« Al-Qaida and the "geopolitics of radical terrorism" » : différence entre les versions

De Baripedia
Aucun résumé des modifications
 
(15 versions intermédiaires par le même utilisateur non affichées)
Ligne 19 : Ligne 19 :
* [[Combating terrorism and rebuilding transatlantic relations]]
* [[Combating terrorism and rebuilding transatlantic relations]]
* [[Arab Spring Against Terrorism: Issues and Perspectives]]
* [[Arab Spring Against Terrorism: Issues and Perspectives]]
* [[Homegrown jihadism ": How to prevent terrorist catastrophe?]]
* [[Homegrown jihadism: How to prevent terrorist catastrophe?]]
}}
}}


Le concept de « Qaida » [القاعدة] est un référentiel qui renvoie à la notion de structure :
The concept of "Qaida" [القاعدة] is a reference frame that refers to the concept of structure:
*la base ;
*the base;
*la règle ;
*the rule;
*la base et la norme.
*base and standard.
   
   
Al Qâ’ida al sulba signifie « La base solide » qui désignerait la ville de Médine, base des troupes de Muhammad en vue de porter la guerre sainte en direction de La Mecque. Le concept de « Qaida » renvoie à un « encrage géographiquement délimité » selon les termes de Jean-Pierre Filiu. Cela renvoie à quelque chose qui structure un territoire qui est géographiquement délimité. Il y a une référence spécifique à la construction d’un territoire.
Al Qâ' ida al sulba means "The solid base" which would designate the city of Medina, the base of the troops of Muhammad in order to carry the holy war towards Mecca. The concept of "Qaida" refers to an "inking geographically delimited" according to the words of Jean-Pierre Filiu. This refers to something that structures a geographically defined territory. There is a specific reference to the construction of a territory.
   
   
Al-Qaida est antérieure aux attentats du 11 septembre. Al-Qaida puise ses origines dans le creuset de la guerre en Afghanistan menée contre les troupes soviétiques venu soutenir le régime communiste du président Najibullah qui est contesté par les populations. Étant menacées, les troupes soviétiques viennent protéger le régime communiste. C’est le contexte local d’un conflit qui apparaît sur des populations qui s’appuient sur l’islam pour se fédérer et regrouper faisant de l’islam un élément de force politique et idéologique contre un régime jugé comme laïque et traitre puisqu’il a été obligé de demander l’aide aux soviétiques pour le protéger.
Al-Qaida predates the September 11 attacks. Al-Qaida has its origins in the crucible of the war in Afghanistan waged against Soviet troops in support of President Najibullah's communist regime, which is disputed by the people. The Soviet troops were threatened and came to protect the communist regime. It is the local context of a conflict that appears on populations who rely on Islam to federate and group together, making Islam an element of political and ideological force against a regime judged as secular and treacherous, since it was forced to ask the Soviets for help in order to protect it.
   
   
Al-Qaida est versée du côté « d’une guerre de libération nationale » de type guérilla. L’Afghanistan est un territoire compliqué, très montagneux, le pouvoir politique maitrise les plaines, mais ne maitrise pas la montagne. Ce qui va se passer est une opposition entre la plaine qui peut être contrôlée et les montagnes qui servent de refuges aux moudjahidines qui sont les combattants. L’Afghanistan devient un lieu de guerre civile qui va intéresser les grandes puissances étant placé sur un axe stratégique en matière de pipeline. C’est une zone importante en matière de gestion stratégique faisant que les pays occidentaux seront intéressés déjà à l’Afghanistan avant le 11 septembre. Certains mouvements auraient bénéficié de certains soutiens militaires pour lutter contre le régime marxiste afin de limiter la zone d’influence de l’Union soviétique.
Al-Qaida is paid on the side of a guerrilla-type "war of national liberation". Afghanistan is a complicated territory, very mountainous, the political power controls the plains, but does not control the mountain. What is going to happen is an opposition between the plains that can be controlled and the mountains that serve as refuges for the mujahideen who are the fighters. Afghanistan becomes a place of civil war which will interest the great powers being placed on a strategic axis in terms of pipeline. This is an important area of strategic management, which means that Western countries will be interested in Afghanistan before 9/11. Some movements reportedly received some military support to fight against the Marxist regime in order to limit the Soviet Union's area of influence.
   
   
Il y a un double héritage :
There is a double legacy:
*de la guerre de libération nationale du côté des guérillas et des guérilleros d’Amérique latine avec l’intégration de la lutte du faible contre un État fort ;
*The war of national liberation on the part of the guerrillas and guerrillas of Latin America with the integration of the struggle of the weak against a strong state;
*de la guerre sainte qui est l’idée de dire que l’islam est une force révolutionnaire contre la lutte de toutes les formes d’oppression. Le Coran explique que l’aide aux plus pauvres et une nécessité qui est l’un des fondements de l’islam. Il y a une vision anti-impérialiste assemblée avec l’islam comme une forme de combat.
*of the holy war which is the idea of saying that Islam is a revolutionary force against the struggle against all forms of oppression. The Qur'an explains that aid to the poorest and a necessity which is one of the foundations of Islam. There is an anti-imperialist vision assembled with Islam as a form of combat.
   
   
C’est une histoire lointaine et proche qui s’enracine dans l’histoire de la violence politique au Moyen-Orient.
It is a distant and close story rooted in the history of political violence in the Middle East.
   
   
Le cas d’Abdallah Azzam est un savant religieux palestinien membre de la guérilla palestinienne de 1967 à 1969. Il étudie le droit musulman à l’Université d’Al Azhar au Caire qui est un haut lieu de l’islam sunnite. Il rejoint l’Afghanistan pour combattre le régime prosoviétique. En 1984, il en appelle à la défense des territoires musulmans qui prône le jihad individuel pour tout musulman du monde entier. Il est fondateur avec Ben Laden [1957 2011] du premier camp d’entrainement pour les « Arabes » en Afghanistan qui sont les internationalistes et non pas les afghans formant ceux qui sont déjà d’une internationalisation pour profiter de l’Afghanistan comme un lieu d’internationalisation de la révolution islamique.
The case of Abdallah Azzam is a Palestinian religious scholar who was a member of the Palestinian guerrilla from 1967 to 1969. He studies Muslim law at the University of Al Azhar in Cairo, which is a high place of Sunni Islam. He joined Afghanistan to fight the pro-Soviet regime. In 1984, he called for the defence of Muslim territories, which advocated individual jihad for every Muslim in the world. He is the founder with Bin Laden [1957 - 2011] of the first training camp for the "Arabs" in Afghanistan who are the internationalists and not the Afghans forming those who are already internationalizing to take advantage of Afghanistan as a place of internationalization of the Islamic revolution.


= Les origines d’Al-Qaida =
{{Translations
| fr = Al-Qaida ou la « géopolitique du terrorisme radical »
| es = Al-Qaida o la "geopolítica del terrorismo radical"
| it = Al-Qaeda o la "geopolitica del terrorismo radicale"
| de = Al-Qaida und die "Geopolitik des radikalen Terrorismus"
}}


Plusieurs types de luttes dans des contextes différentes vont former une suite de passage qui s’accumule créant un sens qui mène à Al-Qaida. C’est une lente histoire qui se joue en plusieurs actes et sur plusieurs théâtres d’opérations militaires.
= The origins of Al-Qaida =


== Le creuset : le conflit afghan ==
Several types of struggles in different contexts will form a series of passages that accumulate creating meaning that leads to Al-Qaida. It is a slow story played out in several acts and in several theatres of military operations.
[[Fichier:L'armée rouge dans les montagnes afghane en 83.jpg|200px|vignette|droite|L'armée rouge dans les montagnes afghane en 1983]]
 
Les origines sont lointaines avec l’entrée de l’Armée Rouge en Afghanistan venue soutenir le régime politique marxiste du président Najibullah. Plein de pays vont pousser à la création de la résistance. L’Arabie Saoudite décide de combattre l’Union soviétique à travers l’Organisation de la Conférence Islamique [OCI] qui exige « le retrait immédiat et inconditionnel des troupes soviétiques ».
== The Afghan conflict ==
 
[[Fichier:L'armée rouge dans les montagnes afghane en 83.jpg|200px|vignette|droite|The Red Army in the Afghan mountains in 1983.]]
 
The origins are far away with the entry of the Red Army into Afghanistan to support the Marxist political regime of President Najibullah. Many countries are going to push for the creation of resistance. Saudi Arabia decides to fight the Soviet Union through the Organization of the Islamic Conference[OIC] which demands "the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Soviet troops".
   
   
À la tête des Moudjahidines, on trouve membre de l’Union Islamique pour la Libération de l’Afghanistan qui est l’afghan Abdul Rasul Sayyaf [1946 ] est un Uléma formé au Caire et en Arabie Saoudite. Il est auréolé de sa récente détention dans les prisons communistes et reçoit l’appui de Ryad en force de combattants volontaires. D’où la complexité des influences qui vont apparaitre dans le conflit afghan.
At the head of the Mujahedeen, one finds member of the Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan which is the Afghan Abdul Rasul Sayyaf [1946 -] is a Ulema trained in Cairo and Saudi Arabia. He is appalled by his recent detention in communist prisons and receives the support of Ryad in the form of volunteer fighters. Hence the complexity of the influences that will appear in the Afghan conflict.
 
== The ideological and religious influence: Wahhabism - Sunni Doctrine back to a purified Islam ==


== L’influence idéologique et religieuse : Wahhabisme - Doctrine sunnite de retour à un Islam purifié ==
Wahhabism draws its origins and doctrine from the writings of Muhammad Ibn Al Wahhab[1703 - 1792] in order to purify Islam from its impurities through prohibition:
Le wahhabisme puise ses origines et sa doctrine dans les écrits de Muhammad Ibn Al Wahhab [1703 1792] afin de purifier l’Islam de ses impuretés par l’interdiction :
*of the cult of saints;
*du culte des saints ;
*funerary monuments;
*des monuments funéraires ;
*luxury mosques;
*des mosquées luxueuses ;
*from any source of legislation other than the Qur'an.
*de toute autre source de législation que celle du Coran.
   
   
La complexité de ces influences se mobilise contre le régime communiste. Le dispositif de lutte est constitué dans les zones tribales pakistanaises avec l’arrivée de prédicateurs wahhabites en provenance d’Arabie Saoudite ainsi que l’endoctrinement, la mobilisation et l’entraînement de réfugiés afghans pour la guerre de libération nationale de l’Afghanistan. Ces zones tribales deviennent une zone tampon de préparation de la guerre de libération nationale contre le régime communiste de Najibullah.
The complexity of these influences mobilizes against the communist regime. The fighting mechanism was formed in the Pakistani tribal areas with the arrival of Wahhabite preachers from Saudi Arabia and the indoctrination, mobilization and training of Afghan refugees for the Afghan National Liberation War. These tribal areas become a buffer zone in preparation for the national liberation war against the communist regime of Najibullah.
   
