是比成年男子更廉价的劳动力，而且他们一般不太愿意组织工会和要求更好的工作条件。这些群体的工资往往只是成年男子工资的一小部分，这进一步提高了公司的利润率。在这种情况下，支付给工人的工资往往不超过维持生计的最低标准，即根据工人及其家庭生存的严格需要来计算。这种方法有时被称为 "维持生计的工资"，几乎没有个人储蓄或提高生活水平的余地。缺乏监管和社会保障的一个直接后果是，在这种制度下，较低的工资可以被用作提高利润率的杠杆。工业革命时期的企业家们往往因其独创性和企业家精神而备受赞誉，他们也从这种可以压低生产成本、损害工人福利的制度中获益。利润无需分享这一事实意味着工厂主可以将更多利润再投资于扩大业务、购买新机器和改进生产流程。这无疑促进了工业化的加速和整体经济的增长，但这种增长也付出了高昂的社会代价。经过几十年的工人斗争、社会活动和立法改革，才开始创造一个更加平衡和公平的工作环境，让工人享有保护，并更公平地分享经济增长的成果。 |
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| Industrialisation, especially in its early stages, benefited significantly from the participation of women and children in the workforce, often under conditions that would be considered unacceptable today. The textile industry, for example, massively recruited women and children, partly because the newly invented machines required less physical strength than previous manual production methods. Dexterity and precision became more important than brute strength, and these qualities were often associated with female workers. What's more, employers could pay women and children less than men, thereby increasing their profits. In the context of the time, child labour was unregulated at the start of the Industrial Revolution. Children were often employed for dangerous tasks or in confined spaces where adults could not easily work. Their wages were derisory compared to those of adult men, often up to ten times less. This reinforced the advantageous position of employers: the abundance of available labour drove down wages overall and increased competition for jobs, contributing to the precariousness of workers' situation. Women were paid around a third of what men were paid for the same work, a disparity that reflected the social norms of the time, when women's work was often considered less valuable. This exploitation of female and child labour is now seen as one of the darkest periods in Western history, and led to the emergence of the first laws on child labour and a more critical examination of working conditions in the fledgling industries. So while industrialisation brought major economic and technical advances, it also highlighted the need for regulation to protect the most vulnerable workers from exploitation. The social movements and reforms that followed were motivated by the recognition that economic progress should not come at the expense of people's dignity and health.
| | 工业化，尤其是其早期阶段，极大地受益于妇女和儿童加入劳动大军，而他们的工作条件往往在今天看来是不可接受的。例如，纺织业大量招募妇女和儿童，部分原因是新发明的机器对体力的要求低于以往的手工生产方式。与蛮力相比，灵巧和精确变得更加重要，而这些品质往往与女工有关。此外，雇主可以给妇女和儿童支付比男性更低的工资，从而增加利润。在当时的背景下，童工在工业革命初期是不受管制的。儿童经常受雇从事危险的工作，或在成人不易工作的狭窄空间工作。与成年男子相比，他们的工资微薄，通常要低十倍。这强化了雇主的优势地位：大量可用的劳动力压低了整体工资，加剧了就业竞争，导致工人的处境岌岌可危。同样的工作，女性的工资约为男性的三分之一，这种差距反映了当时的社会规范，即女性的工作往往被认为价值较低。这种对女性和童工的剥削现在被视为西方历史上最黑暗的时期之一，并导致了第一部关于童工的法律的出现，以及对新兴工业工作条件的更严格审查。因此，工业化在带来重大经济和技术进步的同时，也凸显了监管的必要性，以保护最弱势的工人免受剥削。人们认识到，经济进步不应以牺牲人的尊严和健康为代价，因此才有了后来的社会运动和改革。 |
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| The diversity of management practices among employers at the time of the Industrial Revolution reflected different social and economic attitudes. On the one hand, some bosses, motivated primarily by maximising profits, chose to employ women and children, who could be paid much less than men. This cost-cutting strategy enabled them to offer more competitive prices and make higher profits. Working conditions in these companies were often very harsh, and employee welfare was generally not a priority. On the other hand, there were bosses who took a more paternalistic approach. They might choose to employ only men, partly because of the widespread belief that a man's role was to provide for the family. These employers could see themselves as responsible for the welfare of their employees, often by providing housing, schools or medical services. This approach, while more humane, was also a way of ensuring a stable and dedicated workforce. In companies where this paternalistic mentality prevailed, there could be a sense of moral obligation or perceived social responsibility towards employees. These bosses might believe that looking after their workers was not only good for business, by maintaining a productive and loyal workforce, but also a duty to society. These two approaches reflect the complex and often contradictory attitudes of the time towards work and society. While working conditions for women and children in factories were often difficult and dangerous, the first labour laws, such as the Factory Act of 1833 in Great Britain, began to place limits on the exploitation of the most vulnerable workers. These reforms were the start of a long process of improving working conditions that would continue long after the end of the Industrial Revolution.
