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| The Middle East, cradle of ancient civilisations and crossroads of cultural and commercial exchange, has played a central role in world history, particularly during the Middle Ages. This dynamic and diverse period saw the rise and fall of numerous empires and states, each leaving an indelible mark on the region's political, cultural and social landscape. From the expansion of the Islamic caliphates, with their cultural and scientific apogee, to the prolonged influence of the Byzantine Empire, via the incursions of the Crusaders and the Mongol conquests, the Medieval Middle East was a constantly evolving mosaic of powers. This period not only shaped the region's identity but also had a profound impact on the development of world history, building bridges between East and West. The study of Middle Eastern empires and states in the Middle Ages therefore offers a fascinating window onto a crucial period in human history, revealing stories of conquest, resilience, innovation and cultural interaction.
| | 中东是古代文明的摇篮，也是文化和商业交流的十字路口，在世界历史上，尤其是在中世纪，一直扮演着核心角色。在这个充满活力和多样性的时期，见证了无数帝国和国家的兴衰，每个帝国和国家都在该地区的政治、文化和社会版图上留下了不可磨灭的印记。从伊斯兰哈里发的扩张及其文化和科学的顶峰，到拜占庭帝国的长期影响，再到十字军的入侵和蒙古人的征服，中世纪的中东是一个不断演变的大国马赛克。这一时期不仅塑造了该地区的特征，还对世界历史的发展产生了深远影响，在东西方之间架起了桥梁。因此，对中世纪中东帝国和国家的研究为了解人类历史的关键时期提供了一个迷人的窗口，揭示了征服、复原、创新和文化互动的故事。 |
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| =The Ottoman Empire= | | =奥斯曼帝国= |
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| === Foundation and expansion of the Ottoman Empire === | | === 奥斯曼帝国的建立和扩张 === |
| The Ottoman Empire, founded at the end of the 13th century, is a fascinating example of an imperial power that had a profound effect on the history of three continents: Asia, Africa and Europe. Its foundation is generally attributed to Osman I, the leader of a Turkish tribe in the Anatolia region. The success of this empire lay in its ability to expand rapidly and establish an efficient administration over an immense territory. From the middle of the 14th century, the Ottomans began to expand their territory in Europe, gradually conquering parts of the Balkans. This expansion marked a major turning point in the balance of power in the Mediterranean and Eastern Europe. However, contrary to popular belief, the Ottoman Empire did not destroy Rome. In fact, the Ottomans laid siege to Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine Empire, and conquered it in 1453, putting an end to that empire. This conquest was a major historical event, marking the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the modern era in Europe.
| | 奥斯曼帝国建立于 13 世纪末，是一个帝国强国的精彩范例，对三大洲的历史产生了深远影响：它对亚洲、非洲和欧洲三大洲的历史产生了深远的影响。奥斯曼帝国的建立一般归功于安纳托利亚地区一个土耳其部落的首领奥斯曼一世。这个帝国的成功在于它能够迅速扩张，并在广袤的领土上建立起高效的管理机构。从 14 世纪中叶开始，奥斯曼人开始在欧洲扩张领土，逐渐征服了巴尔干半岛的部分地区。这一扩张标志着地中海和东欧均势的一个重要转折点。然而，与普遍的看法相反，奥斯曼帝国并没有摧毁罗马。事实上，奥斯曼人围攻了拜占庭帝国的首都君士坦丁堡，并于 1453 年征服了君士坦丁堡，终结了这个帝国。这次征服是一个重大历史事件，标志着欧洲中世纪的结束和现代的开始。 |
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| The Ottoman Empire is known for its complex administrative structure and religious tolerance, notably with the millet system, which allowed a degree of autonomy for non-Muslim communities. Its heyday extended from the 15th to the 17th century, during which time it exerted a considerable influence on trade, culture, science, art and architecture. The Ottomans introduced many innovations and were important mediators between East and West. However, from the 18th century onwards, the Ottoman Empire began to decline in the face of rising European powers and internal problems. This decline accelerated in the 19th century, eventually leading to the dissolution of the empire after the First World War. The legacy of the Ottoman Empire remains deeply rooted in the regions it ruled, influencing the cultural, political and social aspects of those societies to this day.
| | 奥斯曼帝国以其复杂的行政结构和宗教宽容而著称，尤其是允许非穆斯林社区享有一定自治权的小米制度。其鼎盛时期从 15 世纪延续到 17 世纪，在此期间，它对贸易、文化、科学、艺术和建筑产生了相当大的影响。奥斯曼人引进了许多创新，是东西方之间的重要调解人。然而，从 18 世纪起，面对欧洲列强的崛起和内部问题，奥斯曼帝国开始衰落。这种衰落在 19 世纪加速，最终导致帝国在第一次世界大战后解体。奥斯曼帝国的遗产仍然深深扎根于它所统治的地区，至今影响着这些社会的文化、政治和社会方面。 |
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| The Ottoman Empire, a remarkable political and military entity founded at the end of the 13th century by Osman I, has had a profound impact on the history of Eurasia. Emerging against a backdrop of political fragmentation and rivalries between the beylicats in Anatolia, this empire quickly demonstrated an exceptional ability to extend its influence, positioning itself as a dominant power in the region. The middle of the 14th century was a decisive turning point for the Ottoman Empire, notably with the conquest of Gallipoli in 1354. This victory, far from being a mere feat of arms, marked the first permanent Ottoman settlement in Europe and paved the way for a series of conquests in the Balkans. These military successes, combined with skilful diplomacy, enabled the Ottomans to consolidate their hold on strategic territories and to interfere in European affairs.
| | 奥斯曼帝国是奥斯曼一世于 13 世纪末建立的一个杰出的政治和军事实体，对欧亚大陆的历史产生了深远的影响。在安纳托利亚政治四分五裂、诸侯争霸的背景下，这个帝国迅速展现出扩大影响力的非凡能力，成为该地区的霸主。14 世纪中叶是奥斯曼帝国的决定性转折点，尤其是 1354 年对加利波利的征服。这场胜利绝非单纯的军事胜利，它标志着奥斯曼帝国在欧洲建立了第一个永久定居点，并为在巴尔干地区的一系列征服铺平了道路。这些军事胜利加上娴熟的外交技巧，使奥斯曼人得以巩固其对战略领土的控制，并干涉欧洲事务。 |
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| Under the leadership of rulers such as Mehmed II, famous for his conquest of Constantinople in 1453, the Ottoman Empire not only reshaped the political landscape of the eastern Mediterranean but also initiated a period of profound cultural and economic transformation. The capture of Constantinople, which put an end to the Byzantine Empire, was a pivotal moment in world history, marking the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the modern era. The empire excelled in the art of warfare, often thanks to its disciplined and innovative army, but also through its pragmatic approach to governance, integrating diverse ethnic and religious groups under a centralised administrative system. This cultural diversity, coupled with political stability, encouraged a flourishing of the arts, science and commerce.
| | 在以 1453 年征服君士坦丁堡而闻名的穆罕默德二世等统治者的领导下，奥斯曼帝国不仅重塑了东地中海的政治版图，还开启了一段深刻的文化和经济变革时期。攻占君士坦丁堡终结了拜占庭帝国，是世界历史上的关键时刻，标志着中世纪的结束和现代的开始。拜占庭帝国在战争艺术方面的卓越成就往往归功于其纪律严明、勇于创新的军队，但同时也得益于其务实的治理方式，即在中央集权的行政体系下整合不同的民族和宗教团体。这种文化多样性加上政治稳定，促进了艺术、科学和商业的繁荣。 |
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| === Conflicts and Military Challenges of the Ottoman Empire === | | === 奥斯曼帝国的冲突和军事挑战 === |
| Throughout its history, the Ottoman Empire experienced a series of spectacular conquests and significant setbacks that shaped its destiny and that of the regions it dominated. Their expansion, marked by major victories, was also punctuated by strategic failures. The Ottoman incursion into the Balkans was one of the first steps in their European expansion. This conquest not only extended their territory but also strengthened their position as the dominant power in the region. The capture of Istanbul in 1453 by Mehmed II, known as Mehmed the Conqueror, was a major historical event. This victory not only marked the end of the Byzantine Empire but also symbolised the indisputable rise of the Ottoman Empire as a superpower. Their expansion continued with the capture of Cairo in 1517, a crucial event that marked the integration of Egypt into the empire and the end of the Abbasid caliphate. Under Suleiman the Magnificent, the Ottomans also conquered Baghdad in 1533, extending their influence over the rich and strategic lands of Mesopotamia.
| | 纵观奥斯曼帝国的历史，它经历了一系列壮观的征服和重大挫折，这些都决定了它及其统治地区的命运。奥斯曼帝国的扩张以重大胜利为标志，但也有战略失败。奥斯曼帝国对巴尔干半岛的入侵是其欧洲扩张的第一步。这次征服不仅扩大了他们的领土，还巩固了他们在该地区的霸主地位。1453 年，被称为征服者的穆罕默德二世攻占伊斯坦布尔，这是一个重大历史事件。这一胜利不仅标志着拜占庭帝国的灭亡，也象征着奥斯曼帝国无可争议地崛起为超级大国。奥斯曼帝国继续扩张，于 1517 年攻占开罗，这是标志着埃及融入帝国和阿拔斯哈里发统治结束的关键事件。在苏莱曼大帝的领导下，奥斯曼帝国还于 1533 年征服了巴格达，将其影响力扩展到美索不达米亚富饶而具有战略意义的土地上。 |
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| However, Ottoman expansion was not without obstacles. The siege of Vienna in 1529, an ambitious attempt to further extend their influence in Europe, ended in failure. A further attempt in 1623 also failed, marking the limits of Ottoman expansion in Central Europe. These failures were key moments, illustrating the limits of the Ottoman Empire's military and logistical power in the face of organised European defences. Another major setback was the defeat at the Battle of Lepanto in 1571. This naval battle, in which the Ottoman fleet was defeated by a coalition of European Christian forces, marked a turning point in Ottoman control of the Mediterranean. Although the Ottoman Empire managed to recover from this defeat and maintain a strong presence in the region, Lepanto symbolised the end of their uncontested expansion and marked the beginning of a period of more balanced maritime rivalries in the Mediterranean. Taken together, these events illustrate the dynamics of Ottoman expansion: a series of impressive conquests, interspersed with significant challenges and setbacks. They highlight the complexity of managing such a vast empire and the difficulty of maintaining constant expansion in the face of increasingly organised and resistant adversaries.
| | 然而，奥斯曼帝国的扩张并非一帆风顺。1529 年，奥斯曼人围攻维也纳，企图进一步扩大其在欧洲的影响力，但以失败告终。1623年的进一步尝试也以失败告终，这标志着奥斯曼帝国在中欧扩张的极限。这些失败是关键时刻，说明了奥斯曼帝国的军事和后勤力量在面对欧洲有组织的防御时的局限性。另一个重大挫折是 1571 年在莱庞托海战中的失败。在这场海战中，奥斯曼舰队被欧洲基督教联军击败，标志着奥斯曼帝国控制地中海的转折点。虽然奥斯曼帝国设法从这次失败中恢复过来，并在该地区保持了强大的存在，但莱潘托海战象征着奥斯曼帝国无争议扩张的终结，标志着地中海地区更加平衡的海上竞争时期的开始。综合来看，这些事件说明了奥斯曼帝国扩张的动力：一系列令人印象深刻的征服，夹杂着重大的挑战和挫折。它们凸显了管理这样一个庞大帝国的复杂性，以及在面对组织日益严密、抵抗力不断增强的对手时保持持续扩张的难度。 |
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| === Reforms and Internal Transformations of the Ottoman Empire === | | === 奥斯曼帝国的改革和内部转型 === |
| The Russo-Ottoman War of 1768-1774 was a crucial episode in the history of the Ottoman Empire, marking not only the beginning of its significant territorial losses but also a change in its structure of political and religious legitimacy. The end of this war was marked by the signing of the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (or Kutchuk-Kaïnardji) in 1774. This treaty had far-reaching consequences for the Ottoman Empire. Firstly, it resulted in the cession of significant territories to the Russian Empire, notably parts of the Black Sea and the Balkans. This loss not only reduced the size of the Empire but also weakened its strategic position in Eastern Europe and the Black Sea region. Secondly, the treaty marked a turning point in international relations at the time, by weakening the position of the Ottoman Empire on the European stage. The Empire, which had been a major and often dominant player in regional affairs, began to be perceived as a declining state, vulnerable to pressure and intervention from European powers.
