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Internationalisation of struggles and emergence of international terrorism

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We are going to deal with "international terrorism", which is a very dated and historicized name. "International terrorism" generally refers to the 1960s to the 1990s. "International terrorism" is contrasted with "global terrorism ".

First, we will try to qualify "international terrorism" and then, secondly, we will approach the techniques of "international terrorism" by showing that there may be a link between the definitions of terrorism and technology. There are struggles from the 1960s onwards that are becoming international.

International terrorism "has strongly influenced political debates in Western democracies from the 1970s to the early 2000s. The 1970s are linked to the evolution of revolutionary Marxist ideology, on the other hand, it will strike at the heart of Western democracies and is a violent action claimed as such and effective. International terrorism "will prepare modern states for the management of violence and anticipate 9/11 and beyond. September 11th will be rooted in this history before the Western democracies built up extensive forms of administrative controls in the 1970s. It is also questionable how the forms of violent action would not anticipate 21st century terrorism.

Three reasons can be put forward:

  • an important part of our contemporary political history;
  • an important evolution of terrorism in Western democracies;
  • forms of terrorism and violent action that anticipate 21st century terrorism.

International terrorism[edit | edit source]

Two words that are often joined together must be taken into consideration:

  • International terrorism

This term refers to the movement of internationalization - beyond the borders of the nation-state. The word "international" is an overcoming of the nation-state, it is the nation-state that must ensure the security of its citizens.

There is an important relationship between the political territory and the territory of violent action. Changing borders protects and guarantees protection if we are not in an international area of open borders. This is the case of ETA, which commits crimes in Spain and takes refuge in bases behind in France. The border is becoming an important factor in the success of terrorism.

  • Cold War terrorism

This term refers only to the period in which terrorism develops in the context of conflicts of interest between large blocs. The Cold War will freeze the conflict between the two with nuclear weapons directly. In nuclear deterrence, there is a paradoxical peacekeeping tool. Of course, the Cold War will work through all the margins of territories and empires, through all the territories that can be played by one power against another.

The Cold War will multiply areas of conflict and power outside the territory. Terrorism will be monopolised in the register of opposition between west and east. Some countries had an interest in developing forces of political violence outside the home. Nasser's Egypt, disappointed by the Americans and closer to dissident political regimes, will finance anti-colonialist regimes against France. International terrorism is part of the complexity of the Cold War.

When we talk about "international terrorism", we put three types of movements together. In other words, there is a periodisation and a designation to be qualified since, under the heading "international terrorism", there are three sets of movements:

  1. The Palestinian small groups: are directly linked to the creation of the State of Israel, born from the first Arab-Israeli wars of 1949. It was revived in 1956 with the founding of the MLNP by Yasser Arafat. It is a land claim of destiny that requires the fight against weapons by hand.
  2. The Rote Armee Fraktion or "Bande à Baader"[Federal Republic of Germany]: in the crisis of the welfare state and Western democracies which doubt their effectiveness, the Rote Armee Fraktion will emerge.
  3. The Rosse Brigade [Italy]: it is a workers' movement that seeks to fight against the great bourgeois owners.

In this "international terrorism", we put relatively different things.

The three movements of international terrorism[edit | edit source]

Palestinian small groups[edit | edit source]

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict led to the rise of many movements that would later give rise to dissent. There is a need to craft a legitimacy discourse to form the struggle and then oppose each other.

Front populaire de libération de la Palestine (en arabe : الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين (al-Jabhah al-Sha`biyyah li-Taḥrīr Filasṭīn), abrégé FPLP)

The conflict arising from the creation of the State of Israel with many nebulae:

In 1956, Yasser Arafat and Salah Khalef founded the MLNP [National Liberation Movement of Palestine], which in 1959 adopted the name of Fath and then Fatha or El Fatha [inverted acronym of "harakat ut-tahrir il- wataniyy ul-falastîyyy"[Palestinian National Liberation Movement]. These movements are in the refusal of the Israeli state even having institutional support focusing a certain type of sympathizer. The aim is to fight against land dispossession at the outset. The Palestinians will arm themselves with weapons to build a whole corps of sympathizers recognized by neighbouring states in order to project a geopolitical dimension. The fact is very important, the issue has nothing to do with the other issues, there is the idea of creating a state and getting identified. There is the temptation to bring the Palestinians together in a common direction.