| | 工业革命时期，雇主的管理方式多种多样，反映了不同的社会和经济观念。一方面，一些老板以利润最大化为主要动机，选择雇用妇女和儿童，因为他们的工资可能比男性低得多。这种降低成本的策略使他们能够提供更具竞争力的价格，获得更高的利润。这些公司的工作条件往往非常恶劣，员工福利通常也不是优先考虑的问题。另一方面，也有一些老板采取家长式作风。他们可能只雇用男性，部分原因是人们普遍认为男人的职责是养家糊口。这些雇主认为自己有责任为员工谋福利，通常会提供住房、学校或医疗服务。这种做法虽然更人性化，但也是确保员工队伍稳定和敬业的一种方式。在这种家长式心态盛行的公司里，员工可能会有一种道德义务感或社会责任感。这些老板可能认为，照顾员工不仅对企业有利，可以维持一支高效、忠诚的员工队伍，而且也是对社会的一种责任。这两种做法反映了当时人们对工作和社会的复杂且往往相互矛盾的态度。虽然工厂中妇女和儿童的工作条件往往艰苦而危险，但第一批劳动法，如英国 1833 年的《工厂法》，开始限制对最弱势工人的剥削。这些改革开启了改善工作条件的漫长进程，在工业革命结束后仍将持续很久。 |
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| = The simplicity of the technique = | | = 技术的简易性 = |
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| Adapting workers' skills during the first phase of the Industrial Revolution was relatively easy for several reasons. Firstly, early industrial technologies were not radically different from those used in proto-industry or craft workshops. Machines such as the mechanical loom were faster and more efficient than their manual predecessors, but the basic principles of operation were similar. This meant that peasants and craftsmen who already had skills in manual work could be retrained for the fledgling industry with little difficulty. What's more, the relatively simple design of the first industrial machines meant that they could be reproduced by those wishing to enter industry or expand their production without requiring a complex transfer of knowledge. What could be seen as a lack of intellectual property protection at the time actually encouraged the rapid spread of technological innovation and the growth of new industries. However, this easy access to initial industrial skills had social and educational implications. In a largely illiterate England in 1830, education was not yet considered essential for the majority of the working population. Lack of education contributed to a workforce that was perceived as more manageable and less likely to question authority or demand better pay or working conditions. Some industrialists and business lobbies saw mass education as a potential threat to this state of affairs, as a better educated population could become more aware of its rights and more demanding socially and economically. It was only much later, with the rise of more complex technologies such as the steam engine and precision engineering, that the training of the workforce became more necessary and more specialised, leading to a revaluation of technical education. This also marked the beginning of a change in attitude towards the education of workers, as literacy and numeracy skills became increasingly necessary to operate and maintain the complex machinery of the advanced industrial age. The introduction of compulsory primary education in 1880 in England was a turning point, finally recognising the importance of education for individual development and economic growth. It marked the beginning of a realisation that education could and should play a role in improving the living conditions of the working classes and in promoting social mobility.