| | 1768-1774 年的俄奥斯曼战争是奥斯曼帝国历史上的一个关键事件，它不仅标志着奥斯曼帝国开始遭受重大领土损失，而且标志着其政治和宗教合法性结构的变化。1774 年签署的《库丘克-卡伊纳尔卡条约》（或称《库丘克-卡伊纳尔吉条约》）标志着这场战争的结束。该条约对奥斯曼帝国影响深远。首先，它导致奥斯曼帝国将大量领土割让给俄罗斯帝国，特别是黑海和巴尔干的部分地区。这一损失不仅缩小了帝国的版图，还削弱了其在东欧和黑海地区的战略地位。其次，条约削弱了奥斯曼帝国在欧洲舞台上的地位，标志着当时国际关系的转折点。奥斯曼帝国曾是地区事务的主要参与者，而且经常占据主导地位，但现在开始被视为一个衰落的国家，容易受到欧洲列强的压力和干预。 |
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| Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the end of this war and the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca also had a significant impact on the internal structure of the Ottoman Empire. In the face of these defeats, the Empire began to place greater emphasis on the religious aspect of the Caliphate as a source of legitimacy. The Ottoman Sultan, already recognised as the political leader of the empire, began to be valued more as the Caliph, the religious leader of the Muslim community. This development was a response to the need to strengthen the authority and legitimacy of the Sultanate in the face of internal and external challenges, relying on religion as a unifying force and source of power. Thus, the Russo-Ottoman War and the resulting treaty marked a turning point in Ottoman history, symbolising both a territorial decline and a change in the nature of imperial legitimacy.
| | 最后，或许也是最重要的一点，战争的结束和《库库克-卡伊纳尔卡条约》也对奥斯曼帝国的内部结构产生了重大影响。面对这些失败，帝国开始更加强调哈里发宗教方面的合法性。已经被公认为帝国政治领袖的奥斯曼帝国苏丹，开始更多地被视为哈里发，即穆斯林社区的宗教领袖。这一发展是为了应对国内外的挑战，加强苏丹国的权威和合法性，将宗教作为一种统一的力量和权力的源泉。因此，俄奥战争和由此产生的条约标志着奥斯曼帝国历史的转折点，既象征着领土的衰落，也象征着帝国合法性性质的改变。 |
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| === Foreign Influences and International Relations === | | === 外国影响和国际关系 === |
| The intervention in Egypt in 1801, where British and Ottoman forces joined forces to drive out the French, marked an important turning point in the history of Egypt and the Ottoman Empire. The appointment of Mehmet Ali, an Albanian officer, as pasha of Egypt by the Ottomans ushered in an era of profound transformation and semi-independence of Egypt from the Ottoman Empire. Mehmet Ali, often regarded as the founder of modern Egypt, initiated a series of radical reforms aimed at modernising Egypt. These reforms affected various aspects, including the army, the administration and the economy, and were inspired in part by European models. Under his leadership, Egypt underwent significant development, and Mehmet Ali sought to extend his influence beyond Egypt. Against this backdrop, the Nahda, or Arab Renaissance, gained considerable momentum. This cultural and intellectual movement, which sought to revitalise Arab culture and adapt it to modern challenges, benefited from the climate of reform and openness initiated by Mehmet Ali.
| | 1801 年，英国和奥斯曼帝国联军在埃及进行干预，赶走了法国人，这是埃及和奥斯曼帝国历史上的一个重要转折点。奥斯曼帝国任命阿尔巴尼亚军官麦赫迈特-阿里（Mehmet Ali）为埃及帕夏，开创了埃及从奥斯曼帝国半独立和深刻变革的时代。穆罕默德-阿里通常被视为现代埃及的奠基人，他发起了一系列旨在实现埃及现代化的激进改革。这些改革涉及各个方面，包括军队、行政和经济，部分受到欧洲模式的启发。在他的领导下，埃及取得了长足的发展，穆罕默德-阿里试图将自己的影响力扩展到埃及以外的地区。在此背景下，Nahda（即阿拉伯文艺复兴）获得了相当大的发展势头。这场旨在振兴阿拉伯文化并使其适应现代挑战的文化和知识运动，得益于麦赫麦特-阿里倡导的改革和开放氛围。 |
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| Mehmet Ali's son, Ibrahim Pasha, played a key role in Egypt's expansionist ambitions. In 1836, he launched an offensive against the Ottoman Empire, which was then weakened and in decline. This confrontation culminated in 1839, when Ibrahim's forces inflicted a major defeat on the Ottomans. However, the intervention of the European powers, notably Great Britain, Austria and Russia, prevented a total Egyptian victory. Under international pressure, a peace treaty was signed, recognising Egypt's de facto autonomy under the rule of Mehmet Ali and his descendants. This recognition marked an important step in Egypt's separation from the Ottoman Empire, although Egypt remained nominally under Ottoman suzerainty. The British position was particularly interesting. Initially allied with the Ottomans to contain French influence in Egypt, they eventually opted to support Egyptian autonomy under Mehmet Ali, recognising the changing political and strategic realities of the region. This decision reflected the British desire to stabilise the region while controlling vital trade routes, particularly those leading to India. The Egyptian episode in the early decades of the 19th century illustrates not only the complex power dynamics between the Ottoman Empire, Egypt and the European powers, but also the profound changes that were taking place in the political and social order of the Middle East at the time.
| | 穆罕默德-阿里的儿子易卜拉欣-帕夏在埃及的扩张主义野心中发挥了关键作用。1836 年，他向奥斯曼帝国发起进攻，当时奥斯曼帝国正处于衰弱和衰落之中。这场对抗在 1839 年达到高潮，易卜拉欣的军队大败奥斯曼帝国。然而，欧洲列强，特别是英国、奥地利和俄罗斯的干预阻止了埃及的全面胜利。在国际压力下，双方签署了和平条约，承认埃及在穆罕默德-阿里及其后裔的统治下享有事实上的自治权。这一承认标志着埃及脱离奥斯曼帝国迈出了重要一步，尽管埃及名义上仍处于奥斯曼帝国的宗主权之下。英国的立场尤其引人关注。英国最初与奥斯曼帝国结盟，以遏制法国在埃及的影响，但英国认识到该地区不断变化的政治和战略现实，最终选择支持穆罕默德-阿里领导下的埃及自治。这一决定反映了英国希望在控制重要贸易路线（尤其是通往印度的贸易路线）的同时稳定该地区局势的愿望。19 世纪初几十年的埃及事件不仅说明了奥斯曼帝国、埃及和欧洲列强之间复杂的力量对比，也说明了当时中东政治和社会秩序正在发生的深刻变化。 |
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| === Modernisation and reform movements === | | === 现代化和改革运动 === |
| Napoleon Bonaparte's expedition to Egypt in 1798 was a revelatory event for the Ottoman Empire, highlighting the fact that it was lagging behind the European powers in terms of modernisation and military capacity. This realisation was an important driving force behind a series of reforms known as the Tanzimat, launched in 1839 to modernise the empire and halt its decline. The Tanzimat, meaning "reorganisation" in Turkish, marked a period of profound transformation in the Ottoman Empire. One of the key aspects of these reforms was the modernisation of the organisation of the Dhimmis, the non-Muslim citizens of the empire. This included the creation of the Millet systems, which offered various religious communities a degree of cultural and administrative autonomy. The aim was to integrate these communities more effectively into the structure of the Ottoman state while preserving their distinct identities.
| | 1798 年拿破仑-波拿巴远征埃及对奥斯曼帝国来说是一个启示性事件，凸显了奥斯曼帝国在现代化和军事能力方面落后于欧洲列强的事实。这一认识是 1839 年发起的一系列改革（即 Tanzimat）的重要推动力，这些改革旨在实现帝国的现代化并阻止其衰落。Tanzimat在土耳其语中意为 "重组"，标志着奥斯曼帝国进入了一个深刻变革的时期。这些改革的一个重要方面是帝国非穆斯林公民迪米人组织的现代化。这包括建立米勒制度，为各种宗教团体提供一定程度的文化和行政自治。其目的是将这些社区更有效地融入奥斯曼帝国的国家结构，同时保留其独特的身份。 |
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| A second wave of reforms was initiated in an attempt to create a form of Ottoman citizenship, transcending religious and ethnic divisions. However, this attempt was often hampered by inter-communal violence, reflecting the deep tensions within the multi-ethnic and multi-faith empire. At the same time, these reforms met with significant resistance within certain factions of the army, who were hostile to changes perceived to threaten their traditional status and privileges. This resistance led to revolts and internal instability, exacerbating the challenges facing the empire.
| | 第二波改革浪潮开始了，试图建立一种超越宗教和种族划分的奥斯曼公民制度。然而，这一尝试常常受到族群间暴力的阻碍，反映出多民族和多信仰帝国内部的深刻矛盾。与此同时，这些改革在军队的某些派别中遇到了巨大的阻力，这些派别敌视那些被认为威胁到其传统地位和特权的变革。这种抵制导致了起义和内部动荡，加剧了帝国面临的挑战。 |
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| Against this tumultuous backdrop, a political and intellectual movement known as the "Young Ottomans" emerged in the mid-19th century. This group sought to reconcile the ideals of modernisation and reform with the principles of Islam and Ottoman traditions. They advocated a constitution, national sovereignty, and more inclusive political and social reforms. The efforts of the Tanzimat and the ideals of the Young Ottomans were significant attempts to respond to the challenges facing the Ottoman Empire in a rapidly changing world. While these efforts brought about some positive changes, they also revealed the deep fissures and tensions within the empire, foreshadowing the even greater challenges that would arise in the final decades of its existence.
| | 在这种动荡的背景下，19 世纪中叶出现了一场被称为 "青年奥斯曼人 "的政治和思想运动。这个团体试图将现代化和改革的理想与伊斯兰教的原则和奥斯曼帝国的传统相协调。他们主张制定宪法、国家主权以及更具包容性的政治和社会改革。坦齐马特的努力和青年奥斯曼人的理想是奥斯曼帝国在瞬息万变的世界中应对挑战的重要尝试。虽然这些努力带来了一些积极的变化，但也暴露了帝国内部深刻的裂痕和紧张关系，预示着在帝国存在的最后几十年里将出现更大的挑战。 |
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| In 1876, a crucial stage in the Tanzimat process was reached with the accession to power of Sultan Abdülhamid II, who introduced the Ottoman Empire's first monarchical constitution. This period marked a significant turning point, attempting to reconcile the principles of modernisation with the traditional structure of the empire. The 1876 constitution represented an effort to modernise the administration of the empire and to establish a legislative system and parliament, reflecting the liberal and constitutional ideals in vogue in Europe at the time. However, Abdülhamid II's reign was also marked by a strong rise in pan-Islamism, an ideology aimed at strengthening ties between Muslims within the empire and beyond, against a backdrop of growing rivalry with Western powers.