Yasser Arafat

In 1964, the PLO[Palestine Organization] was created, which joined Fatah in 1968. In 1967, Ahmed Jibril and Georges Habache founded the PFLP[People's Front for the Liberation of Palestine] which is a Marxist-Leninist inspired movement accusing Israel of being "an imperial state". The PFLP to the PLO rallied in 1969-1970 and then split into divisions; the PFLP became radicalized. It is an unexpected struggle by Marxist ideology to free itself from tutelage and in this discourse Israel is an imperial state.

From Fatah, members created Black September in 1970 to start the armed struggle organizing the armed struggle especially in Jordan. In 1974, Arafat condemned terrorist activities from the UN platform to bring the PLO into the international arena. For Arafat, the challenge is to turn violence into a means of struggle. He is trying to get the PLO recognised as an international actor for organising peace. Some will regard him as a great politician and others as a human trafficking.

Arafat's position led to major splits with the creation of the Fath Revolutionary Council [فتح المجلس الثوري] by Abu Nibal and the creation of the PLP. We must therefore speak of a "Palestinian nebula".

The Rote Armee Fraktion[edit | edit source]

Rote Armee Fraktion RAF, Baader-Meinhof-Bande.

The Rote Armee Fraktion [RAF] and the Red Brigades[BR] are born in a socio-political context that is very different from that of the Palestinian movements, which is the fate of two industrial powers entangled in political, economic and cultural contradictions. They are companies that have been blocked because they were unable and unable to reflect on their own history and responsibility in the Second World War. Many elites are directly elites from Nazi Germany or fascist Italy. The post-war period did not allow for a real mental revolution, but rather a crisis of youth identity.

With the second Frankfurt School of Philosophy which is a school of philosophy with great thinkers and the great social research institute will be the setting for a somewhat Marxist academic debate on the struggle against technocracy, the fight against consumerism and the struggle against mass society. Very quickly Marxism will have an important mobilizing effect to move on to something else that pushes towards a revolutionary left-wing struggle.

The RAF criticizes German society for justifying the fact that it is necessary to rebel against this society, so it is not possible to do so through a reformist path of left-wing parties.

Raf manifestation.png

The RAF came from the unparliamentary "new left" of the 1960s, which opposed the reformist path taken by left-wing parties. The RAF and the Red Brigade are determined against a "good" left-wing thought, just as in Berlin with Rudi Dutschle, a Marxist who rejects German society and its troubled past. Moreover, this is part of the ecology of the Vietnam War, which would only be an additional form of imperialism in Asia. The model that will be promoted in order to carry this revolution is the Latin American model. Latin American guerrilla warfare is an important moment in the people's awareness of the ability to make revolution. There is solidarity with the guerrillas of Latin America with an anti-imperialism, a third world, and an anti-capitalism that leads the mass consumer society and has extended the Nazi elites. American colonization also translates into US imperialism in Germany through US bases.

Ulrike Meinhof en compagnie de Gudrun Ensslin

The first attacks began in 1968 and lasted until 1998. April 2,1968 was the first time that Horst Sohlein, Thoward Proll, Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin carried out attacks on two stores in Frankfurt. On 14 March 1970, Andreas Baader was released from the library of the Dahlem Institute of Social Sciences in Berlin by a commando led by Ulrike Meinhof. This is when the acronym RAF appears. On 18 March 1998, the last members of the group announced that they had ceased fighting and that their struggle belonged to history. The history of the RAF lasted 20 years.