   
Émerge l’idée du concept territorial d’un Islam régénéré. En 1981 est fondé par Sayyaf de l’Union Islamique pour la libération de l’Afghanistan. Il se lie avec Ben Laden durant le conflit avec l’Armée soviétique.
The idea of the territorial concept of a regenerated Islam emerges. In 1981 is founded by Sayyaf of the Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan. He binds with Bin Laden during the conflict with the Soviet Army.
 
== Arab Jihad in Afghanistan ==


== Le Jihad arabe en Afghanistan ==
Appears the idea that there is an Arab jihad to lead in Afghanistan which is seen as the potentiality of building an Islamic khalîfa.
Apparaît l’idée qu’il y a un djihad arabe à mener en Afghanistan qui est vue comme la potentialité de construire un khalîfa islamique.


[[Image:Abdullah Azzam.jpg|thumb|200px|Abdullah Yusuf Azzam]]
[[Image:Abdullah Azzam.jpg|thumb|200px|Abdullah Yusuf Azzam]]


Un deuxième personnage essentiel du dispositif est le palestinien Abdullah Azzam [1941 1989]. Né en Cisjordanie, il fait des études à Damas et au Caire. Il se lie avec la famille de Sayyid Qobt, idéologue des Frères Musulmans. Puis il s’installe à Damas et dirige la branche jordanienne des Frères Musulmans. Après 1980, il s’engage en faveur du jihad afghan contre l’occupation soviétique. Il fut désavoué par les Frères Musulmans jordaniens et rédige une fatwa prescrivant le jihad afghan comme obligation individuelle.
A second essential figure of the device is the Palestinian Abdullah Azzam [1941 - 1989]. Born in the West Bank, he studied in Damascus and Cairo. He binds himself with Sayyid Qobt's family, an ideologist of the Muslim Brotherhood. Then he moved to Damascus and managed the Jordanian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. After 1980, he committed himself to Afghan jihad against the Soviet occupation. He was disowned by the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood and wrote a fatwa prescribing Afghan jihad as an individual obligation.
   
   
{{citation bloc|Tout Arabe qui veut accomplir le jihad en Palestine peut commencer par là, mais celui qui ne le peut pas, qu’il aille en Afghanistan. Quant aux autres musulmans, je pense qu’ils doivent commencer leur jihad en Afghanistan.}}
{{citation bloc|Any Arab who wants to accomplish jihad in Palestine can start there, but whoever cannot, let him go to Afghanistan. As for the other Muslims, I think they should start their jihad in Afghanistan.}}
   
   
L’Afghanistan devient un lieu de transit ou un moyen de faire le djihad qu’on ne peut pas faire en Palestine. Il est impossible de se battre en Palestine déjà pour y parvenir, mais aussi parce que l’OLP y est déjà fortement implantée.
Afghanistan is becoming a place of transit or a means of making the jihad that cannot be done in Palestine. It is impossible to fight in Palestine already to achieve this, but also because the PLO is already firmly established there.
   
   
Les convictions d’Azzam séduisent Ben Laden, fils d’un richissime entrepreneur saoudien du bâtiment qui est un homme d’affaires qui a fait fortune dans la l’immobilier religieux. Ben Laden hérite d’une structure organisée sachant ce que c’est de financer un territoire. Dans l’héritage de Ben Landen, il y a la compréhension de la puissance économique au service de la construction d’un territoire.
Azzam's convictions seduce Bin Laden, son of a wealthy Saudi construction entrepreneur who is a businessman who made his fortune in religious real estate. Bin Laden inherits an organized structure knowing what it's like to finance a territory. In Ben Landen's legacy, there is the understanding of economic power at the service of building a territory.


[[Fichier:Al-zawahiri-al-qaida.jpg|200px|vignette|droite]]
[[Fichier:Al-zawahiri-al-qaida.jpg|200px|vignette|droite]]
   
   
Azzam et Ben Laden ouvrent un « Bureau des services » à Peshawar destiné aux futurs Moudjahidines arabes. C’est une officine d’accueil des combattants arabes qui veulent passer en Afghanistan. Cela va provoquer l’arrivée progressive des combattants notamment d’extrémistes égyptiens emprisonnées sous Sadate.
Azzam and Bin Laden open a "Service Bureau" in Peshawar for the future Arab Mujahedin. It is a reception centre for Arab fighters who want to go to Afghanistan. This will cause the gradual arrival of the fighters, particularly Egyptian extremists imprisoned under Sadat.
   
   
Parmi eux arrive Ayman al Zawahiri, médecin égyptien, ancien membre des Frères Musulmans qui a été emprisonné trois ans et a séjourné en Afghanistan. Il arrive en Afghanistan sur la base des accusations les Frères Musulmans d’avoir abandonné la voie du jihad. Il va considérer l’Afghanistan comme une terre idéale de protection et de lutte. Azzam, Ben Laden et Zawahiri développent les maisons d’hôtes pour rassembler leurs partisans.
Among them is Ayman al Zawahiri, an Egyptian physician, a former member of the Muslim Brotherhood who was imprisoned for three years and has been in Afghanistan. He arrived in Afghanistan on the basis of accusations that the Muslim Brotherhood had abandoned the path of jihad. It will see Afghanistan as an ideal land of protection and struggle. Azzam, Bin Laden and Zawahiri develop guest houses to gather their supporters.
   
   
Avec l’aide de Sayyaf, ils obtiennent l’autorisation des autorités pakistanaises pour ouvrir des camps d’entraînement pour les combattants arabes. En 1985, Azzam prend la direction du Comité de coordination des organisations humanitaires islamiques de Peshawar et Ben Laden supervise les travaux d’infrastructures en zones tribales, s’installe en Afghanistan en 1986 et implante la tanière des partisans avec quelques dizaines de combattants.
With Sayyaf's help, they obtained permission from Pakistani authorities to open training camps for Arab fighters. In 1985, Azzam became head of the Islamic Humanitarian Organizations Coordinating Committee in Peshawar and Bin Laden supervised the infrastructure works in tribal areas, moved to Afghanistan in 1986 and set up the supporters' den with a few dozen fighters.


== La Qâ’ida 
==
== The Qâ’ida 
==
L’enjeu fondamental est d’ancrer territorialement la lutte par une avant-garde militante sur la base de la théorie d’Azzam. L’ancrage territorial est nécessaire pour amplifier la lutte et la transformer en un modèle général du combat. Le modèle de la Qâ’ida va être pensé de façon mimétique à la vie du prophète. L’expérience médinoise du Prophète va les pousser à se rassembler dans un lieu tiers, pour se réorganiser et lancer la lutte contre La Mecque. Médine est la Qaida nécessaire pour lancer le jihad et conquérir l’Arabie.
 
The fundamental challenge is to anchor the struggle by a militant vanguard based on Azzam's theory. Territorial anchoring is necessary to amplify the struggle and transform it into a general model of combat. The Qâ' ida model will be thought mimetically of the prophet's life. The Medinese experience of the Prophet will lead them to gather in a third place, to reorganize and launch the struggle against Mecca. Medina is the Qaida needed to launch jihad and conquer Arabia.
   
   
== Les guerres Moudjahidines ==
== The Mujahideen Wars ==
En avril 1987 ont lieu les premiers combats des troupes de Ben Laden contre l’Armée Rouge. En avril 1988 est annoncé le retrait soviétique. Les troupes afghanes d’Al-Qaida participent à l’effort de renverser le régime communiste de Kaboul. La bataille de Jelalabad est un échec pour les troupes musulmanes. Un paradoxe intéressant est que le retrait soviétique d’Afghanistan brise l’élan du jihad. L’Afghanistan sombre dans des conflits de faction. Une période de conflits s’ouvre entre les différentes factions de la résistance afghane. En 1989, Azzam disparaît dans un attentat à la voiture piégée.
In April 1987 the first battles of Bin Laden's troops against the Red Army took place. In April 1988 the Soviet withdrawal was announced. Afghan troops from Al-Qaida are part of the effort to overthrow the communist regime in Kabul. The battle of Jelalabad is a failure for the Muslim troops. An interesting paradox is that the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan breaks the momentum of jihad. Afghanistan is falling into factional conflict. A period of conflict is beginning between the different factions of the Afghan resistance. In 1989, Azzam disappeared in a car bomb attack.


[[Fichier:Dostom.jpg|200px|vignette|droite|Abdul Rashid Dostom]]
[[Fichier:Dostom.jpg|200px|vignette|droite|Abdul Rashid Dostom]]
[[Fichier:Ahmad Shah Massoud.png|200px|vignette|droite|Ahmad Shah Massoud]]  
[[Fichier:Ahmad Shah Massoud.png|200px|vignette|droite|Ahmad Shah Massoud]]  
Entre 1989 et 1996 a lieu la guerre civile afghane. Sont mises en place des alliances et contre alliances entre les différentes factions menant en 1992 à la constitution de la République Islamique afghane qui est une fiction absolue en raison des conflits entre les différents protagonistes : le général ouzbek Rachid Dostom, le tadjik, le commandant Massoud qui est le chef de l’Alliance du Nord Afghane combattant le pouvoir des talibans de 1996 jusqu’à sa mort en 2001.
 
Between 1989 and 1996, the Afghan civil war took place. Alliances and counter-allocations between the various factions leading to the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in 1992, which is an absolute fiction because of the conflicts between the various protagonists: Uzbek General Rachid Dostom, Tajik, Commander Massoud who is the leader of the Northern Alliance of Afghanistan fighting the power of the Taliban from 1996 until his death in 2001.
   
   
Entre 1992 et 1996, Kaboul subit quatre années de conflits menant à près de 40 000 morts Dans les zones tribales pakistanaises et afghanes émerge une nouvelle force politique, à savoir, les Talibans.
Between 1992 and 1996, Kabul suffered four years of conflict leading to nearly 40,000 deaths. In Pakistani and Afghan tribal areas, a new political force emerged: the Taliban.
   