| | 1876 年，随着苏丹阿卜杜勒哈米德二世的上台，坦齐马进程进入了一个关键阶段，他颁布了奥斯曼帝国的第一部君主立宪制宪法。这一时期是一个重要的转折点，它试图将现代化原则与帝国的传统结构相协调。1876 年的宪法体现了帝国行政现代化的努力，并建立了立法制度和议会，反映了当时欧洲流行的自由和宪政理想。然而，阿卜杜勒哈米德二世统治时期的另一个特点是泛伊斯兰主义的强势崛起，这种意识形态旨在加强帝国内外穆斯林之间的联系，与西方列强的竞争日益激烈。 |
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| Abdülhamid II used pan-Islamism as a tool to consolidate his power and counter external influences. He invited Muslim leaders and dignitaries to Istanbul and offered to educate their children in the Ottoman capital, an initiative designed to strengthen cultural and political ties within the Muslim world. However, in 1878, in a surprising U-turn, Abdülhamid II suspended the constitution and closed parliament, marking a return to autocratic rule. This decision was motivated in part by fears of insufficient control over the political process and the rise of nationalist movements within the empire. The Sultan thus strengthened his direct control over the government, while continuing to promote pan-Islamism as a means of legitimisation.
| | 阿卜杜勒哈米德二世将泛伊斯兰主义作为巩固权力和抵御外部影响的工具。他邀请穆斯林领袖和政要前往伊斯坦布尔，并提出让他们的子女在奥斯曼帝国首都接受教育，这一举措旨在加强穆斯林世界的文化和政治联系。然而，1878 年，阿卜杜勒哈米德二世出人意料地突然转向，中止了宪法，关闭了议会，标志着专制统治的回归。做出这一决定的部分原因是担心对政治进程的控制不足以及帝国内部民族主义运动的兴起。苏丹因此加强了对政府的直接控制，同时继续推行泛伊斯兰主义，以此作为合法化的手段。 |
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| In this context, Salafism, a movement aimed at returning to the practices of first-generation Islam, was influenced by the ideals of pan-Islamism and the Nahda (Arab Renaissance). Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, often regarded as the precursor of the modern Salafist movement, played a key role in spreading these ideas. Al-Afghani advocated a return to the original principles of Islam while encouraging the adoption of certain forms of technological and scientific modernisation. The Tanzimat period and the reign of Abdülhamid II thus illustrate the complexity of attempts at reform in the Ottoman Empire, torn between the demands of modernisation and the maintenance of traditional structures and ideologies. The impact of this period was felt well beyond the fall of the Empire, influencing political and religious movements throughout the modern Muslim world.
| | 在这种情况下，萨拉菲主义（旨在回归第一代伊斯兰教实践的运动）受到了泛伊斯兰主义和阿拉伯文艺复兴（Nahda）理想的影响。Jamal al-Din al-Afghani 通常被视为现代萨拉菲运动的先驱，他在传播这些思想方面发挥了关键作用。阿夫加尼主张回归伊斯兰教的原始原则，同时鼓励采用某些形式的技术和科学现代化。因此，坦齐马特时期和阿卜杜勒哈米德二世统治时期说明了奥斯曼帝国改革尝试的复杂性，既要满足现代化的要求，又要保持传统的结构和意识形态。这一时期的影响远远超出了帝国的衰落，影响了整个现代穆斯林世界的政治和宗教运动。 |
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| === Decline and fall of the Ottoman Empire === | | === 奥斯曼帝国的衰落和灭亡 === |
| The "Eastern Question", a term used mainly in the 19th and early 20th centuries, refers to a complex and multi-dimensional debate concerning the future of the gradually declining Ottoman Empire. This issue emerged as a result of the Empire's successive territorial losses, the emergence of Turkish nationalism, and the growing separation from non-Muslim territories, particularly in the Balkans. As early as 1830, with the independence of Greece, the Ottoman Empire began to lose its European territories. This trend continued with the Balkan Wars and accelerated during the First World War, culminating in the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. These losses profoundly altered the political geography of the region.
| | "东方问题 "一词主要用于 19 世纪和 20 世纪初，指的是关于逐渐衰落的奥斯曼帝国未来的复杂而多层面的争论。这一问题的出现是由于帝国领土的接连丧失、土耳其民族主义的兴起以及与非穆斯林领土（尤其是巴尔干地区）的分离日益加剧。早在 1830 年，随着希腊的独立，奥斯曼帝国就开始失去其欧洲领土。这一趋势随着巴尔干战争而继续，并在第一次世界大战期间加速，最终导致 1920 年《塞夫尔条约》和 1923 年在穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克的领导下成立土耳其共和国。这些损失深刻地改变了该地区的政治地理格局。 |
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| Against this backdrop, Turkish nationalism gained momentum. This movement sought to redefine the empire's identity around the Turkish element, in contrast to the multi-ethnic and multi-religious model that had prevailed until then. This rise in nationalism was a direct response to the gradual dismantling of the empire and the need to forge a new national identity. At the same time, the idea of forming a kind of "international of Islam" emerged, notably under the impetus of Sultan Abdülhamid II with his pan-Islamism. This idea envisaged the creation of a union or cooperation between Muslim nations, inspired by certain similar ideas in Europe, where internationalism sought to unite peoples beyond national borders. The aim was to create a united front of Muslim peoples to resist the influence and intervention of Western powers, while preserving the interests and independence of Muslim territories.
| | 在此背景下，土耳其民族主义获得了发展势头。这场运动试图围绕土耳其元素重新定义帝国的身份，与在此之前盛行的多民族和多宗教模式形成鲜明对比。民族主义的兴起是对帝国逐渐解体和需要建立新的民族身份的直接回应。与此同时，特别是在阿卜杜勒哈米德二世苏丹的泛伊斯兰主义推动下，出现了建立一种 "伊斯兰国际 "的想法。这种思想设想在穆斯林国家之间建立联盟或合作关系，它受到欧洲某些类似思想的启发，在欧洲，国际主义寻求超越国界团结各国人民。其目的是建立穆斯林人民的统一战线，抵制西方列强的影响和干涉，同时维护穆斯林领土的利益和独立。 |
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| However, the implementation of such an idea proved difficult due to diverse national interests, regional rivalries and the growing influence of nationalist ideas. Moreover, political developments, notably the First World War and the rise of nationalist movements in various parts of the Ottoman Empire, made the vision of an "international of Islam" increasingly unattainable. The Question of the East as a whole therefore reflects the profound geopolitical and ideological transformations that took place in the region during this period, marking the end of a multi-ethnic empire and the birth of new nation-states with their own national identities and aspirations.
| | 然而，由于各国利益不同、地区竞争激烈以及民族主义思潮的影响日益扩大，这一主张很难付诸实施。此外，政治形势的发展，特别是第一次世界大战和民族主义运动在奥斯曼帝国各地的兴起，使 "伊斯兰国际 "的愿景越来越难以实现。因此，整个 "东方问题 "反映了这一时期该地区发生的深刻的地缘政治和意识形态变革，标志着一个多民族帝国的终结，以及具有自身民族特性和愿望的新民族国家的诞生。 |
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| The 'Weltpolitik' or world policy adopted by Germany in the late 19th and early 20th centuries played a crucial role in the geopolitical dynamics involving the Ottoman Empire. This policy, initiated under the reign of Kaiser Wilhelm II, aimed to extend Germany's influence and prestige on the international stage, notably through colonial expansion and strategic alliances. The Ottoman Empire, seeking to escape pressure from Russia and Great Britain, found in Germany a potentially useful ally. This alliance was symbolised in particular by the project to build the Berlin-Baghdad Railway (BBB). This railway, designed to link Berlin to Baghdad via Byzantium (Istanbul), was of considerable strategic and economic importance. It was intended not only to facilitate trade and communications, but also to strengthen German influence in the region and provide a counterweight to British and Russian interests in the Middle East.
| | 德国在 19 世纪末 20 世纪初采取的 "世界政治 "或世界政策在涉及奥斯曼帝国的地缘政治动态中发挥了至关重要的作用。在德皇威廉二世统治时期启动的这一政策旨在扩大德国在国际舞台上的影响力和声望，特别是通过殖民扩张和战略联盟。奥斯曼帝国为了摆脱俄国和英国的压力，在德国找到了一个潜在的有用盟友。柏林-巴格达铁路（BBB）建设项目就是这一联盟的象征。这条铁路旨在通过拜占庭（伊斯坦布尔）连接柏林和巴格达，具有相当重要的战略和经济意义。其目的不仅在于促进贸易和通信，还在于加强德国在该地区的影响力，制衡英国和俄国在中东的利益。 |
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| For the Panturquists and supporters of the Ottoman Empire, the alliance with Germany was viewed favourably. The Panturquists, who advocated the unity and solidarity of the Turkish-speaking peoples, saw in this alliance an opportunity to strengthen the position of the Ottoman Empire and counter external threats. The alliance with Germany offered an alternative to pressure from traditional powers such as Russia and Britain, which had long influenced Ottoman politics and affairs. This relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Germany reached its peak during the First World War, when the two nations found themselves allied in the Central Powers. This alliance had important consequences for the Ottoman Empire, both militarily and politically, and played a role in the events that eventually led to the dissolution of the Empire after the war. German Weltpolitik and the Berlin-Baghdad railway project were key elements in the Ottoman Empire's strategy to preserve its integrity and independence in the face of pressure from the Great Powers. This period marked a significant moment in the history of the Empire, illustrating the complexity of alliances and geopolitical interests at the beginning of the 20th century.
| | 对于潘图尔克派和奥斯曼帝国的支持者来说，与德国结盟是有利的。潘图尔克主义者主张土耳其语民族的统一和团结，他们认为结盟是加强奥斯曼帝国地位和抵御外部威胁的机会。与德国的结盟为长期影响奥斯曼帝国政治和事务的俄国和英国等传统强国施加压力提供了一个替代方案。奥斯曼帝国与德国之间的这种关系在第一次世界大战期间达到了顶峰，当时两国在中央集权中结盟。这一联盟在军事和政治上都对奥斯曼帝国产生了重要影响，并在最终导致战后帝国解体的事件中发挥了作用。德意志世界政治和柏林-巴格达铁路项目是奥斯曼帝国面对列强压力维护其完整和独立战略的关键要素。这一时期标志着帝国历史上的一个重要时刻，说明了 20 世纪初联盟和地缘政治利益的复杂性。 |
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| The year 1908 marked a decisive turning point in the history of the Ottoman Empire with the start of the second constitutional period, triggered by the Young Turks movement, represented mainly by the Union and Progress Committee (CUP). This movement, initially formed by reformist Ottoman officers and intellectuals, sought to modernise the Empire and save it from collapse.