The Red Brigades[edit | edit source]

Drapeau des Brigate Rosse.

With the Red Brigade, there is the perception of a blocked Italian society where a large proletariat is formed with strong resentment over the impossibility of sharing the dividends of economic growth. Clandestine autonomous groups linked to Marxism, Maoism, Trotskyism, Operatism and Situationism are emerging in the factories of the North. Their ideal is to say that communism must be installed, but it must be revolutionary communism and it must start from the bottom up. In the ideology of the Red Brigades, there is a field ideology. The dialectical reversal is tantamount to saying that intellectuals must enter factories to lead the struggle. The political condemnation at the grassroots level is a condemnation of the politics of Christian Democracy and the "historical compromise" of the Italian Communist Party with the first political party.

Milan 12 décembre 1969 : L’Attentat de Piazza Fontana, premier acte de la stratégie de la tension.

These movements also appear because contestation no longer finds its place on the political chessboard of democracy. As in the Federal Republic of Germany, contestation no longer finds the democratic outlets for its expression. It was between 1969 and 1970 that the Red Brigades were formed in favour of using the "revolutionary force" to change society, denounce the Vietnam war and the presence of NATO bases. On 25 April 1969 the attack in Milan was carried out, causing 21 people to be wounded and on 12 December 1969 the attacks in Rome killing 16 people were carried out.

The history of these movements is complex. These students, who were very mobilized in the 1969s and located in industrial centres, also found it difficult to carry on their struggle for a long time, particularly because they were very hunted down and sought, moreover, ideological fragmentation appeared. In 1981, the Red Brigades broke up into three groups:

  • BR-colonna Walter Alesia;
  • BR-partito guerriglia;
  • BR-partito communista combatante from which the BR-unione dei communisti combattenti were born in 1985.

In 1987 the law of dissociation was passed, allowing former brigadists to negotiate their repatriation into society, and in 1988, the founders of the Red Brigades announced the end of the movement. But, for some years now, the Red Brigades have been reappearing. The new generations of violence that appear in Italy are called the New Red Briefs. The name "Red Brigade" is reported to be returning, but in a legitimation that is challenged by the founders of the Red Brigades.

BR-RAF convergences and divergences with Palestinian movements[edit | edit source]

Convergences[edit | edit source]

There is a simultaneous nature of forms of violent actions in the same years, especially around 1968. What characterizes this interpretation is that they are also made on a blindness. There is the interesting fabrication of the Latin American model by these young actors with the feeling that history and history work and that it is necessary to be there.

The struggle against imperialism is the link between the Palestinian guerrilla movement and the RAF and BR movements. There is an anti-imperialist ideology that will go through all these movements, particularly with the Vietnam war, which is a formidable mobilizer of an active minority against the anti-imperialist and therefore Marxist war. The weight of the press in the Vietnam conflict is eminently important. The weight of images has played a part in shaping public opinion.

Divergences[edit | edit source]

However, it is necessary to differentiate between the Palestinian guerrillas and the Red Brigades. The Palestinians are opposed to the reality of a built state in which they are not. It is something that is perhaps more in the imagination than in reality. There is a "dopation" of the imaginary, first linked to a representation, that is the will to change something. The policy of opposition between the State of Israel and displaced Palestinians explains the Palestinian political and military struggle. The Red Brigades and the Rote Armee Faktion will build a discourse of oppression, the feeling of suffering is perhaps more a matter of oppression of the imaginary than the reality of a radical military conflict between two cultures and two political systems. Neither RAF nor BRs are opposed to a nation state outside themselves. In the Western context, the analysis of BRs and RAFs focuses on the representation of ongoing or future spoliation through the progressive constitution of an imperialist model of liberal domination.