   
« Taleb c’est celui qui écrit », « Étudiants en religion » qui se regroupent sous la direction de leur chef Mohammed Omar, modeste mollah pachtoune d’un village de Kandahar. Le cœur de la problématique des talibans n’est pas la construction d’un État islamique, mais un retour aux mœurs purifiées avec le respect du Coran, de la loi divine et de la charia. Les talibans sont une présence de moralisation religieuse fondamentaliste. En d’autres termes, ce sont des néo-fondamentalistes qui prônent une réislamisation des mœurs et ne s’intéressent pas d’abord à la question de l’État islamique. Par la morale et la réislamisation des mœurs, se fera le respect de la loi divine qui doit conduire la société et les hommes et femmes.
"Taleb is the one who writes", Students in Religion "who gather under the leadership of their leader Mohammed Omar, a modest Pashtun mullah from a village in Kandahar. The heart of the Taliban problem is not the construction of an Islamic state, but a return to the purified more with respect for the Koran, divine law and Sharia law. The Taliban are a presence of fundamentalist religious moralization. In other words, they are neo-fundamentalists who advocate a re-Islamicisation of more and are not primarily interested in the question of the Islamic state. Through morality and the re-Islamisation of morals, the divine law which must guide society and men and women will be respected.


<gallery>
<gallery>
Ligne 102 : Ligne 116 :
</gallery>  
</gallery>  
   
   
1994 sont les premières victoires des talibans qui vont se battre contre la République Islamique d’Afghanistan. En 1996 a lieu une guerre des talibans contre la République Islamique d’Afghanistan qui vont contrôler de la moite du pays. Le 27 septembre 1996, Kaboul tombe aux mains des talibans. Le mollah Omar, chef des Talibans, devient l’autoproclamé nouveau chef d’État sous le titre de commandeur des croyants. Il recueille l’allégeance des notables tribaux et religieux rassemblés. Il devient émir [celui qui commande] et appel au jihad contre les infidèles. La jonction va pouvoir s’opérer avec Ben Laden afin de démultiplier leurs forces.
1994 are the first victories of the Taliban who will fight against the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. In 1996 there is a Taliban war going on against the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, which will control the country's clamour. On 27 September 1996, Kabul fell into the hands of the Taliban. Mullah Omar, leader of the Taliban, becomes the self-proclaimed new head of state under the title of commander of believers. It gathers the allegiance of the assembled tribal and religious notables. He becomes an emir[the one who commands] and calls for jihad against the unbelievers. The junction will be able to operate with Bin Laden in order to multiply their forces.


= L’émirat terroriste =
= The Terrorist Emirate =


== La parenthèse soudanaise
 ==
== The Sudanese parenthesis
 ==
Entre 1989 et 1990, Ben Laden rentre en Arabie Saoudite. Il est la référence morale et financière pour les vétérans. Il les aide à se réinstaller au pays et engage les « yéménites afghans » afin de lancer un jihad contre le régime marxiste d’Aden. La rupture arrive avec les autorités d’Arabie Saoudite avec l’invasion du Koweït par Saddam Hussein. Il exhorte le ministre de la Défense à mobiliser les « vétérans » pour défendre le Koweït, mais le principe de solidarité́ arabe mène à un refus de sa part.
 
Between 1989 and 1990, Bin Laden returned to Saudi Arabia. It is the moral and financial reference for veterans. He helped them to relocate to the country and engaged the "Afghan Yemeni" to launch a jihad against the Marxist regime in Aden. The break with the Saudi Arabian authorities comes with the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein. He urged the Minister of Defense to mobilize the "veterans" to defend Kuwait, but the principle of solidarity? Arab led to a refusal on his part.
   
   
Le point de discorde est l’accord donné au gouvernement saoudien aux États-Unis pour le protéger de Saddam Hussein en acceptant l’implantation de bases militaires américaines en Arabie Saoudite. Il est impossible de tolérer la présence de « soldats infidèles » sur les lieux Saints.
The point of contention is the agreement given to the Saudi government in the United States to protect it from Saddam Hussein by accepting the establishment of American military bases in Saudi Arabia. It is impossible to tolerate the presence of "unfaithful soldiers" on the Holy Places.
 
== Bin Laden's new speech ==


== Le nouveau discours de Ben Laden ==
[[Fichier:Obl.jpg|300px|vignette|droite]]
[[Fichier:Obl.jpg|300px|vignette|droite]]
Pour Ben Laden, le régime saoudien est compromis menaçant la sécurité et les intérêts de l’Islam. Ben Laden revient à Peshawar qu’il ne reconnaît plus et décide de s’exiler à Khartoum. Khartoum est un régime islamique du Soudan avec ses proches compagnons. Avec son entreprise, il s’engage dans d’importants projets de construction et de développement fabriquant du territoire. En même temps, il va continuer à se mobiliser sur les questions internationales finançant des combattants et s’engage dans le soutien de toutes les causes extrémistes. Ben Laden est une sorte de « parrain » d’un jihad international sans frontières.
 
According to Bin Laden, the Saudi regime is endangering the security and interests of Islam. Bin Laden returns to Peshawar, whom he no longer recognises and decides to go into exile in Khartoum. Khartoum is an Islamic regime in Sudan with its close companions. Together with his company, he is involved in major construction and development projects in the region. At the same time, it will continue to mobilize itself on international issues financing combatants and is committed to supporting all extremist causes. Bin Laden is a kind of "godfather" of an international jihad without borders.
   
   
Ben Laden sera mis en cause dans plusieurs attentats à l’international notamment à Ryad et à Islamabad. En 1994, il est déchu de sa nationalité saoudienne et doit quitter le Soudan où il ne se sent plus en sécurité. En 1996, après cinq années d’absence de la scène afghane, Ben Laden revient en Afghanistan.
Bin Laden will be implicated in several international attacks including Ryad and Islamabad. In 1994, he lost his Saudi nationality and had to leave Sudan where he no longer felt safe. In 1996, after five years of absence from the Afghan scene, Bin Laden returned to Afghanistan.


== Le rapprochement avec les Talibans ==
== The rapprochement with the Taliban ==
L’Afghanistan que Ben Laden découvre n’a plus rien à voir avec le pays qu’il a connu. Le pouvoir est aux mains du mollah Omar commandant des Croyants. Il se décide à rejoindre les montagnes afghanes pour reconstruire la Qaida et relancer le jihad.
The Afghanistan that Bin Laden discovers has nothing to do with the country he once knew. The power is in the hands of Mullah Omar, commander of the Believers. He decides to join the Afghan mountains to rebuild the Qaida and revive jihad.
   
   
Sa prise de position dans ce contexte particulier se fait par la déclaration de 1996 de Jihad contre les américains. Il va élaborer « une base [Qâ’ida] sûre nichée dans ces sommets sur lesquels s’est écrasée la plus grande puissance militaire athée du monde », réduire « le complot américain et de leurs alliés », combattre « cette propagande mensongère sur les droits de l’homme [qui] qui a cédé la place aux coups portés et aux massacres perpétrés contre les musulmans », repousser « l’occupant infidèle » du territoire saoudien. Il est de fait internationaliste.
Its position in this particular context was taken by the 1996 Jihad declaration against the Americans. He will develop "a secure[Qa' ida] base nestled in these summits on which the world's greatest atheistic military power has crashed", reduce "the American conspiracy and their allies", fight "this misleading propaganda on human rights[which] has given way to the beatings and massacres perpetrated against Muslims", repel "the unfaithful occupier". He is in fact an internationalist.
   
   
C’est la première apparition publique d’Al-Qaida avec double concept de la base :
This is the first public appearance of Al-Qaida with a double bottom-up concept:
*territoriale pour engager le jihad : il faut structurer des ressources, de l’argent, des camps d’entrainement.
*Territorial to hire jihad: it is necessary to structure resources, money, training camps.
*de données informatiques [Qâ’ida al-m’lûmatä] des vétérans d’Afghanistan pour recruter.
*Qâ'ida al-m'lûmatä] of Afghanistan veterans to recruit.
   
   
Pendant ce temps-là, les Talibans entrent dans Kaboul, le Président Najibullah est exécuté et les Talibans poursuivent la guerre contre le commandant Massoud.
Meanwhile, the Taliban enter Kabul, President Najibullah is executed and the Taliban continue the war against Major Massoud.
==Tout sépare Ben Laden du Mollah Omar==
 
== Everything separates Bin Laden from Mollah Omar ==
 
[[Fichier:Ben laden + mollah omar.png|200px|vignette|droite]]
[[Fichier:Ben laden + mollah omar.png|200px|vignette|droite]]
Entre Apatride et Pachtoune, Internationalistes et localiste, djihadiste planétaire et partisan d’une guerre afghane, tout sépare Ben Laden et le mollah Omar. Le seul point commun est l’Islam comme force politique et comme système de purification. De plus, chacun d’eux revendique un destin historique :
 
*Ben Laden : le jihad planétaire et le gouvernement de l’Islam ;
Between Stateless and Pashtun, Internationalist and localist, planetary jihadist and supporter of an Afghan war, everything separates Bin Laden and Mullah Omar. The only commonality is Islam as a political force and a purification system. Moreover, each of them claims a historical destiny:
*Mollah Omar : le fait d’endosser le manteau du Prophète.
*Ben Laden: Planetary jihad and the government of Islam;
*Mollah Omar: putting on the Prophet's coat.
   
   
En 1996, l’alliance entre les deux hommes se noue. L’accord est conclu est l’aide de Ben Laden pour combattre Massoud et encourager le déploiement de l’Islam politique en Afghanistan. En réponse, le mollah Omar offre l’hospitalité à Ben Laden dans ses montages.
In 1996, the alliance between the two men was formed. The agreement is being concluded is Bin Laden's assistance in fighting Massoud and encouraging the deployment of political Islam in Afghanistan. In response, Mullah Omar offers hospitality to Bin Laden in his montages.


== Le basculement de 1998 ==
== The 1998 changeover ==
À partir de 1998, il y a un basculement. Les djihadistes arabes sont engagés par Ben Laden dans les opérations du Mollah Omar. Al-Zawahiri relance la série des attentats internationaux. En février 1998 est constitué le Front islamique mondial du jihad contre les Juifs et les Croisés. C’est un dispositif qui renvoie au Moyen-Âge dans une vision manichéenne.
 
Starting in 1998, there was a switchover. Arab jihadists are engaged by Bin Laden in the operations of Mullah Omar. Al-Zawahiri relaunches the series of international attacks. In February 1998, the World Islamic Jihad Front against Jews and Crusaders was formed. It is a device that refers to the Middle Ages in a Manichean vision.
   
   
Le concept de Croisé offre à Ben Laden une stature spécifique, celle de l’assimiler au combat même du Prophète. La libération des lieux Saints de Jérusalem et de la Mecque reste l’objectif principal. Il faut « Tuer les Américains et leurs alliés, qu’ils soient civils ou militaires, est un devoir qui s’impose à tout musulman qui le pourra dans le pays où il se trouvera ». La rupture est consommée avec la tradition prophétique du jihad et la pratique historique de l’Islam.
The concept of the Crusader gives Bin Laden a specific stature, that of assimilating him to the very battle of the Prophet. The liberation of the holy places of Jerusalem and Mecca remains the main objective. We must "Killing the Americans and their allies, whether civilian or military, is a duty incumbent upon any Muslim who can do so in the country where he will be". The rupture is consumed with the prophetic tradition of jihad and the historical practice of Islam.