| | 1908 年是奥斯曼帝国历史上的一个决定性转折点，在以联盟与进步委员会（CUP）为主要代表的青年土耳其人运动的推动下，奥斯曼帝国开始了第二个立宪时期。这一运动最初由改革派的奥斯曼帝国军官和知识分子组成，旨在实现帝国的现代化，使其免于崩溃。 |
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| Under pressure from the CUP, Sultan Abdülhamid II was forced to reinstate the 1876 constitution, which had been suspended since 1878, marking the start of the second constitutional period. This restoration of the constitution was seen as a step towards the modernisation and democratisation of the Empire, with the promise of more extensive civil and political rights and the establishment of parliamentary government. However, this period of reform soon came up against major challenges. In 1909, traditional conservative and religious circles, dissatisfied with the reforms and the growing influence of the Unionists, attempted a coup to overthrow the constitutional government and re-establish the absolute authority of the Sultan. This attempt was motivated by opposition to the rapid modernisation and secular policies promoted by the Young Turks, as well as fears of a loss of privileges and influence. However, the Young Turks, using this episode of counter-revolution as a pretext, succeeded in crushing the resistance and consolidating their power. This period was marked by increased repression against opponents and the centralisation of power in the hands of the CUP.
| | 在联盟与进步委员会的压力下，苏丹阿卜杜勒哈米德二世被迫恢复自 1878 年起中止的 1876 年宪法，标志着第二个立宪时期的开始。宪法的恢复被视为帝国向现代化和民主化迈出的一步，有望带来更广泛的公民权利和政治权利，并建立议会制政府。然而，这一改革时期很快就遇到了重大挑战。1909 年，传统的保守派和宗教团体不满改革和联盟派日益增长的影响力，企图发动政变推翻立宪政府，重建苏丹的绝对权威。这一企图的动机是反对青年土耳其党人推动的快速现代化和世俗化政策，以及担心失去特权和影响力。然而，年轻的土耳其人以这次反革命事件为借口，成功地粉碎了抵抗，巩固了自己的权力。这一时期的特点是，反对者受到更多镇压，权力集中在中央政治局手中。 |
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| In 1913, the situation culminated in the seizure of parliament by CUP leaders, an event often described as a coup d'état. This marked the end of the Empire's brief constitutional and parliamentary experiment and the establishment of an increasingly authoritarian regime led by the Young Turks. Under their rule, the Ottoman Empire saw substantial reforms but also more centralising and nationalist policies, laying the foundations for the events that would unfold during and after the First World War. This tumultuous period reflects the tensions and internal struggles within the Ottoman Empire, torn between the forces of change and tradition, and laying the groundwork for the radical transformations that would follow in the empire's later years.
| | 1913 年，银联领导人夺取了议会，将局势推向高潮，这一事件通常被描述为政变。这标志着帝国短暂的宪政和议会实验的结束，青年土耳其人领导的日益专制的政权开始建立。在他们的统治下，奥斯曼帝国进行了实质性的改革，但也采取了更加集权和民族主义的政策，为第一次世界大战期间和之后发生的事件奠定了基础。这段动荡的时期反映了奥斯曼帝国内部的紧张关系和内部斗争，在变革和传统力量之间徘徊，为帝国晚年的彻底变革奠定了基础。 |
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| In 1915, during the First World War, the Ottoman Empire undertook what is now widely recognised as the Armenian genocide, a tragic and dark episode in history. This policy involved the systematic deportation, mass murder and death of the Armenian population living in the Empire. The campaign against the Armenians began with arrests, executions and mass deportations. Armenian men, women, children and the elderly were forced from their homes and sent on death marches through the Syrian desert, where many died of hunger, thirst, disease or violence. Many Armenian communities, which had a long and rich history in the region, were destroyed.
| | 1915 年，在第一次世界大战期间，奥斯曼帝国对亚美尼亚人进行了种族灭绝，这是历史上一段悲惨而黑暗的插曲，如今已被广泛认可。这一政策包括有计划地驱逐、大规模屠杀和杀害生活在帝国境内的亚美尼亚人。针对亚美尼亚人的行动始于逮捕、处决和大规模驱逐。亚美尼亚男子、妇女、儿童和老人被迫离开家园，被送往穿越叙利亚沙漠的死亡行军途中，许多人死于饥饿、干渴、疾病或暴力。许多在该地区有着悠久和丰富历史的亚美尼亚社区被摧毁。 |
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| Estimates of the number of victims vary, but it is generally believed that between 800,000 and 1.5 million Armenians perished during this period. The genocide has had a lasting impact on the global Armenian community and remains a subject of great sensitivity and controversy, not least because of the denial or downplaying of these events by some groups. The Armenian genocide is often considered to be one of the first modern genocides and served as a dark precursor to other mass atrocities during the 20th century. It has also played a key role in the formation of modern Armenian identity, with the memory of the genocide continuing to be central to Armenian consciousness. The recognition and commemoration of these events continues to be an important issue in international relations, particularly in discussions on human rights and the prevention of genocide.
| | 对受害者人数的估计各不相同，但普遍认为在此期间有 80 万至 150 万亚美尼亚人丧生。种族灭绝对全球亚美尼亚社区产生了持久的影响，并且仍然是一个非常敏感和有争议的话题，尤其是因为一些团体否认或淡化这些事件。亚美尼亚种族灭绝通常被认为是最早的现代种族灭绝之一，是 20 世纪其他大规模暴行的黑暗前兆。它还在现代亚美尼亚人身份认同的形成过程中发挥了关键作用，对种族灭绝的记忆仍然是亚美尼亚人意识的核心。承认和纪念这些事件仍然是国际关系中的一个重要问题，特别是在有关人权和防止种族灭绝的讨论中。 |
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| =The Persian Empire= | | =波斯帝国= |
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| === The Origins and Completion of the Persian Empire === | | === 波斯帝国的起源和完成 === |
| The history of the Persian Empire, now known as Iran, is characterised by impressive cultural and political continuity, despite dynastic changes and foreign invasions. This continuity is a key element in understanding the historical and cultural evolution of the region.
| | 波斯帝国（即现在的伊朗）的历史具有令人印象深刻的文化和政治连续性，尽管王朝更迭和外敌入侵。这种连续性是了解该地区历史和文化演变的关键因素。 |
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| The Medes Empire, established in the early 7th century BC, was one of the first great powers in the history of Iran. This empire played a crucial role in laying the foundations of Iranian civilisation. However, it was overthrown by Cyrus II of Persia, also known as Cyrus the Great, around 550 BC. Cyrus' conquest of Media marked the beginning of the Achaemenid Empire, a period of great expansion and cultural influence. The Achaemenids created a vast empire stretching from the Indus to Greece, and their reign was characterised by efficient administration and a policy of tolerance towards the different cultures and religions within the empire. The fall of this empire was brought about by Alexander the Great in 330 BC, but this did not put an end to Persian cultural continuity.
| | 公元前 7 世纪初建立的玛代帝国是伊朗历史上最早的强国之一。该帝国在奠定伊朗文明的基础方面发挥了至关重要的作用。然而，公元前 550 年左右，它被波斯的居鲁士二世（又称居鲁士大帝）推翻。居鲁士对米底的征服标志着阿契美尼德帝国的开始，这是一个大扩张和大文化影响的时期。阿契美尼德王朝建立了一个从印度河到希腊的庞大帝国，其统治的特点是高效的管理和对帝国内不同文化和宗教的宽容政策。公元前 330 年，亚历山大大帝灭亡了这个帝国，但这并没有结束波斯文化的延续。 |
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| After a period of Hellenistic domination and political fragmentation, the Sassanid dynasty emerged in 224 AD. Founded by Ardashir I, it marked the beginning of a new era for the region, lasting until 624 AD. Under the Sassanids, Greater Iran experienced a period of cultural and political renaissance. The capital, Ctesiphon, became a centre of power and culture, reflecting the grandeur and influence of the empire. The Sassanids played an important role in the development of art, architecture, literature and religion in the region. They championed Zoroastrianism, which had a profound influence on Persian culture and identity. Their empire was marked by constant conflict with the Roman Empire and later the Byzantine Empire, culminating in costly wars that weakened both empires. The fall of the Sassanid dynasty came in the wake of the Muslim conquests of the 7th century, but Persian culture and traditions continued to influence the region, even in later Islamic periods. This resilience and ability to integrate new elements while preserving a distinct cultural core is at the heart of the notion of continuity in Persian history.
| | 经过一段时间的希腊统治和政治分裂，萨珊王朝于公元 224 年崛起。该王朝由阿尔达希尔一世建立，标志着该地区新时代的开始，一直持续到公元 624 年。在萨珊王朝统治下，大伊朗经历了一个文化和政治复兴时期。首都喀提芬成为权力和文化中心，体现了帝国的宏伟和影响力。萨珊王朝在该地区的艺术、建筑、文学和宗教发展中发挥了重要作用。他们倡导琐罗亚斯德教，对波斯文化和身份认同产生了深远的影响。他们的帝国与罗马帝国以及后来的拜占庭帝国冲突不断，最终导致代价高昂的战争，削弱了两个帝国的实力。萨珊王朝在 7 世纪穆斯林征服之后灭亡，但波斯文化和传统继续影响着该地区，即使在后来的伊斯兰时期也是如此。这种在保留独特文化核心的同时融入新元素的韧性和能力是波斯历史连续性概念的核心。 |
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| === Iran under Islam: Conquests and Transformations === | | === 伊斯兰教统治下的伊朗：征服与变革 === |
| From 642 onwards, Iran entered a new era in its history with the start of the Islamic period, following the Muslim conquests. This period marked a significant turning point not only in the political history of the region, but also in its social, cultural and religious structure. The conquest of Iran by Muslim armies began shortly after the death of the prophet Mohammed in 632. In 642, with the capture of the Sassanid capital Ctesiphon, Iran came under the control of the nascent Islamic Empire. This transition was a complex process, involving both military conflict and negotiation. Under Muslim rule, Iran underwent profound changes. Islam gradually became the dominant religion, replacing Zoroastrianism, which had been the state religion under previous empires. However, this transition did not happen overnight, and there was a period of coexistence and interaction between the different religious traditions.
| | 从 642 年起，随着穆斯林的征服，伊朗开始进入伊斯兰时期，伊朗历史进入了一个新纪元。这一时期不仅是该地区政治史上的重要转折点，也是其社会、文化和宗教结构的重要转折点。632 年先知穆罕默德去世后不久，穆斯林军队开始征服伊朗。642 年，随着萨珊王朝的首都喀提虹被攻占，伊朗被新生的伊斯兰帝国所控制。这一过渡是一个复杂的过程，既涉及军事冲突，也涉及谈判。在穆斯林的统治下，伊朗发生了深刻的变化。伊斯兰教逐渐成为主导宗教，取代了以前帝国统治下的国教拜火教。然而，这一转变并非一蹴而就，不同宗教传统之间曾有过一段共存和互动的时期。 |
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| Iranian culture and society were profoundly influenced by Islam, but they also exerted a significant influence on the Islamic world. Iran became an important centre of Islamic culture and knowledge, with remarkable contributions in fields such as philosophy, poetry, medicine and astronomy. Iconic Iranian figures such as the poet Rumi and the philosopher Avicenna (Ibn Sina) played a major role in Islamic cultural and intellectual heritage. This period was also marked by successive dynasties, such as the Umayyads, the Abbasids, the Saffarids, the Samanids, the Bouyids and later the Seljuks, each of which contributed to the richness and diversity of Iranian history. Each of these dynasties brought its own nuances to the region's governance, culture and society.