Common denominators between the three[edit | edit source]

The common denominator is a neomarxist and third world approach. The Fath's first programme justifies the use of violence inasmuch as it alone makes it possible to abolish "the Zionist entity" and replace it with "the Palestinian nation". In 1970, the Fath recalled that the objective of the liberation struggle was a revolution intended to build a new democratic, secular and non-denominational Palestine. An analogy can be drawn with the national liberation movements of the 1960s. Georges Habache's PFLP has a more radical position listing in 1969 under his enemies, "Israel, Zionism, world imperialism and the Arab reaction". The following year, he attempted to reorient the struggle in Jordan on the basis of the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary option.

The anti-imperialism and revolutionary Marxism of the BRs and the FRG was built in opposition to the Western communist parties, which were judged to have betrayed the cause of the people. We blame the Communist parties for not being able to get through the Revolution, they are reformist. When a political system no longer has the capacity or potential that all parties can express themselves, then it produces extremes.

Marxism is fundamental or radical. In the impossibility to assume the mobilization of the revolutionary forces of the people, BR and FRG call for a revolutionary thought far from Leninism. The inspiration is that of libertarian thought, a freudo-marxism and subjective Marxism by leaving the pure doxa of Marx and going to make an emotional subjectivism. This becomes composite with an influence of the notions of "urban guerrilla" in Latin America, the experience of Che, Marighella in Brazil and the Tupamaros in Uruguay and Maoist success in China.

Differences BR - RAF[edit | edit source]

The Rote Armee Faktion presents itself as an internationalist. It's a core group of intellectuals. Their objectives are to participate in the promotion of a socialist revolutionary movement beyond the FRG. The project is to solicit the working class by building "a unifying strategy of the working class". Terrorism is seen as part of the revolutionary global process. Violence is calculated somewhere. The first attacks in department stores are carried out at night, because there is a risk of robbing those you want to solicit. The RAF therefore relies on the Soviet Union to support revolutionary struggles. For them, the Federal Republic of Germany is a pure American creation.

The Red Brigades plan to support the struggle in Italy even with the aim of rallying the masses to take power in Italy. Italy is the product of capitalist development carried out by the imperialist system of multinationals and the decline of the Italian state is the result. The Italian Communist Party by the "historical compromise" accompanies this movement. There is a condemnation of all Marxist revisionism both in Italy and abroad. The Soviet Union is therefore not glorified, it is not a Soviet Marxist model. It is no longer a matter of applying a Marxist-Leninist scheme as part of a revolutionary struggle for the objective construction of the struggle. It is an opposition to RAF's "subjectivism". The RAF is not in a speech to go take power in the factory.

Initially, there is a lack of effective solidarity between RAF and BR. BRs criticize RAF for mythizing the role and function of the USSR. RAF criticizes BR for their strategy centred on Italy. The only point of common space that brings them closer together is the Palestinian struggle, for it is the emergence somewhere of a revolutionary Marxist inspired international. It is now known that there have been some contacts between the RAF and the Palestinians, either on military training issues or between BR and Palestinians to supply arms.

Appears a certain complexity of the situation which shows that it is difficult to go too far in the amalgamation. Once there are differences, it is difficult to negotiate with each other. There is a connection with Marxist ideology, but there is also heterogeneity.

Techniques of international terrorism[edit | edit source]

Beyond the convergences and differences between these three movements, can we say that there has been mimicry in the modes of action and operation? Is there a mimicry in the way violence is done that engages advertising? Terrorism still needs publicity. Terrorism exists only through the consequences of its act, to succeed, there must be human or movable damage.

This question interferes with the issue of solutions. If we can understand the modes of action of violent actions, we can define ways of controlling these actions. Qualifying the conduct of acts of violence makes it possible to define measures to control these acts. There is a link with the promotion of the act and then what this act produces, and if we can qualify it how to fight against this act.

Air piracy[edit | edit source]

The great invention of these years is the emergence of air piracy, which is the hijacking of an aeroplane. The first use dates from 1945 - 1952 with the misappropriation of Eastern citizens anxious to move to the West. Initially this is not a political goal, but human claims in the context of a heroism of flight.