[[Fichier:Nairobi220.jpg|200px|vignette|droite|L'attentat à Nairobi en 1998 avait fait plus de 111 victimes. Photo : AFP]]
[[Fichier:Nairobi220.jpg|200px|vignette|droite|L'attentat à Nairobi en 1998 avait fait plus de 111 victimes. Photo : AFP]]
Ligne 144 : Ligne 165 :
[[Fichier:Fr-bateau390-dc363.jpg|200px|vignette|droite]]
[[Fichier:Fr-bateau390-dc363.jpg|200px|vignette|droite]]
   
   
En 1998 ont lieu deux attentats majeurs. Le 7 août, pour célébrer dans le sang le huitième anniversaire du déploiement des troupes américaines en Arabie Saoudite, sont effectués les deux attentats des ambassades américaines de Dar es-Salam et de Nairobi. La première riposte américaine avec le tir de 60 missiles de croisière sur les positions d’Al-Qaida sur la frontière afghano-pakistanaise. Les américains demandent la livraison de Ben Laden au mollah Omar qui refuse au nom du caractère sacré de l’hospitalité pachtoune menant à la constitution du Front islamique mondial du jihad. Dans la stratégie de Ben Laden et du mollah Omar, la terreur doit être portée au niveau international, mais l’Afghanistan sous le régime Taliban doit devenir un « djihadiste » inexpugnable, base de la subversion globale. D’où la nécessité de s’engager avec le mollah Omar contre le commandant Massoud qui réclame pour sa part le départ d’Afghanistan des combattants « Arabes ».
Two major attacks took place in 1998. On 7 August, to commemorate the eighth anniversary of the deployment of American troops in Saudi Arabia, the two attacks by the American embassies in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi were carried out on 7 August. The first U. S. counterattack with the firing of 60 cruise missiles at Al-Qaida positions on the Afghan-Pakistani border. The Americans demanded the delivery of Bin Laden to Mullah Omar who refused in the name of the sanctity of Pashtun hospitality leading to the constitution of the World Islamic Jihad Front. In the strategy of Bin Laden and Mullah Omar, terror must be brought to the international level, but Afghanistan under the Taliban regime must become an impregnable "jihadist", the basis of global subversion. Hence the need to engage with Mullah Omar against Commander Massoud, who is calling for the departure of "Arab" fighters from Afghanistan.
    
    
L’idée est que la libération de l’Afghanistan pour les talibans n’est plus une fin en soi, mais devient une plateforme du djihadiste. L’Afghanistan doit devenir un « jihadistan », c’est-à-dire un lieu qui doit exporter sa lutte. Cela explique le fait que le mollah Omar et Ben Laden commanditent l’assassinat du commandant Massoud. C’est le moment où est conceptualisé en 1999 le détournement d’avion de ligne sur des cibles.
The idea is that the liberation of Afghanistan for the Taliban is no longer an end in itself, but becomes a platform for the jihadist. Afghanistan must become a "jihadistan", that is, a place to export its struggle. This explains the fact that Mullah Omar and Bin Laden are sponsoring the assassination of Major Massoud. This is the time when the hijacking of airliners on targets was conceptualized in 1999.
   
   
Durant l’été 2000, les Talibans et Al-Qaida mobilisent leurs troupes pour étouffer l’Alliance du Nord. Massoud est contraint de regagner les montagnes. Le 12 0ctobre 2000 a lieu l’attentat d’Al-Qaida contre un destroyer américain en rade d’Aden. Un accord de Ben Laden et du mollah Omar est passé pour supprimer le commandant Massoud qui est obstacle de taille à la constitution d’un Afghanistan unifié sous pouvoir Taliban. La suppression du commandant Massoud a lieu quelques jours avant les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, assassiné par un groupe se présentant comme journaliste. La mort du commandant Massoud est le signe du déclenchement du 11 septembre.
In the summer of 2000, the Taliban and Al-Qaida mobilized their troops to stifle the Northern Alliance. Massoud is forced to return to the mountains. On October 12,2000, the Al-Qaida bombing took place against an American destroyer in the Aden Bay. An agreement between Bin Laden and Mullah Omar has been reached to remove Major Massoud, who is a major obstacle to the establishment of a unified Afghanistan under Taliban rule. Commander Massoud was suppressed a few days before the attacks of 11 September 2001, murdered by a group claiming to be a journalist. Commander Massoud's death is a sign of 9/11.


= La doctrine terroriste stratégique =
= The Strategic terrorist doctrine =


== Une doctrine politique de la « libération » ==
== A political doctrine of "liberation" ==
Il faut s’intéresser au contenu du texte d’Al Qaida qui est une doctrine qui se présente comme une doctrine de la libération partant sur une interprétation de l’oppression. Le discours d’Al Qaida est de dire que nous sommes opprimés par des puissances. L’oppression a d’autant plus augmenté que des bases américaines ont été implantées à 80 kilomètres de la Mecque. Le discours classique est : « L’ennemi nous opprime, nous sommes ses prisonniers. Il faut se libérer de nos chaînes ».
One must be interested in the content of the text of Al Qaida, which is a doctrine that presents itself as a liberation doctrine based on an interpretation of oppression. Al Qaeda's speech is to say that we are oppressed by powers. The oppression increased all the more as American bases were established 80 kilometres from Mecca. The classic discourse is: "The enemy oppresses us, we are his prisoners. We must free ourselves from our chains.
   
   
Les méthodes de libération sont non seulement de faire triompher la justice, mais de faire triompher la justice divine avec dieu qui est porteur d’équité, de justice d’égalité. Il y a une récupération de la tradition prophétique chez Ben Laden. C’est un système de représentation important. Le combat est de « s’insurger au nom de Dieu, lutter jusqu’à donner sa vie, se libérer pour engager la victoire de Dieu, de la justice, du bien et de la liberté ».
The methods of liberation are not only to make justice triumph, but also to make the divine justice triumph with God who is the bearer of equity, justice and equality. There is a recovery of the prophetic tradition at Bin Laden. It is an important representation system. The struggle is to "rebel in the name of God, fight to the point of giving one's life, liberate oneself to commit the victory of God, justice, good and freedom".
   
   
Le discours n’est pas celui de mener la guerre contre les autres religions monothéistes, mais contre une oppression qui regroupe des dimensions laïques de sociétés qui n’ont pas compris la mise en conformité de dieu et de traditions humaines, elle est à mener contre un asservissement qui implique les non-musulmans.
The discourse is not that of waging war against other monotheistic religions, but against an oppression that groups together secular dimensions of societies that have not understood the conformity of god and human traditions, it is to be waged against a bondage that involves non-Muslims.
   
   
La stratégie revendiquée est celle d’une guerre contre les puissants donc c’est une guerre de subversion où il faut transformer et subvertir les mentalités pour faire adhérer à la cause et renverser. Les théories subversives prennent en compte le rapport asymétrique des moyens entre majorité et minorité. La guerre doit être menée par chacun dans une réflexion djihadiste personnelle. Ben Laden se présente d’abord comme un défenseur de la liberté suggérant une dimension charismatique, mais il se présente aussi comme le seul à pouvoir apporter la liberté qui se fait dans la communion avec de dieu et d’être en accord avec dieu. Autrement dit, Ben Laden se présente conformément à l’ordre de Dieu comme un défenseur de la liberté, un défenseur au service de Dieu et le vrai théoricien de la liberté. Il se définit comme libérateur et oppose à sa figure celle du Président des États-Unis comme seul et unique « terroriste ». Le renversement dialectique est intéressant parce qu’il se représente comme un libérateur qui lutte contre l’oppresseur étasunien et le terrorisme des puissances occidentales qui viennent définir sur son territoire les modes de vie. D’autre part, Ben Laden mène sa lutte humblement dans un rapport avec dieu qui est une liberté de la religion agissant dans le cadre du Coran qui donne les éléments du comportement éthique le faisant pour l’umma qui est la communauté des croyants dans le monde.
The claimed strategy is that of a war against the powerful, so it is a war of subversion in which mentalities must be transformed and subverted in order to join the cause and overthrow. Subversive theories take into account the asymmetric relationship of means between majority and minority. The war must be waged by everyone in a personal jihadist reflection. Bin Laden presents himself, first of all, as a defender of freedom suggesting a charismatic dimension, but he also presents himself as the only one who can bring the freedom that is done in communion with God and be in accord with God. In other words, Bin Laden presents himself according to God's order as a defender of freedom, a defender of service to God and the true theorist of freedom. He defines himself as a liberator and contrasts with his image of the President of the United States as the only "terrorist". The dialectical reversal is interesting because it represents itself as a liberator who fights against the American oppressor and the terrorism of the Western powers who come to define on its territory the ways of life. On the other hand, Bin Laden leads his struggle humbly in a relationship with God which is a freedom of religion acting within the framework of the Koran which gives the elements of ethical behavior doing so for the umma which is the community of believers in the world.
   
   
En tant que combattant de Dieu et pour Dieu, il rappelle les fondements de l’Islam selon lui :
As a fighter of God and for God, he recalls the foundations of Islam according to him:
*l’Islam est un – n’est pas deux ou trois après le judaïsme et le christianisme ;
*Islam is one - not two or three after Judaism and Christianity;
*l’Islam est vérité : « Suprématie de la vérité et développement du bien vont ensemble » ;
*Islam is truth:"The supremacy of truth and the development of goodness go together";
*l’unicité de Dieu crée le principe de liberté ;
*God's uniqueness creates the principle of freedom;
*la liberté est au-delà de la dichotomie bien et mal, mais la liberté n’est pas dans le « chacun fait ce qu’il lui plaît »
*freedom is beyond the dichotomy of right and wrong, but freedom is not in "everyone does what he likes".
*la liberté est dans la stricte application des principes religieux
*freedom is in the strict application of religious principles
*la liberté n’est pas de l’ordre de la confiscation ou de la possession.
*Freedom is not of the order of confiscation or possession.
*elle est au nom de Dieu et pour Dieu Commander le bien c’est interdire le mal : il faut donc lire le monde comme partage entre le bien et le mal
*It is in the name of God and for God, to order good is to forbid evil: it is therefore necessary to read the world as a division between good and evil.
   
   
La production du Bien exige le jihad. Il faut que chaque musulman produise ce bien et le pouvoir appartient à la communauté d’Al Qaida. Sans Jihad, les musulmans ne pourront jouir de leurs droits en Occident « que comme des esclaves recueillant les miettes du repas du maître ».
The production of good requires jihad. Every Muslim must produce this good and the power belongs to the Al Qaeda community. Without Jihad, Muslims will only be able to enjoy their rights in the West "as slaves collecting the crumbs of the master's meal".
   