| | 伊朗文化和社会受到伊斯兰教的深刻影响，同时也对伊斯兰世界产生了重大影响。伊朗成为伊斯兰文化和知识的重要中心，在哲学、诗歌、医学和天文学等领域做出了卓越的贡献。伊朗的标志性人物，如诗人鲁米和哲学家阿维森纳（伊本-西纳）在伊斯兰文化和知识遗产中发挥了重要作用。在这一时期，倭马亚王朝、阿拔斯王朝、萨法里王朝、萨曼王朝、布依王朝以及后来的塞尔柱王朝等王朝相继建立，每个王朝都为伊朗历史的丰富性和多样性做出了贡献。每个王朝都为该地区的治理、文化和社会带来了各自的细微差别。 |
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| === Emergence and influence of the Sefevids === | | === 塞费维德王朝的兴起和影响 === |
| In 1501, a major event in the history of Iran and the Middle East took place when Shah Ismail I established the Sefevid Empire in Azerbaijan. This marked the beginning of a new era not only for Iran but for the region as a whole, with the introduction of Duodeciman Shiism as the state religion, a change that profoundly influenced Iran's religious and cultural identity. The Sefevid Empire, which reigned until 1736, played a crucial role in consolidating Iran as a distinct political and cultural entity. Shah Ismail I, a charismatic leader and talented poet, succeeded in unifying various regions under his control, creating a centralised and powerful state. One of his most significant decisions was to impose Duodecimal Shiism as the official religion of the empire, an act that had profound implications for the future of Iran and the Middle East.
| | 1501 年，伊朗和中东历史上发生了一件大事，伊朗国王伊斯梅尔一世在阿塞拜疆建立了塞费维德帝国。这不仅标志着伊朗，也标志着整个地区进入了一个新时代，都德西曼什叶派成为国教，这一变化深刻影响了伊朗的宗教和文化特征。塞夫维德帝国一直统治到 1736 年，在巩固伊朗作为一个独特的政治和文化实体方面发挥了至关重要的作用。沙阿-伊斯梅尔一世是一位富有魅力的领袖和才华横溢的诗人，他成功地统一了他所控制的各个地区，建立了一个中央集权的强大国家。他最重要的决定之一是将十二进制什叶派作为帝国的官方宗教，这一行为对伊朗和中东的未来产生了深远的影响。 |
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| This 'Shiitisation' of Iran, which involved the forced conversion of Sunni populations and other religious groups to Shiism, was a deliberate strategy to differentiate Iran from its Sunni neighbours, notably the Ottoman Empire, and to consolidate Sefevid power. This policy also had the effect of reinforcing Iran's Shiite identity, which has become a distinctive feature of the Iranian nation to this day. Under the Sefevids, Iran experienced a period of cultural and artistic renaissance. The capital, Isfahan, became one of the most important centres of art, architecture and culture in the Islamic world. The Sefevids encouraged the development of the arts, including painting, calligraphy, poetry and architecture, creating a rich and lasting cultural legacy. However, the empire was also marked by internal and external conflicts, including wars against the Ottoman Empire and the Uzbeks. These conflicts, along with internal challenges, ultimately contributed to the empire's decline in the 18th century.
| | 伊朗的 "什叶派化 "涉及强迫逊尼派居民和其他宗教团体皈依什叶派，这是一项深思熟虑的战略，目的是将伊朗与其逊尼派邻国（尤其是奥斯曼帝国）区分开来，并巩固塞弗维德的权力。这一政策还起到了强化伊朗什叶派身份的作用，至今这已成为伊朗民族的一个显著特征。在塞菲维王朝统治下，伊朗经历了一个文化和艺术复兴时期。首都伊斯法罕成为伊斯兰世界最重要的艺术、建筑和文化中心之一。塞非维王朝鼓励艺术的发展，包括绘画、书法、诗歌和建筑，创造了丰富而持久的文化遗产。然而，帝国也经历了内外冲突，包括与奥斯曼帝国和乌兹别克人的战争。这些冲突以及内部挑战最终导致了帝国在 18 世纪的衰落。 |
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| The Battle of Chaldiran, which took place in 1514, is a significant event in the history of the Sephardic Empire and the Ottoman Empire, marking not only a military turning point but also the formation of an important political dividing line between the two empires. In this battle, Sefevid forces, led by Shah Ismail I, clashed with the Ottoman army under the command of Sultan Selim I. The Sefevids, although valiant in battle, were defeated by the Ottomans, largely because of the latter's technological superiority, in particular their effective use of artillery. This defeat had major consequences for the Sephardic Empire. One of the immediate results of the Battle of Chaldiran was the loss of significant territory for the Sefevids. The Ottomans succeeded in seizing the eastern half of Anatolia, considerably reducing Sefevid influence in the region. This defeat also established a lasting political boundary between the two empires, which has become an important geopolitical marker in the region. The defeat of the Sefevids also had repercussions for the Alevis, a religious community that supported Shah Ismail I and his policy of Shiitisation. Following the battle, many Alevis were persecuted and massacred in the decade that followed, due to their allegiance to the Sefevid Shah and their distinct religious beliefs, which were at odds with the dominant Sunni practices of the Ottoman Empire.
| | 1514 年发生的查尔迪兰战役是塞法迪帝国和奥斯曼帝国历史上的一个重要事件，它不仅是一个军事转折点，也标志着两个帝国之间形成了一条重要的政治分界线。在这场战役中，沙赫-伊斯梅尔一世率领的塞法维德军队与苏丹-塞利姆一世指挥的奥斯曼军队发生冲突。塞法维德军队虽然作战英勇，但最终还是被奥斯曼军队击败，这主要是因为奥斯曼军队拥有技术优势，尤其是能够有效地使用火炮。这次失败对塞法维帝国造成了重大影响。查尔迪兰战役的直接后果之一是塞法德人失去了大量领土。奥斯曼人成功夺取了安纳托利亚的东半部，大大削弱了塞法维王朝在该地区的影响力。这次战败也在两个帝国之间划定了一条持久的政治边界，成为该地区重要的地缘政治标志。塞费维德人的失败也对支持沙阿-伊斯梅尔一世及其什叶派化政策的宗教团体阿列维人产生了影响。战役结束后，许多阿列维人在随后的十年中遭到迫害和屠杀，原因是他们效忠于塞费维德国王，而且他们独特的宗教信仰与奥斯曼帝国占统治地位的逊尼派习俗相悖。 |
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| After his victory at Chaldiran, Sultan Selim I continued his expansion, and in 1517 he conquered Cairo, putting an end to the Abbasid Caliphate. This conquest not only extended the Ottoman Empire as far as Egypt, but also strengthened the Sultan's position as an influential Muslim leader, as he assumed the title of Caliph, symbolising religious and political authority over the Sunni Muslim world. The Battle of Chaldiran and its aftermath therefore illustrate the intense rivalry between the two great Muslim powers of the time, significantly shaping the political, religious and territorial history of the Middle East.
| | 在查尔迪兰取得胜利后，苏丹塞利姆一世继续扩张，并于 1517 年征服了开罗，结束了阿拔斯哈里发统治。这次征服不仅将奥斯曼帝国的版图扩展到埃及，还巩固了苏丹作为有影响力的穆斯林领袖的地位，因为他获得了哈里发的称号，象征着对逊尼派穆斯林世界的宗教和政治权威。因此，查尔迪兰战役及其后果说明了当时两个穆斯林大国之间的激烈竞争，极大地影响了中东的政治、宗教和领土历史。 |
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| === The Qajar Dynasty and the Modernisation of Iran === | | === 卡贾尔王朝和伊朗的现代化 === |
| In 1796, Iran saw the emergence of a new ruling dynasty, the Qajar (or Kadjar) dynasty, founded by Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar. Of Turkmen origin, this dynasty replaced the Zand dynasty and ruled Iran until the early 20th century. Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, after unifying various factions and territories in Iran, proclaimed himself Shah in 1796, marking the official start of Qajar rule. This period was significant for several reasons in Iranian history. Under the Qajars, Iran experienced a period of centralisation of power and territorial consolidation after years of turmoil and internal divisions. The capital was transferred from Shiraz to Tehran, which became the political and cultural centre of the country. This period was also marked by complex international relations, particularly with the imperialist powers of the time, Russia and Great Britain. The Qajars had to navigate a difficult international environment, with Iran often caught up in the geopolitical rivalries of the great powers, particularly in the 'Great Game' between Russia and Great Britain. These interactions often led to the loss of territory and major economic and political concessions for Iran.
| | 1796 年，伊朗出现了一个新的统治王朝，即由阿迦-穆罕默德-汗-卡贾尔（Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar）建立的卡贾尔（或卡贾尔）王朝。该王朝由土库曼人建立，取代了赞德王朝，统治伊朗直至 20 世纪初。阿迦-穆罕默德-汗-卡贾尔在统一了伊朗的各个派别和领土后，于 1796 年自封为国王，标志着卡贾尔统治的正式开始。这一时期在伊朗历史上具有重要意义。在卡扎尔统治时期，伊朗在经历了多年的动乱和内部分裂之后，经历了一个权力集中和领土巩固的时期。首都从设拉子迁至德黑兰，德黑兰成为国家的政治和文化中心。这一时期的国际关系也很复杂，特别是与当时的帝国主义列强俄罗斯和英国的关系。卡贾尔王朝必须在艰难的国际环境中游刃有余，伊朗经常陷入大国的地缘政治竞争，特别是俄罗斯和英国之间的 "大博弈"。这些互动往往导致伊朗丧失领土以及重大的经济和政治让步。 |
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| Culturally, the Qajar period is known for its distinctive art, particularly painting, architecture and decorative arts. The Qajar court was a centre of artistic patronage, and this period saw a unique blend of traditional Iranian styles with modern European influences. However, the Qajar dynasty was also criticised for its inability to effectively modernise the country and meet the needs of its population. This failure led to internal discontent and laid the foundations for the reform movements and constitutional revolutions that occurred in the early 20th century. The Qajar dynasty represents an important period in Iranian history, marked by efforts to centralise power, diplomatic challenges and significant cultural contributions, but also by internal struggles and external pressures that shaped the country's subsequent development.
| | 在文化方面，卡贾尔时期以其独特的艺术而闻名，尤其是绘画、建筑和装饰艺术。卡贾尔宫廷是艺术赞助的中心，这一时期伊朗的传统风格与欧洲的现代影响形成了独特的融合。然而，卡贾尔王朝也因未能有效实现国家现代化和满足人民需求而饱受诟病。这种失败导致了国内的不满，为 20 世纪初发生的改革运动和宪政革命奠定了基础。卡贾尔王朝是伊朗历史上的一个重要时期，其特点是努力实现中央集权、面临外交挑战和做出重大文化贡献，但内部斗争和外部压力也影响了该国后来的发展。 |
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| === Iran in the 20th Century: Towards a Constitutional Monarchy === | | === 20 世纪的伊朗：迈向君主立宪制=== |
| In 1906, Iran experienced a historic moment with the start of its constitutional period, a major step in the country's political modernisation and the struggle for democracy. This development was largely influenced by social and political movements demanding a limitation of the absolute power of the monarch and more representative and constitutional governance. The Iranian Constitutional Revolution led to the adoption of the country's first constitution in 1906, marking Iran's transition to a constitutional monarchy. This constitution provided for the creation of a parliament, or Majlis, and put in place laws and structures to modernise and reform Iranian society and government. However, this period was also marked by foreign interference and the division of the country into spheres of influence. Iran was caught up in rivalries between Great Britain and Russia, each seeking to extend its influence in the region. These powers established different "international orders" or zones of influence, limiting Iran's sovereignty.