| | 在工业革命的第一阶段，调整工人的技能相对容易，原因有几个。首先，早期的工业技术与原始工业或手工作坊所使用的技术并无本质区别。机械织布机等机器比以前的手工织布机速度更快、效率更高，但基本操作原理却大同小异。这意味着，已经掌握手工作业技能的农民和手工业者在接受再培训后，几乎不费吹灰之力就能从事新兴产业的工作。此外，第一批工业机器的设计相对简单，这意味着希望进入工业领域或扩大生产的人可以复制这些机器，而不需要复杂的知识传授。在当时看来，缺乏知识产权保护实际上鼓励了技术创新的快速传播和新兴产业的发展。然而，这种容易获得初始工业技能的方式也带来了社会和教育方面的影响。在 1830 年文盲居多的英国，教育尚未被视为大多数劳动人口的必修课。缺乏教育使得劳动力被认为更容易管理，不太可能质疑权威或要求更好的薪酬或工作条件。一些工业家和商业游说团体认为，大众教育是对这种状况的潜在威胁，因为受过良好教育的人可能会更加了解自己的权利，在社会和经济方面的要求也会更高。只是到了后来，随着蒸汽机和精密工程等更复杂技术的兴起，对劳动力的培训才变得更加必要和专业化，从而导致对技术教育的重新评估。这也标志着人们开始改变对工人教育的态度，因为操作和维护先进工业时代的复杂机器越来越需要识字和算术技能。1880 年，英国开始实行义务初等教育，这是一个转折点，最终承认了教育对个人发展和经济增长的重要性。它标志着人们开始认识到，教育可以而且应该在改善工人阶级的生活条件和促进社会流动方面发挥作用。 |
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| The Industrial Revolution marked a radical transformation in the socio-economic structure of Europe and beyond. After centuries in which the majority of the population lived in agrarian societies, dependent on natural cycles and agricultural production, this new paradigm introduced a drastic change. Technological progress, the rise of entrepreneurship, access to new forms of capital and the exploitation of energy resources such as coal and later oil were the driving forces behind this upheaval. The steam engine, innovation in manufacturing processes such as steel production, the automation of textile production and the advent of the railways all played a crucial role in accelerating industrialisation. This period of rapid change was also fuelled by sustained population growth, which provided both a market for new products and an abundant workforce for factories. Urban development was spectacular, attracting rural populations with the promise of jobs and better living conditions, although this promise was often not kept, resulting in difficult urban living conditions. The economy began to specialise in industrial production rather than agriculture, and international trade developed to support and expand these new industries. Nation states began to invest in infrastructure and regulate the economy to encourage industrialisation. The social context also changed. Old hierarchies were challenged and new social classes emerged, including an industrial bourgeoisie and a proletarian working class. These changes laid the foundations for modern societies, with their own political, economic and social challenges. However, the transition from agrarian to industrial societies was not without its challenges. It brought social and economic inequalities, often deplorable working conditions, and had a significant environmental impact that continues to be felt today. Despite this, the dynamics set in motion by the Industrial Revolution are at the root of the unprecedented economic growth and technological development that have shaped the world today.
| | 工业革命标志着欧洲及其他地区社会经济结构的彻底变革。几个世纪以来，大多数人都生活在依赖自然循环和农业生产的农业社会中。技术进步、企业家精神的兴起、新型资本的获得以及煤炭和后来的石油等能源资源的开发是这场动荡背后的驱动力。蒸汽机、钢铁生产等制造工艺的创新、纺织品生产的自动化以及铁路的出现，都在加速工业化的进程中发挥了至关重要的作用。人口的持续增长也推动了这一时期的快速变革，既为新产品提供了市场，也为工厂提供了充足的劳动力。城市的发展令人惊叹，它以就业和更好的生活条件吸引着农村人口，尽管这种承诺往往无法兑现，导致城市生活条件艰苦。经济开始专注于工业生产而非农业，国际贸易的发展支持并扩大了这些新兴产业。民族国家开始投资基础设施建设，并对经济进行调控，以鼓励工业化。社会环境也发生了变化。旧的等级制度受到挑战，出现了新的社会阶层，包括工业资产阶级和无产阶级工人阶级。这些变化为现代社会奠定了基础，同时也带来了政治、经济和社会方面的挑战。然而，从农业社会向工业社会的过渡并非没有挑战。它带来了社会和经济的不平等，工作条件往往十分恶劣，并对环境产生了重大影响，这种影响至今仍在持续。尽管如此，工业革命所激发的动力是塑造当今世界的空前经济增长和技术发展的根源。 |
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| = Annexes = | | = 附件 = |
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| = References = | | = 参考资料 = |
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