   
Quels sont les premiers ennemis ? Les premiers ennemis ne sont pas les chrétiens et les juifs, mais les chiites qui ont contesté la succession des prophètes. Le chi’isme pour Al Zarquawi est une religion polythéiste qui n’a rien à voir avec l’Islam. Al Qaida reproduit la très grande conflictualité entre sunnites et chiites. Viennent ensuite les juifs qui les ont dépossédés et les chrétiens qui sont dans un dispositif. Il y a la reconstruction d’un imaginaire avec l’idéal de pureté est la volonté d’un retour à la pureté. C’est un jeu de référence et de manipulation de référence avec une forme de dénégation de la réalité.
Who are the first enemies? The first enemies are not Christians and Jews, but Shiites who contested the succession of the prophets. Chi'ism for Al Zarquawi is a polytheistic religion that has nothing to do with Islam. Al Qaeda reproduces the very great conflict between Sunnis and Shiites. Then come the Jews who dispossessed them and the Christians who are in a system. There is the reconstruction of an imaginary with the ideal of purity is the desire for a return to purity. It is a reference and reference manipulation game with a form of denial of reality.


== Une doctrine du combat asymétrique
 ==
== An asymmetrical combat doctrine
 ==
Le combat asymétrique est un nouveau type de guerre après la chute du mur de Berlin lié à la fin d’un monde bipolaire. Les guerres sont plus dispersées sur la planète et ne sont plus celles du système westphalien, mais le principe de l’anarchie Hobbienne faite entre « partisans » ou entre « partisans » et États-nations fondés sur la dissymétrie des moyens et sur l’effet de surprise asymétrique. La surprise est la règle d’or. Il faut intégrer dans le combat l’asymétrie des combats, c’est un combat militaire, mais aussi d’ordre technologique afin de convaincre de façon phycologique de la validité de la lutte. Il y a une image composite avec des éléments militaires traditionnels et de l’extrême modernité. La domination technique ne suffit plus et les Moudjahidines prouvent leur supériorité dans les combats asymétriques. L’effet de surprise est la condition de toute réussite dans un conflit asymétrique.
Asymmetric combat is a new type of warfare after the fall of the Berlin Wall linked to the end of a bipolar world. Wars are more dispersed on the planet and are no longer those of the Westphalian system, but the principle of Hobbesian anarchy between "partisans" or between "partisans" and nation-states based on the dissymmetry of means and on the effect of asymmetric surprise. Surprise is the golden rule. The asymmetry of the battles must be integrated into the fight, it is a military fight, but also a technological one in order to convince psychologically of the validity of the fight. There is a composite image with traditional military elements and extreme modernity. Technical domination is no longer enough and the mujahedeen prove their superiority in asymmetrical battles. The surprise effect is the prerequisite for success in asymmetric conflict.
   
   
Le nouveau combat n’est pas seulement militaire, mais aussi d’ordre psychologique :
The new fight is not only military, but also psychological:
{{citation bloc|L’une des stratégies occidentales veut que le meilleur moyen de provoquer une défaite psychologique soit d’attaquer l’ennemi, là où l’ennemi se sent protégé et en sécurité. C’est exactement ce que les moudjahidin ont fait à New York. Il apparaît donc que ce déséquilibre entre l’Amérique et les moudjahidin est parfaitement approprié à l’affrontement avec la machine de guerre occidentale, en particulier la machine américaine. Les Américains et l’Occident comprennent la nature de ce nouveau défi et sont conscients de la difficulté de la tâche qui les attend.
{{citation bloc|One of the Western strategies is that the best way to provoke psychological defeat is to attack the enemy, where the enemy feels protected and safe. That's exactly what the mujahedin did in New York City. It therefore appears that this imbalance between America and the Mujahedin is perfectly suited to the confrontation with the Western war machine, in particular the American machine. The Americans and the West understand the nature of this new challenge and the difficulty of the task ahead.
   
   
Le moment est venu pour les mouvements islamiques faisant face à une offensive générale des Croisés de développer une pensée stratégique appropriée et s’affairer aux préparatifs militaires nécessaires. Ils doivent accroître l’intérêt pour le prosélytisme et s’octroyer le soutien public et politique des peuples. C’est non seulement un devoir religieux, mais aussi l’une des clefs du succès de la guerre. D’anciens stratèges tels que Von Clausewitz et Mao Tse Toung l’avaient noté. Le meilleur exemple est peut-être le phénomène de l’Intifada qui a balayé la supériorité de la puissance militaire sioniste sur le peuple palestinien musulman.
The time has come for Islamic movements facing a general offensive by the Crusaders to develop appropriate strategic thinking and to work on the necessary military preparations. They must increase their interest in proselytism and gain the public and political support of the people. It is not only a religious duty, but also one of the keys to the success of the war. Former strategists such as Von Clausewitz and Mao Tse Toung noted this. Perhaps the best example is the phenomenon of the Intifada, which has swept away the superiority of Zionist military power over the Palestinian Muslim people.
   
   
L’Amérique veut employer l’action militaire pour réduire à néant les succès psychologiques des moudjahidin ainsi que les résonances et les ramifications positives de leurs actes héroïques et qui attirent le soutien et la sympathie dans le monde islamique.  
America wants to use military action to destroy the Mujaheddin's psychological successes and the resonances and positive ramifications of their heroic acts that attract support and sympathy in the Islamic world.  


Nous prions Allah pour qu’il apporte à la nation islamique une nouvelle génération de prédicateurs et d’autorités religieuses, capables de relever les nouveaux défis de la nouvelle guerre.}}
We pray to Allah that He will bring to the Islamic nation a new generation of preachers and religious leaders, capable of meeting the new challenges of the new war.}}
   
   
Cela se représente comme un dispositif qui va de l’acte militaire, jusqu’à la communication des actes de violence et la constitution d’une Qaida à l’échelle planétaire avec la formation d’autorités religieuses capables d’expliquer la guerre.
This is seen as a device that goes from the military act, to the communication of acts of violence and the constitution of a Qaida on a global scale with the formation of religious authorities capable of explaining the war.
 
== Towards the Fourth Generation Warfare ==


== Vers la guerre de Quatrième génération ==
[[Fichier:6121437-9141030.jpg|300px|vignette|droite|Abou Moussab al-Souri, de son vrai nom Mustafa Setmariam Nasar. © DR]]
[[Fichier:6121437-9141030.jpg|300px|vignette|droite|Abou Moussab al-Souri, de son vrai nom Mustafa Setmariam Nasar. © DR]]
Mustafa Setmariam Nasar alias Abu Musab Al-Suri est un djihadiste qui publie en 2004 une importante encyclopédie du djihadiste de plus de 1960 pages. L’appel à la résistance islamique globale se fait par la reprise à son compte les thèses du colonel du corps des Marines William Lind qui a écrit en 1989 un article sur La Guerre de Quatrième Génération<ref>William S. Lind, Colonel Keith Nightengale (USA), Captain John F. Schmitt (USMC), Colonel Joseph W. Sutton (USA), Lieutenant Colonel Gary I. Wilson (USMCR) (October 1989). "The Changing Face of War: Into the Fourth Generation". Marine Corps Gazette. url:https://www.mca-marines.org/files/The%20Changing%20Face%20of%20War%20-%20Into%20the%20Fourth%20Generation.pdf</ref>. La guerre de Quatrième génération est une nouvelle guerre asymétrique qui accorde une place importante à des phénomènes de conflits incontrôlables accordant une place de choix au terrorisme comme acte militaire. Cette nouvelle forme de guerre serait « non-linéaire » et « sans champ de bataille définissable ». Elle permet et autorise de frapper son ennemi partout, au-delà même des frontières qui se révèlent inutiles et incertaines.
 
Mustafa Setmariam Nasar aka Abu Musab Al-Suri is a jihadist who in 2004 published an important jihadist encyclopedia of more than 1960 pages. The call to global Islamic resistance is made by taking up the theses of the colonel of the Marine Corps William Lind who wrote in 1989 an article on the Fourth Generation Warfare<ref>William S. Lind, Colonel Keith Nightengale (USA), Captain John F. Schmitt (USMC), Colonel Joseph W. Sutton (USA), Lieutenant Colonel Gary I. Wilson (USMCR) (October 1989). "The Changing Face of War: Into the Fourth Generation". Marine Corps Gazette. url:https://www.mca-marines.org/files/The%20Changing%20Face%20of%20War%20-%20Into%20the%20Fourth%20Generation.pdf</ref>. The Fourth Generation War is a new asymmetric war which gives an important place to uncontrollable conflict phenomena, giving a special place to terrorism as a military act. This new form of warfare would be "non-linear" and "without a definable battlefield". It allows and authorizes to strike one's enemy everywhere, even beyond borders that prove useless and uncertain.
   
   
L’invention d’internet est une technique qui permet de décentraliser les systèmes informationnels pour que les systèmes informationnels puissent continuer à fonctionner si même un hub est détruit. Internet est une pensée moderne qui produit des interconnexions ce qui fait que l’information va utiliser des systèmes de façon aléatoire afin d’assurer le cheminement d’un message. Ce qui est intéressant est que dans la reconfiguration d’internet, Al Qaida a intégré ces concepts avec la mise en place d’un jihad décentralisé. Il faut que l’action soit décentralisée en dissémination l’organisation, les champs de bataille et les décisions opérationnelles. Le modèle d’Al Qaida est extrêmement moderne. C’est un modèle de la multinationale. Que dit Abu Musab Al-Suri ? Si le jihad est globalisé, il doit être décentralisé. La décentralisation comprend l’action, mais aussi les décisions. La dissémination offre une multiplicité de choix et d’actions : elle est un aspect organisationnel essentiel. Elle renvoie à une dissémination du champ de bataille et à une dissémination des niveaux opérationnels.
The invention of the Internet is a technique that allows IT systems to be decentralized so that IT systems can continue to function if even a hub is destroyed. The Internet is a modern way of thinking that produces interconnections, which means that information will use systems randomly to ensure the flow of a message. What is interesting is that in the reconfiguration of the Internet, Al Qaida has integrated these concepts with the implementation of a decentralized jihad. Action must be decentralized in terms of spreading the organization, battlefields and operational decisions. The Al Qaeda model is extremely modern. It is a model of the multinational. What does Abu Musab Al-Suri say? If jihad is globalized, it must be decentralized. Decentralization includes action, but also decisions. Dissemination offers a multiplicity of choices and actions: it is an essential organizational aspect. It refers to a spread of the battlefield and the dissemination of operational levels.
   