| | 1906 年，伊朗经历了一个历史性时刻，开始进入立宪时期，这是伊朗政治现代化和争取民主的重要一步。这一发展在很大程度上受到了社会和政治运动的影响，这些运动要求限制君主的绝对权力，实行更具代表性的宪政治理。伊朗立宪革命导致该国于 1906 年通过了第一部宪法，标志着伊朗向君主立宪制过渡。这部宪法规定设立议会，并制定了法律和结构，以实现伊朗社会和政府的现代化和改革。然而，这一时期也出现了外国干涉和国家势力范围的划分。伊朗被卷入了英国和俄罗斯之间的竞争，双方都试图扩大自己在该地区的影响力。这些大国建立了不同的 "国际秩序 "或势力范围，限制了伊朗的主权。 |
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| The discovery of oil in 1908-1909 added a new dimension to the situation in Iran. The discovery, made in the Masjed Soleyman region, quickly attracted the attention of foreign powers, particularly Great Britain, which sought to control Iran's oil resources. This discovery considerably increased Iran's strategic importance on the international stage and also complicated the country's internal dynamics. Despite these external pressures and the stakes associated with natural resources, Iran maintained a policy of neutrality, particularly during global conflicts such as the First World War. This neutrality was in part an attempt to preserve its autonomy and resist foreign influences that sought to exploit its resources and control its politics. The early 20th century was a period of change and challenge for Iran, characterised by efforts at political modernisation, the emergence of new economic challenges with the discovery of oil, and navigation in a complex international environment.
| | 1908-1909 年发现的石油为伊朗的局势增添了新的内容。在 Masjed Soleyman 地区发现的石油很快引起了外国列强的注意，特别是英国，他们试图控制伊朗的石油资源。这一发现大大提高了伊朗在国际舞台上的战略重要性，同时也使伊朗的内部动态复杂化。尽管存在这些外部压力和与自然资源相关的利害关系，伊朗仍坚持中立政策，特别是在第一次世界大战等全球冲突期间。这种中立政策在一定程度上是为了维护伊朗的自主权，抵制试图开发伊朗资源和控制伊朗政治的外国势力。20 世纪初是伊朗经历变革和挑战的时期，其特点是努力实现政治现代化，随着石油的发现而出现新的经济挑战，以及在复杂的国际环境中航行。 |
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| =The Ottoman Empire in the First World War= | | =第一次世界大战中的奥斯曼帝国= |
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| [[Fichier:MOMCENC - empire ottoman en 1914.png|right|[http://www.atlas-historique.net/ atlas-historique.net]]] | | [[Fichier:MOMCENC - empire ottoman en 1914.png|right|[http://www.atlas-historique.net/ atlas-historique.net]]] |
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| === Diplomatic manoeuvres and the formation of alliances === | | === 外交活动和结盟=== |
| The Ottoman Empire's entry into the First World War in 1914 was preceded by a period of complex diplomatic and military manoeuvring, involving several major powers, including Britain, France and Germany. After exploring potential alliances with Britain and France, the Ottoman Empire finally opted for an alliance with Germany. This decision was influenced by several factors, including pre-existing military and economic ties between the Ottomans and Germany, as well as perceptions of the intentions of the other major European powers.
| | 1914 年，奥斯曼帝国加入第一次世界大战，在此之前，奥斯曼帝国进行了复杂的外交和军事活动，包括英国、法国和德国在内的几个大国都参与其中。在探讨了与英国和法国结盟的可能性后，奥斯曼帝国最终选择了与德国结盟。这一决定受到多种因素的影响，包括奥斯曼帝国与德国之间业已存在的军事和经济联系，以及对其他欧洲大国意图的看法。 |
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| Despite this alliance, the Ottomans were reluctant to enter the conflict directly, aware of their internal difficulties and military limitations. However, the situation changed with the Dardanelles incident. The Ottomans used warships (some of which had been acquired from Germany) to bombard Russian ports on the Black Sea. This action drew the Ottoman Empire into the war alongside the Central Powers and against the Allies, notably Russia, France and Great Britain.
| | 尽管结盟，但奥斯曼人意识到自己的内部困难和军事限制，不愿直接卷入冲突。然而，达达尼尔海峡事件改变了局势。奥斯曼人用军舰（其中一些是从德国购买的）轰炸了俄罗斯在黑海的港口。这一行动将奥斯曼帝国卷入战争，与中央强国并肩作战，反对协约国，特别是俄国、法国和英国。 |
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| In response to the Ottoman Empire's entry into the war, the British launched the Dardanelles Campaign in 1915. The aim was to take control of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, opening up a sea route to Russia. However, the campaign ended in failure for the Allied forces and resulted in heavy casualties on both sides. At the same time, Britain formalised its control over Egypt, proclaiming the British Protectorate of Egypt in 1914. This decision was strategically motivated, largely to secure the Suez Canal, a vital crossing point for British shipping routes, particularly for access to the colonies in Asia. These events illustrate the complexity of the geopolitical situation in the Middle East during the First World War. The decisions taken by the Ottoman Empire had important implications, not only for their own empire but also for the configuration of the Middle East in the post-war period.
| | 作为对奥斯曼帝国参战的回应，英国于 1915 年发动了达达尼尔海峡战役。其目的是控制达达尼尔海峡和博斯普鲁斯海峡，开辟一条通往俄国的海上通道。然而，这场战役以盟军失败告终，双方均伤亡惨重。与此同时，英国正式控制了埃及，于 1914 年宣布成立英国埃及保护国。这一决定是出于战略考虑，主要是为了确保苏伊士运河的安全，而苏伊士运河是英国航道的重要过境点，尤其是通往亚洲殖民地的通道。这些事件说明了第一次世界大战期间中东地缘政治局势的复杂性。奥斯曼帝国做出的决定不仅对其帝国，而且对战后中东地区的格局都有重要影响。 |
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| === The Arab Revolt and Changing Dynamics in the Middle East === | | === 阿拉伯起义和中东局势的变化 === |
| During the First World War, the Allies sought to weaken the Ottoman Empire by opening a new front in the south, leading to the famous Arab Revolt of 1916. This revolt was a key moment in the history of the Middle East and marked the beginning of the Arab nationalist movement. Hussein ben Ali, the Sherif of Mecca, played a central role in this revolt. Under his leadership, and with the encouragement and support of figures such as T.E. Lawrence, known as Lawrence of Arabia, the Arabs rose up against Ottoman domination in the hope of creating a unified Arab state. This aspiration for independence and unification was motivated by a desire for national liberation and by the promise of autonomy made by the British, in particular by General Henry MacMahon.
| | 第一次世界大战期间，协约国试图通过在南部开辟新战线来削弱奥斯曼帝国，导致了著名的 1916 年阿拉伯起义。这次起义是中东历史上的关键时刻，标志着阿拉伯民族主义运动的开始。麦加郡主侯赛因-本-阿里在这次起义中发挥了核心作用。在他的领导下，在被称为阿拉伯的劳伦斯（T.E. Lawrence）等人的鼓励和支持下，阿拉伯人奋起反抗奥斯曼帝国的统治，希望建立一个统一的阿拉伯国家。这种独立和统一的愿望是出于对民族解放的渴望，以及英国人，特别是亨利-麦克马洪将军做出的自治承诺。 |
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| The Arab Revolt had several significant successes. In June 1917, Faisal, son of Hussein ben Ali, won the Battle of Aqaba, a strategic turning point in the revolt. This victory opened up a crucial front against the Ottomans and boosted the morale of the Arab forces. With the help of Lawrence of Arabia and other British officers, Faisal succeeded in uniting several Arab tribes in the Hijaz, leading to the liberation of Damascus in 1917. In 1920, Faisal proclaimed himself King of Syria, affirming the Arab aspiration for self-determination and independence. However, his ambitions came up against the reality of international politics. The Sykes-Picot Accords of 1916, a secret arrangement between Britain and France, had already divided large parts of the Middle East into zones of influence, undermining hopes of a great unified Arab kingdom. The Arab Revolt was a decisive factor in weakening the Ottoman Empire during the war and laid the foundations for modern Arab nationalism. However, the post-war period saw the division of the Middle East into a number of nation-states under European mandate, putting the realisation of a unified Arab state, as envisaged by Hussein ben Ali and his supporters, a long way off.
| | 阿拉伯起义取得了几次重大胜利。1917 年 6 月，侯赛因-本-阿里之子费萨尔赢得了亚喀巴战役，这是起义的战略转折点。这场胜利开辟了对抗奥斯曼帝国的重要战线，鼓舞了阿拉伯军队的士气。在阿拉伯的劳伦斯和其他英国军官的帮助下，费萨尔成功地联合了希贾兹的几个阿拉伯部落，最终于 1917 年解放了大马士革。1920 年，费萨尔宣布自己为叙利亚国王，肯定了阿拉伯人自决和独立的愿望。然而，他的雄心壮志却遭遇了国际政治的现实。1916 年《赛克斯-皮科协定》是英国和法国之间的一项秘密安排，当时已将中东大部分地区划分为势力范围，从而破坏了建立一个大一统阿拉伯王国的希望。阿拉伯起义是战争期间削弱奥斯曼帝国的决定性因素，并为现代阿拉伯民族主义奠定了基础。然而，战后中东在欧洲的授权下分裂为多个民族国家，这使得侯赛因-本-阿里及其支持者所设想的统一阿拉伯国家的实现遥遥无期。 |
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| === Internal challenges and the Armenian Genocide === | | === 内部挑战和亚美尼亚种族灭绝 === |
| The First World War was marked by complex developments and changing dynamics, including Russia's withdrawal from the conflict as a result of the Russian Revolution in 1917. This withdrawal had significant implications for the course of the war and for the other belligerent powers. Russia's withdrawal eased the pressure on the Central Powers, particularly Germany, which could now concentrate its forces on the Western Front against France and its allies. This change worried Great Britain and her allies, who were looking for ways to maintain the balance of power.
| | 第一次世界大战期间，局势发展复杂，态势不断变化，其中包括俄罗斯因1917年俄国革命而退出冲突。这一退出对战争的进程和其他交战国产生了重大影响。俄国的退出减轻了对中央强国的压力，尤其是德国，因为德国现在可以集中兵力在西线对抗法国及其盟国。这一变化令英国及其盟国忧心忡忡，他们正在寻找维持均势的方法。 |
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| With regard to the Bolshevik Jews, it is important to note that the Russian revolutions of 1917 and the rise of Bolshevism were complex phenomena influenced by various factors within Russia. Although there were Jews among the Bolsheviks, as in many political movements of the time, their presence should not be over-interpreted or used to promote simplistic or anti-Semitic narratives. As far as the Ottoman Empire is concerned, Enver Pasha, one of the leaders of the Young Turk movement and Minister of War, played a key role in the conduct of the war. In 1914, he launched a disastrous offensive against the Russians in the Caucasus, which resulted in a major defeat for the Ottomans at the Battle of Sarikamish.
| | 关于布尔什维克犹太人，必须指出的是，1917 年的俄国革命和布尔什维主义的兴起是受俄国国内各种因素影响的复杂现象。虽然布尔什维克中也有犹太人，但与当时的许多政治运动一样，他们的存在不应被过度解读，也不应被用来宣扬简单化或反犹主义的说法。就奥斯曼帝国而言，"青年土耳其人 "运动领导人之一、陆军大臣恩维尔-帕夏在战争中发挥了关键作用。1914 年，他在高加索地区对俄军发动了灾难性的进攻，结果奥斯曼帝国在萨里卡米什战役中大败。 |
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| Enver Pasha's defeat had tragic consequences, including the outbreak of the Armenian genocide. Looking for a scapegoat to explain the defeat, Enver Pasha and other Ottoman leaders accused the empire's Armenian minority of collusion with the Russians. These accusations fuelled a campaign of systematic deportations, massacres and exterminations against the Armenians, culminating in what is now recognised as the Armenian genocide. This genocide represents one of the darkest episodes of the First World War and the history of the Ottoman Empire, highlighting the horrors and tragic consequences of large-scale conflict and policies of ethnic hatred.