The great innovator was the PFLP on July 28,1968 which diverted the flight of El Al Rome - Tel Aviv to exchange prisoners for 16 Palestinians detained in Israel. The aim is to make the Palestinian condition visible. We are entering into an important process which is at the bottom of the matter that air piracy is going to be the first means of publicising the fact of terrorism. For George Habache [جورج حبش], the Palestinian resistance will run out against Israel. In order to evolve, the struggle in Palestine must be brought out of the way in order to lead the struggle on an international level. An act of aerial piracy has a very important media impact with strong symbolic images. Thus, the best way to communicate the Palestinian struggle is to hijack planes.

Leila Khaled
Jordanie septembre noir.jpg

In December 1968, the PFLP hijacked a flight from El Al to Athens airport and in February 1969 a flight from El Al to Zurich was hijacked. On August 1969, Leila Khaled, a teacher and member of the PFLP, diverted the Boeing 707 Rome - Tel Aviv to Damascus. Upon arrival, the 116 passengers were evacuated and the aircraft was blasted. Appears a technique that is going to be built and seems effective as a demand of the struggle. These are symbolic things that turn the classical interpretation upside down. We enter a completely new logic where the act of air piracy becomes important.

The PFLP finds in the hijacking of aircraft one of its preferred modes of action. It is the advertising dimension that prevails in the service of the Palestinian cause. On 6 September 1970, a Boeing 707 of the TWA and a DC 8 of Swissair were diverted to Jordan and landed at the desert airport of Zarka, two others on Cairo. Airliners whose passengers have been released are destroyed on the spot in Zarka. The crisis lasts 6 days. At the same time, in September 1970, a press conference of the PFLP was held in Jordan during the hijacking of Western airlines' planes at the airport of the revolution in Zarka. As a result, on 12 September 1970, the Jordanian army attacked the PLO forces. There was a decade of aircraft hijackings in the 1970s.

Diversions began to decline in the late 1970s. Aircraft hijackings are gradually being judged as counterproductive Arafat would like this to decrease, which is why there is a gradual condemnation of the PLO. Thus, in 1971, the PFLP abandoned the hijacking tactics, although other movements continued to hijack aircraft, the most famous of which resulted in the 1976 Entebbe raid.

An offensive arsenal[edit | edit source]

There is a profound gap between the means used by the radical Palestinian movements and the means used by RAF and BRs. The techniques of terrorism owe nothing to chance, there is nothing gratuitous. The hypothesis is that there would be a link between the political object of the struggle and the tactical means of defending its objectives. The techniques of terrorism owe nothing to chance.

The Red Brigades[edit | edit source]

The Red Brigades take action with the burning of a vehicle of a SIT-Siemens leader. Often the transition to illegality takes place gradually. These are complex phases, but basically they are acts of structuring the Red Brigades with a demonstrative and symbolic value of a revolutionary commitment. The move to illegality is made by police arrests.

In January 1971, three semi-trailer trucks were destroyed at the Pirelli factories, then in 1972, the organization switched to holdups to finance the movement. The more the movement goes underground, the more funding problems there are. March 3,1972 is the date of the sequestration of the engineer Macchiarini. The following year, in 1973, the policy of "demonstrative sequestration" was implemented. Finally, the first political assassinations took place in April 1974. There's a very important crescendo.

The RAF[edit | edit source]

The act was carried out on 2 April 1968 with two attacks in the department stores of Frankfurt. The bombs are carefully timed to avoid physical damage. We can see how things are going to get worse. The focus between police and revolutionaries will make the passage into the underground becomes the only way to pass through the struggle.

Avis de recherche des années 1970 pour démanteler la RAF

As they are intellectuals, there will be a production of text, notably using the urban guerrilla model of the Tupamaros of Uruguay. They will have an elaborate conception of urban guerrilla warfare leading to an increasingly strong radicalization.