   
Ce que traduit le concept de nébuleuse utilisé pour parler d’Al-Qaida est que chaque cellule possède un commandant et chaque cellule est autonome. Il n’y a pas de hiérarchie organisationnelle, les individus devant fonctionner de manière autonome. La logistique est décentralisée. Le sommet de l’organisation est assuré par Ben Laden et ses commandants et fonctionne par impulsions grâce aux communiqués, aux messagers et aux messages, à Internet, aux vidéos de propagande, aux prises de position ou encore aux revendications et aux communiqués divers. Sur le terrain. Le principe de non-linéarité offre la multidimensionnalité du conflit, la multiplicité des formes de conflits et la possibilité de frapper partout et à tout instant. L’autonomie et l’autosuffisance des cellules font la force en matière de recrutements de djihadistes, de financement des opérations terroristes et en matière d’entraînement et de conduite des opérations.
What is reflected in the nebula concept used to describe Al-Qaida is that each cell has a commander and each cell is autonomous. There is no organizational hierarchy, as individuals must function autonomously. Logistics is decentralized. The top of the organization is run by Bin Laden and his commanding officers and functions by impulses through press releases, messengers and messages, the Internet, propaganda videos, position papers and various demands and press releases. On the field. The principle of non-linearity offers the multidimensionality of conflict, the multiplicity of forms of conflict and the possibility to strike everywhere and at any time. The autonomy and self-sufficiency of the cells are the strength in recruiting jihadists, financing terrorist operations and training and conducting operations.


= Conclusion =
= Conclusion =
Le terrorisme d’Al-Qaida va être une forme de terrorisme bien adaptée du milieu des années 1990 au milieu des années 2000 qui sont les premières années du jihad planétaire notamment parce que la lutte antiterroriste va s’affirmer. Mais à terme, on constate une somme de contradictions et est soulevé la question de savoir si un jihad planétaire peut-il se passer d’une base matérielle avec une Qaida, en l’occurrence, ici, l’Afghanistan. D’où l’importance du conflit en Afghanistan. On peut aussi s’interroger sur le fait de savoir s’il n’y aurait pas à terme des conflits d’intérêts entre les Arabes et le jihad international et les mouvements islamiques de libération nationale comme avec les cas de la Tchétchénie ou encore de l’OLP et du Hamas en Palestine et dans la bande de Gaz. Il y a une contradiction avec un jihad universalisé est la réalité du terrain qui fait que les luttes sont sur des territoires précis avec des enjeux précis. Cela explique en partie la difficulté de l’implantation d’Al Qaida en Palestine.
 
Al-Qaida terrorism will be a well-adapted form of terrorism from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s, which are the first years of global jihadism, particularly because the fight against terrorism will take hold. But in the long run, however, there is a sum of contradictions and the question arises as to whether a planetary jihad can do without a material base with a Qaida, in this case Afghanistan. Hence the importance of the conflict in Afghanistan. It is also questionable whether, in the long term, there would be conflicts of interest between the Arabs and international jihad and Islamic national liberation movements, as in the case of Chechnya or the PLO and Hamas in Palestine and the Gaza Strip. There is a contradiction with a universalized jihad is the reality on the ground that makes the struggles on specific territories with precise stakes. This partly explains the difficulty of establishing Al Qaeda in Palestine.
   
   
La question du leadership et de la doctrine renvoie au fait de savoir si doit-on ne pas remettre en cause le jihad global et quelles leçons tirer aujourd’hui d’un jihad global privé de plus en plus de ses bases arrières ? Il ne faut pas sous-estimer non plus les capacités d’Al-Qaida de fédérer avec par exemple le cas d’Al-Qaida au Maghreb Islamique.
The question of leadership and doctrine refers to whether global jihad should not be called into question and what lessons should be learned today from a global jihad that is increasingly deprived of its backbones? Nor should we underestimate the capacity of Al-Qaida to federate with, for example, the case of Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb.


= Annexes =
= Annexes =
Ligne 206 : Ligne 230 :
*Foreign Policy,. (2015). Dead or Alive, Mullah Omar Is a Relic. Retrieved 30 July 2015, from http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/07/29/dead-or-alive-mullah-omar-is-a-relic
*Foreign Policy,. (2015). Dead or Alive, Mullah Omar Is a Relic. Retrieved 30 July 2015, from http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/07/29/dead-or-alive-mullah-omar-is-a-relic
*Foreign Policy,. (2015). Al Qaeda Boss Zawahiri Pledges Allegiance to New Taliban Leader. Retrieved 13 August 2015, from https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/08/13/al-qaeda-boss-zawahiri-pledges-allegiance-to-new-taliban-leader
*Foreign Policy,. (2015). Al Qaeda Boss Zawahiri Pledges Allegiance to New Taliban Leader. Retrieved 13 August 2015, from https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/08/13/al-qaeda-boss-zawahiri-pledges-allegiance-to-new-taliban-leader
*Zahid, Farhan. “Influences of Abu Ala Maududi on Islamo-Jihadi Thoughts of Abdullah Azzam the Father of Modern Jihad Movement » Centre Français De Recherche Sur Le Renseignement.” Centre Français De Recherche Sur Le Renseignement, 2015, www.cf2r.org/foreign/influences-of-abu-ala-maududi-on-islamo-jihadi-thoughts-of-abdullah-azzam-the-father-of-modern-jihad-movement-2/.


== Bibliographie ==
== Bibliography ==
{{colonnes|taille= 18|
{{colonnes|taille= 18|
*Peter L. Bergen, Guerre sainte et multinationale, Paris, Gallimard, 2002 ;
*Peter L. Bergen, Guerre sainte et multinationale, Paris, Gallimard, 2002 ;
Ligne 230 : Ligne 255 :
}}
}}


= Références =
= References =
<references/>
<references />


[[Category:science-politique]]
[[Category:political science]]
[[Category:relations internationales]]   
[[Category:international relations]]   
[[Category:Rémi Baudoui]]
[[Category:Rémi Baudoui]]
[[Category:sécurité]]
[[Category:security]]
[[Category:terrorisme]]
[[Category:terrorism]]
[[Category:2011]]  
[[Category:2011]]  
[[Category:2013]]  
[[Category:2013]]  
[[Category:2014]]
[[Category:2014]]
[[Category:2015]]
[[Category:2015]]
[[Category:2016]]
[[Category:2017]]
[[Category:2018]]

Version actuelle datée du 24 mai 2019 à 23:58


The concept of "Qaida" [القاعدة] is a reference frame that refers to the concept of structure:

  • the base;
  • the rule;
  • base and standard.

Al Qâ' ida al sulba means "The solid base" which would designate the city of Medina, the base of the troops of Muhammad in order to carry the holy war towards Mecca. The concept of "Qaida" refers to an "inking geographically delimited" according to the words of Jean-Pierre Filiu. This refers to something that structures a geographically defined territory. There is a specific reference to the construction of a territory.

Al-Qaida predates the September 11 attacks. Al-Qaida has its origins in the crucible of the war in Afghanistan waged against Soviet troops in support of President Najibullah's communist regime, which is disputed by the people. The Soviet troops were threatened and came to protect the communist regime. It is the local context of a conflict that appears on populations who rely on Islam to federate and group together, making Islam an element of political and ideological force against a regime judged as secular and treacherous, since it was forced to ask the Soviets for help in order to protect it.

Al-Qaida is paid on the side of a guerrilla-type "war of national liberation". Afghanistan is a complicated territory, very mountainous, the political power controls the plains, but does not control the mountain. What is going to happen is an opposition between the plains that can be controlled and the mountains that serve as refuges for the mujahideen who are the fighters. Afghanistan becomes a place of civil war which will interest the great powers being placed on a strategic axis in terms of pipeline. This is an important area of strategic management, which means that Western countries will be interested in Afghanistan before 9/11. Some movements reportedly received some military support to fight against the Marxist regime in order to limit the Soviet Union's area of influence.

There is a double legacy:

  • The war of national liberation on the part of the guerrillas and guerrillas of Latin America with the integration of the struggle of the weak against a strong state;
  • of the holy war which is the idea of saying that Islam is a revolutionary force against the struggle against all forms of oppression. The Qur'an explains that aid to the poorest and a necessity which is one of the foundations of Islam. There is an anti-imperialist vision assembled with Islam as a form of combat.

It is a distant and close story rooted in the history of political violence in the Middle East.

The case of Abdallah Azzam is a Palestinian religious scholar who was a member of the Palestinian guerrilla from 1967 to 1969. He studies Muslim law at the University of Al Azhar in Cairo, which is a high place of Sunni Islam. He joined Afghanistan to fight the pro-Soviet regime. In 1984, he called for the defence of Muslim territories, which advocated individual jihad for every Muslim in the world. He is the founder with Bin Laden [1957 - 2011] of the first training camp for the "Arabs" in Afghanistan who are the internationalists and not the Afghans forming those who are already internationalizing to take advantage of Afghanistan as a place of internationalization of the Islamic revolution.

The origins of Al-Qaida[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Several types of struggles in different contexts will form a series of passages that accumulate creating meaning that leads to Al-Qaida. It is a slow story played out in several acts and in several theatres of military operations.

The Afghan conflict[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The Red Army in the Afghan mountains in 1983.

The origins are far away with the entry of the Red Army into Afghanistan to support the Marxist political regime of President Najibullah. Many countries are going to push for the creation of resistance. Saudi Arabia decides to fight the Soviet Union through the Organization of the Islamic Conference[OIC] which demands "the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Soviet troops".

At the head of the Mujahedeen, one finds member of the Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan which is the Afghan Abdul Rasul Sayyaf [1946 -] is a Ulema trained in Cairo and Saudi Arabia. He is appalled by his recent detention in communist prisons and receives the support of Ryad in the form of volunteer fighters. Hence the complexity of the influences that will appear in the Afghan conflict.

The ideological and religious influence: Wahhabism - Sunni Doctrine back to a purified Islam[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Wahhabism draws its origins and doctrine from the writings of Muhammad Ibn Al Wahhab[1703 - 1792] in order to purify Islam from its impurities through prohibition:

  • of the cult of saints;
  • funerary monuments;
  • luxury mosques;
  • from any source of legislation other than the Qur'an.

The complexity of these influences mobilizes against the communist regime. The fighting mechanism was formed in the Pakistani tribal areas with the arrival of Wahhabite preachers from Saudi Arabia and the indoctrination, mobilization and training of Afghan refugees for the Afghan National Liberation War. These tribal areas become a buffer zone in preparation for the national liberation war against the communist regime of Najibullah.

The idea of the territorial concept of a regenerated Islam emerges. In 1981 is founded by Sayyaf of the Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan. He binds with Bin Laden during the conflict with the Soviet Army.

Arab Jihad in Afghanistan[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Appears the idea that there is an Arab jihad to lead in Afghanistan which is seen as the potentiality of building an Islamic khalîfa.