| | 恩维尔-帕夏的失败造成了悲惨的后果，包括亚美尼亚种族灭绝的爆发。恩维尔-帕夏和奥斯曼帝国的其他领导人想找个替罪羊来解释战败的原因，他们指责帝国的亚美尼亚少数民族与俄国人勾结。这些指控助长了针对亚美尼亚人的系统性驱逐、屠杀和灭绝运动，最终导致了现在公认的亚美尼亚种族灭绝。这场种族灭绝是第一次世界大战和奥斯曼帝国历史上最黑暗的事件之一，凸显了大规模冲突和种族仇恨政策的恐怖和悲惨后果。 |
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| === Post-war settlement and redefinition of the Middle East === | | === 战后解决和重新定义中东=== |
| The Paris Peace Conference, which began in January 1919, was a crucial moment in the redefinition of world order after the First World War. The conference brought together the leaders of the major Allied powers to discuss the terms of peace and the geopolitical future, including the territories of the failing Ottoman Empire. One of the major issues discussed at the conference concerned the future of the Ottoman territories in the Middle East. The Allies were considering redrawing the borders of the region, influenced by various political, strategic and economic considerations, including control of oil resources. Although the conference theoretically allowed the nations concerned to present their points of view, in practice several delegations were marginalised or their demands ignored. For example, the Egyptian delegation, which sought to discuss Egyptian independence, faced obstacles, illustrated by the exile of some of its members to Malta. This situation reflects the unequal power dynamics at the conference, where the interests of the predominant European powers often prevailed.
| | 1919年1月开始的巴黎和会是第一次世界大战后重新定义世界秩序的关键时刻。会议聚集了主要协约国的领导人，讨论和平条件和地缘政治的未来，包括衰落的奥斯曼帝国的领土。会议讨论的主要问题之一涉及奥斯曼帝国在中东领土的未来。受各种政治、战略和经济因素（包括对石油资源的控制）的影响，协约国正在考虑重新划分该地区的边界。虽然从理论上讲，会议允许相关国家提出自己的观点，但实际上，一些代表团被边缘化或其要求被忽视。例如，试图讨论埃及独立问题的埃及代表团就遇到了重重障碍，其中一些成员被流放到了马耳他。这种情况反映了会议上不平等的权力动态，欧洲主要大国的利益往往占上风。 |
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| Faisal, son of Hussein bin Ali and leader of the Arab Revolt, played an important role at the conference. He represented Arab interests and argued for the recognition of Arab independence and autonomy. Despite his efforts, the decisions taken at the conference did not fully meet Arab aspirations for an independent and unified state. Faisal went on to create a state in Syria, proclaiming himself King of Syria in 1920. However, his ambitions were short-lived, as Syria was placed under French mandate after the San Remo Conference in 1920, a decision that formed part of the division of the Middle East between the European powers in accordance with the Sykes-Picot agreements of 1916. The Paris Conference and its outcomes therefore had profound implications for the Middle East, laying the foundations for many of the regional tensions and conflicts that continue to this day. The decisions taken reflected the interests of the victorious powers of the First World War, often to the detriment of the national aspirations of the peoples of the region.
| | 侯赛因-本-阿里之子、阿拉伯起义领导人费萨尔在会议上发挥了重要作用。他代表阿拉伯的利益，主张承认阿拉伯的独立和自治。尽管他做出了努力，但会议做出的决定并没有完全满足阿拉伯人建立一个独立统一国家的愿望。费萨尔继续在叙利亚建国，于 1920 年宣布自己为叙利亚国王。然而，他的雄心壮志只是昙花一现，因为在 1920 年圣雷莫会议之后，叙利亚被置于法国的委任统治之下，根据 1916 年的赛克斯-皮科协定，这一决定是欧洲列强瓜分中东的一部分。因此，巴黎会议及其成果对中东产生了深远影响，为延续至今的许多地区紧张局势和冲突奠定了基础。会议做出的决定反映了第一次世界大战战胜国的利益，往往损害了该地区人民的民族愿望。 |
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| The agreement between Georges Clemenceau, representing France, and Faisal, leader of the Arab Revolt, as well as the discussions around the creation of new states in the Middle East, are key elements of the post-First World War period that have shaped the geopolitical order of the region. The Clemenceau-Fayçal agreement was seen as highly favourable to France. Fayçal, seeking to secure a form of autonomy for the Arab territories, had to make significant concessions. France, which had colonial and strategic interests in the region, used its position at the Paris Conference to assert its control, particularly over territories such as Syria and Lebanon. The Lebanese delegation won the right to create a separate state, Greater Lebanon, under French mandate. This decision was influenced by the aspirations of Lebanon's Maronite Christian communities, who sought to establish a state with extended borders and a degree of autonomy under French tutelage. On the Kurdish question, promises were made to create a Kurdistan. These promises were in part a recognition of Kurdish nationalist aspirations and a means of weakening the Ottoman Empire. However, the implementation of this promise proved complex and was largely ignored in the post-war treaties.
| | 代表法国的乔治-克莱蒙梭与阿拉伯起义领导人费萨尔之间达成的协议，以及围绕在中东建立新国家的讨论，都是一战后塑造该地区地缘政治秩序的关键因素。克莱蒙梭-法沙尔协议被认为对法国非常有利。法沙尔为了确保阿拉伯领土的某种形式的自治，不得不做出重大让步。法国在该地区拥有殖民地和战略利益，利用其在巴黎会议上的地位，坚持其控制权，特别是对叙利亚和黎巴嫩等领土的控制权。黎巴嫩代表团赢得了在法国授权下建立一个独立国家--大黎巴嫩的权利。这一决定受到了黎巴嫩马龙派基督教社区愿望的影响，他们希望在法国的监护下建立一个边界更广、拥有一定自治权的国家。在库尔德问题上，法国承诺建立库尔德斯坦。这些承诺在某种程度上是对库尔德民族主义愿望的承认，也是削弱奥斯曼帝国的一种手段。然而，事实证明这一承诺的实施是复杂的，战后的条约在很大程度上忽略了这一点。 |
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| All these elements converged in the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920, which formalised the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. This treaty redrew the borders of the Middle East, creating new states under French and British mandates. The treaty also provided for the creation of an autonomous Kurdish entity, although this provision was never implemented. The Treaty of Sèvres, although never fully ratified and later replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, was a decisive moment in the history of the region. It laid the foundations for the modern political structure of the Middle East, but also sowed the seeds of many future conflicts, due to ignorance of the ethnic, cultural and historical realities of the region.
| | 所有这些因素都汇聚到了 1920 年的《塞夫尔条约》中，该条约正式宣告了奥斯曼帝国的解体。该条约重新划定了中东的边界，在法国和英国的委任统治下建立了新的国家。条约还规定建立库尔德自治实体，但这一规定从未得到执行。塞夫尔条约》虽然从未得到完全批准，后来在 1923 年被《洛桑条约》取代，但它是该地区历史上的一个决定性时刻。它为中东的现代政治结构奠定了基础，但由于对该地区民族、文化和历史现实的无知，也为未来的许多冲突埋下了种子。 |
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| === The Transition to the Republic and the Rise of Atatürk === | | === 向共和国的过渡和阿塔图尔克的崛起 === |
| After the end of the First World War, the Ottoman Empire, weakened and under pressure, agreed to sign the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920. This treaty, which dismantled the Ottoman Empire and redistributed its territories, seemed to mark the conclusion of the long-running "Eastern Question" concerning the fate of the empire. However, far from ending tensions in the region, the Treaty of Sevres exacerbated nationalist feelings and led to new conflicts.
| | 第一次世界大战结束后，奥斯曼帝国受到削弱和压力，于 1920 年同意签署《塞夫尔条约》。该条约解散了奥斯曼帝国并对其领土进行了重新分配，似乎标志着有关帝国命运的旷日持久的 "东方问题 "的终结。然而，《塞夫尔条约》非但没有结束该地区的紧张局势，反而激化了民族主义情绪，引发了新的冲突。 |
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| In Turkey, a strong nationalist resistance, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, formed in opposition to the Treaty of Sèvres. This nationalist movement opposed the treaty's provisions, which imposed severe territorial losses and increased foreign influence on Ottoman territory. The resistance fought against various groups, including the Armenians, the Greeks in Anatolia and the Kurds, with the aim of forging a new, homogenous Turkish nation-state. The ensuing War of Turkish Independence was a period of intense conflict and territorial recomposition. The Turkish nationalist forces succeeded in pushing back the Greek armies in Anatolia and countering the other rebel groups. This military victory was a key element in the foundation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923.
| | 在土耳其，由穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克领导的强大的民族主义抵抗运动形成，反对《塞夫尔条约》。这一民族主义运动反对条约的规定，因为这些规定造成了严重的领土损失，并增加了外国对奥斯曼帝国领土的影响。抵抗运动与亚美尼亚人、安纳托利亚的希腊人和库尔德人等不同群体作战，目的是建立一个新的、单一的土耳其民族国家。随后的土耳其独立战争是一段激烈冲突和领土重组的时期。土耳其民族主义势力成功击退了安纳托利亚的希腊军队，并反击了其他叛乱团体。这次军事胜利是 1923 年土耳其共和国成立的关键因素。 |
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| As a result of these events, the Treaty of Sèvres was replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. This new treaty recognised the borders of the new Republic of Turkey and cancelled the most punitive provisions of the Treaty of Sevres. The Treaty of Lausanne marked an important stage in the establishment of modern Turkey as a sovereign and independent state, redefining its role in the region and in international affairs. Not only did these events redraw the political map of the Middle East, they also marked the end of the Ottoman Empire and opened a new chapter in Turkey's history, with repercussions that continue to influence the region and the world to this day.
| | 由于这些事件，《塞夫尔条约》于 1923 年被《洛桑条约》取代。新条约承认了新土耳其共和国的边界，并取消了《塞夫尔条约》中最具惩罚性的条款。洛桑条约》标志着现代土耳其作为一个主权独立国家进入了一个重要阶段，重新确定了土耳其在该地区和国际事务中的作用。这些事件不仅重新绘制了中东的政治地图，还标志着奥斯曼帝国的终结，揭开了土耳其历史的新篇章，其影响至今仍在影响着该地区和全世界。 |
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| === Abolition of the Caliphate and its repercussions === | | === 哈里发制度的废除及其影响 === |
| The abolition of the Caliphate in 1924 was a major event in the modern history of the Middle East, marking the end of an Islamic institution that had lasted for centuries. The decision was taken by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Turkey, as part of his reforms to secularise and modernise the new Turkish state. The abolition of the Caliphate was a blow to the traditional structure of Islamic authority. The Caliph had been considered the spiritual and temporal head of the Muslim community (ummah) since the time of the Prophet Mohammed. With the abolition of the Caliphate, this central institution of Sunni Islam disappeared, leaving a vacuum in Muslim leadership.