The climax was in May 1972, when three bombs at the American headquarters in Frankfurt killed an officer and wounded 40 people. On 15 May 1972, an investigating judge charged with prosecuting members of the RAF was assassinated. On 24 May 1972, three soldiers were killed in the American headquarters in Heidelberg. Gradually, we see radicalness taking place. Objects are rather representations of anti-imperialist struggle. The RAF is based on a very abstract mobilization discourse. The aim is to mobilize the population.

Political assassinations: a double benchmark for BRs and RAFs[edit | edit source]

Political assassinations come as a logical conclusion to this process. The very discourse of mobilization itself becomes a radical discourse of symbolic violence to violence against people. There's a passage speech. International terrorism is a targeted form of terrorism, attacking people who embody authority and whose legitimacy is challenged.

The BR[edit | edit source]

L'unita assassina aldo moro.png

From 1974 onwards, a Maoist Marxism-Leninism was applied, tinged with Maoism, which made the use of violence the only way to achieve revolution. On 8 June 1976, the BRs slaughtered the Prosecutor General Francesco Coc and the two carabinieri of his escort in Genoa. The kidnapping of the industrialist Pietro Costa for a ransom of 1.5 billion lire, and the assassinations of judges, civil servants, police officers....

The kidnapping of Aldo Moro, President of the Christian Democratic Party, took place on 16 March 1978. In the absence of negotiations, he was murdered the following May 9. As a prisoner, he wrote his memoirs, we see a process of gearing up. The dramaturgy of these events is so strong that at some point it will serve him.

The RAF[edit | edit source]

On 10 November 1974, in response to the death of Olgar Meins on the 53rd day of the hunger strike in Wittlich prison, the president of the Supreme Court of West Berlin was shot dead. On 27 February 1975, MP Peter Lorenz was kidnapped? and on 25 April 1975, the German Embassy in Stockholm was besieged, leaving two people dead. On 8 April 1977, commando Ulrike Meinhof shot the federal prosecutor Siegfried Bubak and the two bodyguards. On 30 July of the same year, the President of Dresdner Bank was shot dead and on 5 September 1977, the Siegfried Hauser commando took Hans Martin Schleyer, president of the West German employers' union, hostage. The following October 19, he was found dead.

Somewhere, there are convergence effects even on the modalities of the struggle. One can draw conclusions about how individuals radicalize themselves, how often in situations of violent acts often involve a process that matures and builds itself into groups of individuals in isolation. These stages are built up by developing a specific discourse that justifies moving on to the next stage. For this to happen, we need a discourse that can legitimize itself in order to understand the process of radicalization.

Basically, there is a link between the objective of the struggle and the means and there is a link between the means and the ways of conceiving the struggle. Gradations are particularly interesting to understand and study.

What is the outcome of international terrorism?[edit | edit source]

There is a terminology common to "international terrorism" which would require by the very name itself a kind of complicity between movements to the point of uniting them in a kind of common front. It's very weak, there is the sharing of a great common idea, but as soon as we start going a little further, things are a little more complicated. The ideologies of movement, their specificities and strategies make it difficult to globalize the struggle with the hypothesis of solidarity in logistics and interchangeability of commandos in the conduct of guerrilla warfare.

It is necessary to introduce a more nuanced vision, because there are very tenuous contacts between RAF and BR in the name of different struggles. The leaders of the BRs showed their mistrust of a struggle for which they did not endorse all the ideological foundations. Because of their cultural specificity, BRs have remained isolated in terms of the internationalisation of terrorism.

Ilich Ramirez Sanchez aka Carlos

The most important relations were between RAF and the Palestinians. During the summer of 1970, most RAF members travelled to Palestine to train in the training camps. This did not last with differences that arose on the spot. The only cooperation left in the annals of terrorism is the commando led by Carlos on 21 December 1975 against OPEC ministers meeting in Vienna. We can see that these are very interesting contacts because there are Palestinians, members of the RAF and Carlos who define themselves as professional terrorists.