Abdullah Yusuf Azzam

A second essential figure of the device is the Palestinian Abdullah Azzam [1941 - 1989]. Born in the West Bank, he studied in Damascus and Cairo. He binds himself with Sayyid Qobt's family, an ideologist of the Muslim Brotherhood. Then he moved to Damascus and managed the Jordanian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. After 1980, he committed himself to Afghan jihad against the Soviet occupation. He was disowned by the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood and wrote a fatwa prescribing Afghan jihad as an individual obligation.

« Any Arab who wants to accomplish jihad in Palestine can start there, but whoever cannot, let him go to Afghanistan. As for the other Muslims, I think they should start their jihad in Afghanistan. »

Afghanistan is becoming a place of transit or a means of making the jihad that cannot be done in Palestine. It is impossible to fight in Palestine already to achieve this, but also because the PLO is already firmly established there.

Azzam's convictions seduce Bin Laden, son of a wealthy Saudi construction entrepreneur who is a businessman who made his fortune in religious real estate. Bin Laden inherits an organized structure knowing what it's like to finance a territory. In Ben Landen's legacy, there is the understanding of economic power at the service of building a territory.

Al-zawahiri-al-qaida.jpg

Azzam and Bin Laden open a "Service Bureau" in Peshawar for the future Arab Mujahedin. It is a reception centre for Arab fighters who want to go to Afghanistan. This will cause the gradual arrival of the fighters, particularly Egyptian extremists imprisoned under Sadat.

Among them is Ayman al Zawahiri, an Egyptian physician, a former member of the Muslim Brotherhood who was imprisoned for three years and has been in Afghanistan. He arrived in Afghanistan on the basis of accusations that the Muslim Brotherhood had abandoned the path of jihad. It will see Afghanistan as an ideal land of protection and struggle. Azzam, Bin Laden and Zawahiri develop guest houses to gather their supporters.

With Sayyaf's help, they obtained permission from Pakistani authorities to open training camps for Arab fighters. In 1985, Azzam became head of the Islamic Humanitarian Organizations Coordinating Committee in Peshawar and Bin Laden supervised the infrastructure works in tribal areas, moved to Afghanistan in 1986 and set up the supporters' den with a few dozen fighters.

The Qâ’ida 
[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The fundamental challenge is to anchor the struggle by a militant vanguard based on Azzam's theory. Territorial anchoring is necessary to amplify the struggle and transform it into a general model of combat. The Qâ' ida model will be thought mimetically of the prophet's life. The Medinese experience of the Prophet will lead them to gather in a third place, to reorganize and launch the struggle against Mecca. Medina is the Qaida needed to launch jihad and conquer Arabia.

The Mujahideen Wars[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

In April 1987 the first battles of Bin Laden's troops against the Red Army took place. In April 1988 the Soviet withdrawal was announced. Afghan troops from Al-Qaida are part of the effort to overthrow the communist regime in Kabul. The battle of Jelalabad is a failure for the Muslim troops. An interesting paradox is that the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan breaks the momentum of jihad. Afghanistan is falling into factional conflict. A period of conflict is beginning between the different factions of the Afghan resistance. In 1989, Azzam disappeared in a car bomb attack.

Abdul Rashid Dostom
Ahmad Shah Massoud

Between 1989 and 1996, the Afghan civil war took place. Alliances and counter-allocations between the various factions leading to the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in 1992, which is an absolute fiction because of the conflicts between the various protagonists: Uzbek General Rachid Dostom, Tajik, Commander Massoud who is the leader of the Northern Alliance of Afghanistan fighting the power of the Taliban from 1996 until his death in 2001.

Between 1992 and 1996, Kabul suffered four years of conflict leading to nearly 40,000 deaths. In Pakistani and Afghan tribal areas, a new political force emerged: the Taliban.

"Taleb is the one who writes", Students in Religion "who gather under the leadership of their leader Mohammed Omar, a modest Pashtun mullah from a village in Kandahar. The heart of the Taliban problem is not the construction of an Islamic state, but a return to the purified more with respect for the Koran, divine law and Sharia law. The Taliban are a presence of fundamentalist religious moralization. In other words, they are neo-fundamentalists who advocate a re-Islamicisation of more and are not primarily interested in the question of the Islamic state. Through morality and the re-Islamisation of morals, the divine law which must guide society and men and women will be respected.

1994 are the first victories of the Taliban who will fight against the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. In 1996 there is a Taliban war going on against the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, which will control the country's clamour. On 27 September 1996, Kabul fell into the hands of the Taliban. Mullah Omar, leader of the Taliban, becomes the self-proclaimed new head of state under the title of commander of believers. It gathers the allegiance of the assembled tribal and religious notables. He becomes an emir[the one who commands] and calls for jihad against the unbelievers. The junction will be able to operate with Bin Laden in order to multiply their forces.

The Terrorist Emirate[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The Sudanese parenthesis
[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Between 1989 and 1990, Bin Laden returned to Saudi Arabia. It is the moral and financial reference for veterans. He helped them to relocate to the country and engaged the "Afghan Yemeni" to launch a jihad against the Marxist regime in Aden. The break with the Saudi Arabian authorities comes with the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein. He urged the Minister of Defense to mobilize the "veterans" to defend Kuwait, but the principle of solidarity? Arab led to a refusal on his part.

The point of contention is the agreement given to the Saudi government in the United States to protect it from Saddam Hussein by accepting the establishment of American military bases in Saudi Arabia. It is impossible to tolerate the presence of "unfaithful soldiers" on the Holy Places.

Bin Laden's new speech[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Obl.jpg

According to Bin Laden, the Saudi regime is endangering the security and interests of Islam. Bin Laden returns to Peshawar, whom he no longer recognises and decides to go into exile in Khartoum. Khartoum is an Islamic regime in Sudan with its close companions. Together with his company, he is involved in major construction and development projects in the region. At the same time, it will continue to mobilize itself on international issues financing combatants and is committed to supporting all extremist causes. Bin Laden is a kind of "godfather" of an international jihad without borders.

Bin Laden will be implicated in several international attacks including Ryad and Islamabad. In 1994, he lost his Saudi nationality and had to leave Sudan where he no longer felt safe. In 1996, after five years of absence from the Afghan scene, Bin Laden returned to Afghanistan.

The rapprochement with the Taliban[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The Afghanistan that Bin Laden discovers has nothing to do with the country he once knew. The power is in the hands of Mullah Omar, commander of the Believers. He decides to join the Afghan mountains to rebuild the Qaida and revive jihad.

Its position in this particular context was taken by the 1996 Jihad declaration against the Americans. He will develop "a secure[Qa' ida] base nestled in these summits on which the world's greatest atheistic military power has crashed", reduce "the American conspiracy and their allies", fight "this misleading propaganda on human rights[which] has given way to the beatings and massacres perpetrated against Muslims", repel "the unfaithful occupier". He is in fact an internationalist.

This is the first public appearance of Al-Qaida with a double bottom-up concept:

  • Territorial to hire jihad: it is necessary to structure resources, money, training camps.
  • Qâ'ida al-m'lûmatä] of Afghanistan veterans to recruit.

Meanwhile, the Taliban enter Kabul, President Najibullah is executed and the Taliban continue the war against Major Massoud.

Everything separates Bin Laden from Mollah Omar[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Ben laden + mollah omar.png

Between Stateless and Pashtun, Internationalist and localist, planetary jihadist and supporter of an Afghan war, everything separates Bin Laden and Mullah Omar. The only commonality is Islam as a political force and a purification system. Moreover, each of them claims a historical destiny:

  • Ben Laden: Planetary jihad and the government of Islam;
  • Mollah Omar: putting on the Prophet's coat.

In 1996, the alliance between the two men was formed. The agreement is being concluded is Bin Laden's assistance in fighting Massoud and encouraging the deployment of political Islam in Afghanistan. In response, Mullah Omar offers hospitality to Bin Laden in his montages.

The 1998 changeover[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Starting in 1998, there was a switchover. Arab jihadists are engaged by Bin Laden in the operations of Mullah Omar. Al-Zawahiri relaunches the series of international attacks. In February 1998, the World Islamic Jihad Front against Jews and Crusaders was formed. It is a device that refers to the Middle Ages in a Manichean vision.

The concept of the Crusader gives Bin Laden a specific stature, that of assimilating him to the very battle of the Prophet. The liberation of the holy places of Jerusalem and Mecca remains the main objective. We must "Killing the Americans and their allies, whether civilian or military, is a duty incumbent upon any Muslim who can do so in the country where he will be". The rupture is consumed with the prophetic tradition of jihad and the historical practice of Islam.

L'attentat à Nairobi en 1998 avait fait plus de 111 victimes. Photo : AFP
Fr-bateau390-dc363.jpg

Two major attacks took place in 1998. On 7 August, to commemorate the eighth anniversary of the deployment of American troops in Saudi Arabia, the two attacks by the American embassies in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi were carried out on 7 August. The first U. S. counterattack with the firing of 60 cruise missiles at Al-Qaida positions on the Afghan-Pakistani border. The Americans demanded the delivery of Bin Laden to Mullah Omar who refused in the name of the sanctity of Pashtun hospitality leading to the constitution of the World Islamic Jihad Front. In the strategy of Bin Laden and Mullah Omar, terror must be brought to the international level, but Afghanistan under the Taliban regime must become an impregnable "jihadist", the basis of global subversion. Hence the need to engage with Mullah Omar against Commander Massoud, who is calling for the departure of "Arab" fighters from Afghanistan.

The idea is that the liberation of Afghanistan for the Taliban is no longer an end in itself, but becomes a platform for the jihadist. Afghanistan must become a "jihadistan", that is, a place to export its struggle. This explains the fact that Mullah Omar and Bin Laden are sponsoring the assassination of Major Massoud. This is the time when the hijacking of airliners on targets was conceptualized in 1999.

In the summer of 2000, the Taliban and Al-Qaida mobilized their troops to stifle the Northern Alliance. Massoud is forced to return to the mountains. On October 12,2000, the Al-Qaida bombing took place against an American destroyer in the Aden Bay. An agreement between Bin Laden and Mullah Omar has been reached to remove Major Massoud, who is a major obstacle to the establishment of a unified Afghanistan under Taliban rule. Commander Massoud was suppressed a few days before the attacks of 11 September 2001, murdered by a group claiming to be a journalist. Commander Massoud's death is a sign of 9/11.

The Strategic terrorist doctrine[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

A political doctrine of "liberation"[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

One must be interested in the content of the text of Al Qaida, which is a doctrine that presents itself as a liberation doctrine based on an interpretation of oppression. Al Qaeda's speech is to say that we are oppressed by powers. The oppression increased all the more as American bases were established 80 kilometres from Mecca. The classic discourse is: "The enemy oppresses us, we are his prisoners. We must free ourselves from our chains.