Has "international terrorism" produced an "International of terrorism"? We can doubt it, there is no international terrorism, there are always small groups that from time to time can come into contact. International terrorism "is an interesting word that describes the internationalisation of movements, but does not describe it by an internationalisation of terrorism.

It must be stressed that the morphology of terrorism must be compared with the morphology of our societies. There is an obvious link, they are visions of pyramidal structuring. This is far removed from the Al Qaeda model which and an ideology formed from above, these are structures very simple to understand which are ancient structures of violence. This terrorism cannot produce a global openness and a combination of all struggles.

This means that often the death of the founder implies the disappearance of the movement. If the leader disappears, the movement fades. It disappeared with the death of their founders: from 1977 for the RAF, during the 1980s for the BRs, but today reappear "new Red Brigades".

Annexes[edit | edit source]

Bibliographie[edit | edit source]

  • Heinz Abosch, L’Allemagne en mouvement, Paris, Julliard, 1967 ;
  • Roger Auque, Un otage à Beyrouth, Paris Filipacchi, 1988 ;
  • Jillian Becker, La bande à Baader, Paris, Fayard, 1977 ;
  • Peter Brückner, Ulrike Meinhof und die deutsche, Verhältnisse, Wagenbach, Berlin, 2001 ;
  • Camilla Cerdana, Andrea Barberi, Marco Fini, Omero Forti, La piste rouge. Italia 1972, UGE, 1973 ;
  • Renato Curcio, A visage découvert, Paris, Lieu Commun, 1993 ;
  • Abou Daoud, Palestine. De Jérusalem à Munich, Paris, Editions Anne Carrière, 1999 ;
  • (Dissidences), Révolution, lutte armée et terrorisme, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2005 ;
  • Rudi Dutschkhe, La révolte des étudiants allemands, Paris, nrf, Gallimard, 1968 ;
  • Rudi Dutschkhe, Ecrits politiques, Paris, Bourgeois, 1968 ;
  • El Fath, La révolution palestienne et les juifs, Paris, Les Editions de Minuit, 1970 ;
  • Antonio Elorza, ETA une histoire, Paris, Denoël,2002 ;
  • Carlo Feltrinelli, Senior service, Paris, Bourgeois, 2001 ;
  • François Furet, Antoine Liniers et Philippe Raynaud, Terrorisme et démocratie, Paris, Fayard, 1985 ;
  • Jean Genet (préface) et Klaus Croissant (introduction), Textes des prisonniers de la « fraction armée rouge » et dernières lettres d’Ulrike Meinhof, Paris, Maspero, 1977 ;
  • Hans-Joachim Klein, La mort mercenaire, Paris, Seuil, 1980 ;
  • Wolfgang Krausharr, Rudi Dutsche, Andreas Baader und die RAF, Hamburg, Hamburger Editions, 2005 ;
  • La bande à Baader ou la violence révolutionnaire, Paris, Editions Champ Libre, 1972 ;
  • Ulrike Meinhof, Die Würde des Menschen ist antastbar, Verlag Klaus Wagenbach, Berlin, 1980 ;
  • Gaïdz Minassian, Guerre et terrorisme arméniens, Paris, Puf, 2002.
  • Paolo Persichetti et Oreste Sclazone, La révolution et l’Etat. Insurrections et « contre- insurrection » dans l’Italie de l’après-68, Editions Dagorno, 2000 ;
  • Michaël Prazan, Les fanatiques. Histoire de l’armée rouge japonaise, Paris, Seuil, 2002 ; Xavier Rauffer, La nébuleuse : le terrorisme du Moyen-Orient, Paris, Fayard, 1987 ;
  • « Terrorismes », Esprit, octobre-novembre 1984 ;
  • Anne Steiner et Loïc Debray, RAF, guérilla urbaine en Europe occidentale, Paris, 1987, Klincksieck, rééd. L’Echappée, 2006.

References[edit | edit source]