The methods of liberation are not only to make justice triumph, but also to make the divine justice triumph with God who is the bearer of equity, justice and equality. There is a recovery of the prophetic tradition at Bin Laden. It is an important representation system. The struggle is to "rebel in the name of God, fight to the point of giving one's life, liberate oneself to commit the victory of God, justice, good and freedom".

The discourse is not that of waging war against other monotheistic religions, but against an oppression that groups together secular dimensions of societies that have not understood the conformity of god and human traditions, it is to be waged against a bondage that involves non-Muslims.

The claimed strategy is that of a war against the powerful, so it is a war of subversion in which mentalities must be transformed and subverted in order to join the cause and overthrow. Subversive theories take into account the asymmetric relationship of means between majority and minority. The war must be waged by everyone in a personal jihadist reflection. Bin Laden presents himself, first of all, as a defender of freedom suggesting a charismatic dimension, but he also presents himself as the only one who can bring the freedom that is done in communion with God and be in accord with God. In other words, Bin Laden presents himself according to God's order as a defender of freedom, a defender of service to God and the true theorist of freedom. He defines himself as a liberator and contrasts with his image of the President of the United States as the only "terrorist". The dialectical reversal is interesting because it represents itself as a liberator who fights against the American oppressor and the terrorism of the Western powers who come to define on its territory the ways of life. On the other hand, Bin Laden leads his struggle humbly in a relationship with God which is a freedom of religion acting within the framework of the Koran which gives the elements of ethical behavior doing so for the umma which is the community of believers in the world.

As a fighter of God and for God, he recalls the foundations of Islam according to him:

  • Islam is one - not two or three after Judaism and Christianity;
  • Islam is truth:"The supremacy of truth and the development of goodness go together";
  • God's uniqueness creates the principle of freedom;
  • freedom is beyond the dichotomy of right and wrong, but freedom is not in "everyone does what he likes".
  • freedom is in the strict application of religious principles
  • Freedom is not of the order of confiscation or possession.
  • It is in the name of God and for God, to order good is to forbid evil: it is therefore necessary to read the world as a division between good and evil.

The production of good requires jihad. Every Muslim must produce this good and the power belongs to the Al Qaeda community. Without Jihad, Muslims will only be able to enjoy their rights in the West "as slaves collecting the crumbs of the master's meal".

Who are the first enemies? The first enemies are not Christians and Jews, but Shiites who contested the succession of the prophets. Chi'ism for Al Zarquawi is a polytheistic religion that has nothing to do with Islam. Al Qaeda reproduces the very great conflict between Sunnis and Shiites. Then come the Jews who dispossessed them and the Christians who are in a system. There is the reconstruction of an imaginary with the ideal of purity is the desire for a return to purity. It is a reference and reference manipulation game with a form of denial of reality.

An asymmetrical combat doctrine
[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Asymmetric combat is a new type of warfare after the fall of the Berlin Wall linked to the end of a bipolar world. Wars are more dispersed on the planet and are no longer those of the Westphalian system, but the principle of Hobbesian anarchy between "partisans" or between "partisans" and nation-states based on the dissymmetry of means and on the effect of asymmetric surprise. Surprise is the golden rule. The asymmetry of the battles must be integrated into the fight, it is a military fight, but also a technological one in order to convince psychologically of the validity of the fight. There is a composite image with traditional military elements and extreme modernity. Technical domination is no longer enough and the mujahedeen prove their superiority in asymmetrical battles. The surprise effect is the prerequisite for success in asymmetric conflict.

The new fight is not only military, but also psychological:

« One of the Western strategies is that the best way to provoke psychological defeat is to attack the enemy, where the enemy feels protected and safe. That's exactly what the mujahedin did in New York City. It therefore appears that this imbalance between America and the Mujahedin is perfectly suited to the confrontation with the Western war machine, in particular the American machine. The Americans and the West understand the nature of this new challenge and the difficulty of the task ahead.

The time has come for Islamic movements facing a general offensive by the Crusaders to develop appropriate strategic thinking and to work on the necessary military preparations. They must increase their interest in proselytism and gain the public and political support of the people. It is not only a religious duty, but also one of the keys to the success of the war. Former strategists such as Von Clausewitz and Mao Tse Toung noted this. Perhaps the best example is the phenomenon of the Intifada, which has swept away the superiority of Zionist military power over the Palestinian Muslim people.

America wants to use military action to destroy the Mujaheddin's psychological successes and the resonances and positive ramifications of their heroic acts that attract support and sympathy in the Islamic world.

We pray to Allah that He will bring to the Islamic nation a new generation of preachers and religious leaders, capable of meeting the new challenges of the new war. »

This is seen as a device that goes from the military act, to the communication of acts of violence and the constitution of a Qaida on a global scale with the formation of religious authorities capable of explaining the war.

Towards the Fourth Generation Warfare[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Abou Moussab al-Souri, de son vrai nom Mustafa Setmariam Nasar. © DR

Mustafa Setmariam Nasar aka Abu Musab Al-Suri is a jihadist who in 2004 published an important jihadist encyclopedia of more than 1960 pages. The call to global Islamic resistance is made by taking up the theses of the colonel of the Marine Corps William Lind who wrote in 1989 an article on the Fourth Generation Warfare[2]. The Fourth Generation War is a new asymmetric war which gives an important place to uncontrollable conflict phenomena, giving a special place to terrorism as a military act. This new form of warfare would be "non-linear" and "without a definable battlefield". It allows and authorizes to strike one's enemy everywhere, even beyond borders that prove useless and uncertain.

The invention of the Internet is a technique that allows IT systems to be decentralized so that IT systems can continue to function if even a hub is destroyed. The Internet is a modern way of thinking that produces interconnections, which means that information will use systems randomly to ensure the flow of a message. What is interesting is that in the reconfiguration of the Internet, Al Qaida has integrated these concepts with the implementation of a decentralized jihad. Action must be decentralized in terms of spreading the organization, battlefields and operational decisions. The Al Qaeda model is extremely modern. It is a model of the multinational. What does Abu Musab Al-Suri say? If jihad is globalized, it must be decentralized. Decentralization includes action, but also decisions. Dissemination offers a multiplicity of choices and actions: it is an essential organizational aspect. It refers to a spread of the battlefield and the dissemination of operational levels.

What is reflected in the nebula concept used to describe Al-Qaida is that each cell has a commander and each cell is autonomous. There is no organizational hierarchy, as individuals must function autonomously. Logistics is decentralized. The top of the organization is run by Bin Laden and his commanding officers and functions by impulses through press releases, messengers and messages, the Internet, propaganda videos, position papers and various demands and press releases. On the field. The principle of non-linearity offers the multidimensionality of conflict, the multiplicity of forms of conflict and the possibility to strike everywhere and at any time. The autonomy and self-sufficiency of the cells are the strength in recruiting jihadists, financing terrorist operations and training and conducting operations.

Conclusion[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Al-Qaida terrorism will be a well-adapted form of terrorism from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s, which are the first years of global jihadism, particularly because the fight against terrorism will take hold. But in the long run, however, there is a sum of contradictions and the question arises as to whether a planetary jihad can do without a material base with a Qaida, in this case Afghanistan. Hence the importance of the conflict in Afghanistan. It is also questionable whether, in the long term, there would be conflicts of interest between the Arabs and international jihad and Islamic national liberation movements, as in the case of Chechnya or the PLO and Hamas in Palestine and the Gaza Strip. There is a contradiction with a universalized jihad is the reality on the ground that makes the struggles on specific territories with precise stakes. This partly explains the difficulty of establishing Al Qaeda in Palestine.

The question of leadership and doctrine refers to whether global jihad should not be called into question and what lessons should be learned today from a global jihad that is increasingly deprived of its backbones? Nor should we underestimate the capacity of Al-Qaida to federate with, for example, the case of Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb.

Annexes[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Articles[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Bibliography[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

  • Peter L. Bergen, Guerre sainte et multinationale, Paris, Gallimard, 2002 ;
  • Jean-Paul Charnay, L’Islam et la guerre, Paris, Fayard, 1986 ;
  • Dictionnaire mondial de l’islamisme, Paris, Plon, 2002 ;
  • Rik Coolsaet, Le mythe Al-Qaida, le terrorisme symptôme d’une société malade, Bruxelles, Editions Mols, 2004 ;
  • Bruno Etienne, L’islamisme radical, Paris, Hachette, 1987 ;
  • Bruno Etienne, Les combattants suicidaires suivi de les amants de l’apocalypse, L’Aube, 2005 ;
  • Jean-Pierre Filiu, Les frontières du jihad, Paris, Fayard, 2006 ;
  • Les neuf vies d’Al-Qaida, Paris, Fayard, 2009 ;
  • Jean Cyrille Godefroy, Frères Musulmans dans l’ombre d’Al Qaeda, Paris, 2005 ;
  • Nilüfer Gölr Interpénétrations. L’Islam et l’Europe, Paris, Galaade Editions, 2005. ;
  • Rohan Gunaratna, Al-Qaida, Au cœur du premier réseau terroriste mondial, Paris, Autrement, 2002 ;
  • Gilles Kepel, Le Prophète et Pharaon, Les mouvements islamistes dans l’Egypte contemporaine, Paris, La Découverte, 1984 ;
  • Gilles Kepel, Jihad. Expansion et déclin dl’islamisme, Paris, Gallimard, 2000 ;
  • Farhad Khosrokhavar, Les Nouveaux Martyrs d’Allah, Paris, Flammarion, 2002 ;
  • Michel Koutouzis, L’argent du djihad, Arte, Mille et une nuit, août 2002 ;
  • Loretta Napoleoni Qui finance le terrorisme international , Paris, Autrement, 2004 ;
  • Marc Sageman, Le vrai visage des terroristes. Psychologie et sociologie des acteurs du djihad, Paris, Denöel, 2005 ;
  • Dominique Thomas, Les hommes d’Al-Qaïda, Paris, Michalon, 2005 ;
  • Malet, David. Foreign Fighters: Transnational Identity in Civil Conflicts

References[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

  1. Page personnelle de Rémi Baudoui sur le site de l'Université de Genève
  2. William S. Lind, Colonel Keith Nightengale (USA), Captain John F. Schmitt (USMC), Colonel Joseph W. Sutton (USA), Lieutenant Colonel Gary I. Wilson (USMCR) (October 1989). "The Changing Face of War: Into the Fourth Generation". Marine Corps Gazette. url:https://www.mca-marines.org/files/The%20Changing%20Face%20of%20War%20-%20Into%20the%20Fourth%20Generation.pdf