| | 1924 年哈里发制度的废除是中东现代史上的一件大事，标志着一个延续了几个世纪的伊斯兰制度的终结。土耳其共和国的创始人穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克做出了这一决定，作为他对新土耳其国家进行世俗化和现代化改革的一部分。废除哈里发统治是对传统伊斯兰权威结构的打击。自先知穆罕默德时代以来，哈里发一直被视为穆斯林社会（乌玛）的精神和世俗领袖。随着哈里发的废除，逊尼派伊斯兰教的这一核心机构消失了，穆斯林领导层出现了真空。 |
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| In response to Turkey's abolition of the Caliphate, Hussein ben Ali, who had become King of the Hijaz after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, proclaimed himself Caliph. Hussein, a member of the Hashemite family and a direct descendant of the Prophet Mohammed, sought to claim this position in order to maintain a form of spiritual and political continuity in the Muslim world. However, Hussein's claim to the Caliphate was not widely recognised and was short-lived. His position was weakened by internal and external challenges, including opposition from the Saud family, which controlled much of the Arabian Peninsula. The rise of the Sauds, under the leadership of Abdelaziz Ibn Saud, eventually led to the conquest of Hijaz and the establishment of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The ousting of Hussein bin Ali by the Sauds symbolised the radical shift in power in the Arabian Peninsula and marked the end of his ambitions for a caliphate. This event also highlighted the political and religious transformations underway in the Muslim world, marking the beginning of a new era in which politics and religion would begin to follow more distinct paths in many Muslim countries.
| | 针对土耳其废除哈里发制度，奥斯曼帝国灭亡后成为希贾兹国王的侯赛因-本-阿里自封为哈里发。侯赛因是哈希姆家族的成员，也是先知穆罕默德的直系后裔，他试图宣称自己是哈里发，以便在穆斯林世界保持一种精神和政治上的连续性。然而，侯赛因的哈里发地位并没有得到广泛承认，而且持续时间很短。内外挑战削弱了他的地位，包括来自控制着阿拉伯半岛大部分地区的沙特家族的反对。沙特家族在阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特的领导下崛起，最终征服了希贾兹，建立了沙特阿拉伯王国。侯赛因-本-阿里被沙特人赶下台象征着阿拉伯半岛权力的急剧转移，标志着他建立哈里发的野心的终结。这一事件也凸显了穆斯林世界正在发生的政治和宗教变革，标志着一个新时代的开始，在许多穆斯林国家，政治和宗教将开始走上更加截然不同的道路。 |
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| The period following the First World War was crucial for the political redefinition of the Middle East, with significant interventions by European powers, notably France and Great Britain. In 1920, a major event took place in Syria, marking a turning point in the history of the region. Faisal, the son of Hussein ben Ali and a central figure in the Arab Revolt, had established an Arab kingdom in Syria after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, aspiring to realise the dream of a unified Arab state. However, his ambitions came up against the reality of French colonial interests. After the Battle of Maysaloun in July 1920, the French, acting under their League of Nations mandate, took control of Damascus and dismantled Faisal's Arab state, ending his reign in Syria. This French intervention reflected the complex dynamics of the post-war period, in which the national aspirations of the peoples of the Middle East were often overshadowed by the strategic interests of the European powers. Fayçal, deposed from his Syrian throne, nevertheless found a new destiny in Iraq. In 1921, under British auspices, he was installed as the first king of the Hashemite monarchy of Iraq, a strategic move on the part of the British to ensure favourable leadership and stability in this oil-rich region.
| | 第一次世界大战后的时期对于中东的政治重新定义至关重要，欧洲列强，特别是法国和英国进行了重大干预。1920 年，叙利亚发生了一件大事，标志着该地区历史的转折点。侯赛因-本-阿里的儿子费萨尔是阿拉伯起义的核心人物，奥斯曼帝国灭亡后，他在叙利亚建立了一个阿拉伯王国，渴望实现建立一个统一的阿拉伯国家的梦想。然而，他的雄心壮志却遭遇了法国殖民利益的现实。1920 年 7 月的迈萨伦战役后，法国根据国际联盟的授权控制了大马士革，瓦解了费萨尔的阿拉伯国家，结束了他在叙利亚的统治。法国的干预反映了战后时期的复杂动态，在这一时期，中东人民的民族愿望往往被欧洲列强的战略利益所掩盖。被废黜叙利亚王位的法伊萨尔却在伊拉克找到了新的命运。1921 年，在英国的主持下，他被推举为伊拉克哈希姆君主国的第一任国王，这是英国为确保在这一石油资源丰富地区的有利领导和稳定而采取的一项战略举措。 |
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| At the same time, in Transjordan, another political manoeuvre was implemented by the British. To thwart Zionist aspirations in Palestine and maintain a balance in their mandate, they created the Kingdom of Transjordan in 1921 and installed Abdallah, another son of Hussein ben Ali, there. This decision was intended to provide Abdallah with a territory over which to rule, while keeping Palestine under direct British control. The creation of Transjordan was an important step in the formation of the modern state of Jordan and illustrated how colonial interests shaped the borders and political structures of the modern Middle East. These developments in the region after the First World War demonstrate the complexity of Middle Eastern politics in the inter-war period. The decisions taken by the European proxy powers, influenced by their own strategic and geopolitical interests, had lasting consequences, laying the foundations for the state structures and conflicts that continue to affect the Middle East. These events also highlight the struggle between the national aspirations of the peoples of the region and the realities of European colonial rule, a recurring theme in the history of the Middle East in the twentieth century.
| | 与此同时，在外约旦，英国人实施了另一项政治策略。为了挫败犹太复国主义在巴勒斯坦的野心并保持其授权的平衡，英国于 1921 年建立了外约旦王国，并在那里安插了侯赛因-本-阿里的另一个儿子阿卜杜拉。这一决定旨在为阿卜杜拉提供一块可以统治的领土，同时将巴勒斯坦置于英国的直接控制之下。外约旦的建立是现代约旦国家形成的重要一步，也说明了殖民利益是如何塑造现代中东的边界和政治结构的。第一次世界大战后该地区的这些发展表明了战时中东政治的复杂性。欧洲傀儡列强受其自身战略和地缘政治利益的影响而做出的决定产生了持久的后果，为继续影响中东的国家结构和冲突奠定了基础。这些事件还凸显了该地区人民的民族愿望与欧洲殖民统治现实之间的斗争，这是 20 世纪中东历史中反复出现的主题。 |
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| === The repercussions of the San Remo Conference === | | === 圣雷莫会议的影响 === |
| The San Remo Conference, held in April 1920, was a defining moment in post-First World War history, particularly for the Middle East. It focused on the allocation of mandates over the former provinces of the Ottoman Empire, following its defeat and break-up. At this conference, the victorious Allied Powers decided on the distribution of the mandates. France obtained the mandate over Syria and Lebanon, thereby taking control of two strategically important and culturally rich regions. For their part, the British were given mandates over Transjordan, Palestine and Mesopotamia, the latter being renamed Iraq. These decisions reflected the geopolitical and economic interests of the colonial powers, particularly in terms of access to resources and strategic control.
| | 1920 年 4 月举行的圣雷莫会议是第一次世界大战后历史上的一个决定性时刻，对中东来说尤其如此。会议重点讨论了奥斯曼帝国战败和解体后对前各省的委任统治权分配问题。在这次会议上，战胜国同盟国决定了委任统治地的分配。法国获得了叙利亚和黎巴嫩的委任统治权，从而控制了两个具有重要战略意义和丰富文化内涵的地区。英国则获得了外约旦、巴勒斯坦和美索不达米亚的委任统治权，后者更名为伊拉克。这些决定反映了殖民国家的地缘政治和经济利益，特别是在获取资源和战略控制方面。 |
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| In parallel with these developments, Turkey, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, was engaged in a process of national redefinition. After the war, Turkey sought to establish new national borders. This period was marked by tragic conflicts, notably the crushing of the Armenians, which followed the Armenian genocide perpetrated during the war. In 1923, after several years of struggle and diplomatic negotiations, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk succeeded in renegotiating the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres, which had been imposed on Turkey in 1920 and was widely regarded as humiliating and unacceptable by Turkish nationalists. The Treaty of Lausanne, signed in July 1923, replaced the Treaty of Sevres and recognised the sovereignty and borders of the new Republic of Turkey. This treaty marked the official end of the Ottoman Empire and laid the foundations of the modern Turkish state.
| | 在这些发展的同时，土耳其在穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克的领导下，也在进行国家的重新定义。战后，土耳其寻求建立新的国界。这一时期发生了多起悲剧性冲突，尤其是在战争期间对亚美尼亚人实施种族灭绝之后对亚美尼亚人的镇压。1923 年，经过数年的斗争和外交谈判，穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克成功地就《塞夫尔条约》的条款进行了重新谈判，该条约是 1920 年强加给土耳其的，土耳其民族主义者普遍认为这是屈辱和不可接受的。1923 年 7 月签署的《洛桑条约》取代了《塞夫尔条约》，承认了新土耳其共和国的主权和边界。该条约标志着奥斯曼帝国的正式终结，并奠定了现代土耳其国家的基础。 |
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| The Treaty of Lausanne is considered a major success for Mustafa Kemal and the Turkish nationalist movement. Not only did it redefine Turkey's borders, but it also enabled the new republic to make a fresh start on the international stage, freed from the restrictions of the Treaty of Sèvres. These events, from the San Remo Conference to the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne, had a profound impact on the Middle East, shaping national borders, international relations and political dynamics in the region for decades to come.
| | 洛桑条约》被认为是穆斯塔法-凯末尔和土耳其民族主义运动的一大成功。它不仅重新界定了土耳其的边界，还使新的共和国摆脱了《塞夫尔条约》的限制，在国际舞台上重新开始。从圣雷莫会议到《洛桑条约》的签署，这些事件对中东产生了深远的影响，塑造了该地区未来几十年的国家边界、国际关系和政治动态。 |
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| === Allied promises and Arab demands === | | === 盟军的承诺和阿拉伯的要求 === |
| During the First World War, the dismantling and partition of the Ottoman Empire was at the heart of the concerns of the Allied powers, mainly Great Britain, France and Russia. These powers, anticipating a victory over the Ottoman Empire, an ally of the Central Powers, began planning the partition of its vast territories.
| | 第一次世界大战期间，解散和瓜分奥斯曼帝国是协约国（主要是英国、法国和俄国）关注的核心问题。这些列强期待着战胜奥斯曼帝国这个中央强国的盟友，开始计划瓜分其广袤的领土。 |
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| In 1915, as the First World War raged, crucial negotiations took place in Constantinople, involving representatives of Great Britain, France and Russia. These discussions centred on the future of the territories of the Ottoman Empire, which was then allied to the Central Powers. The Ottoman Empire, weakened and in decline, was seen by the Allies as a territory to be divided in the event of victory. These negotiations in Constantinople were strongly motivated by strategic and colonial interests. Each power sought to extend its influence in the region, which was strategically important because of its geographical position and resources. Russia was particularly interested in controlling the Bosphorus and Dardanelles straits, which were essential for its access to the Mediterranean. France and Britain, meanwhile, were looking to expand their colonial empires and secure their access to the region's resources, particularly oil. However, it is important to note that, although these discussions had a significant impact on the future of the Ottoman territories, the most significant and detailed agreements concerning their division were formalised later, notably in the Sykes-Picot agreement of 1916.
| | 1915 年，随着第一次世界大战的爆发，英国、法国和俄国的代表在君士坦丁堡进行了重要谈判。谈判的中心议题是奥斯曼帝国领土的未来，奥斯曼帝国当时与中央列强结盟。奥斯曼帝国衰弱衰落，被协约国视为胜利后要瓜分的领土。在君士坦丁堡进行的这些谈判是出于战略和殖民利益的强烈动机。每个大国都试图扩大其在该地区的影响力，因为该地区的地理位置和资源具有重要的战略意义。俄国对控制博斯普鲁斯海峡和达达尼尔海峡尤其感兴趣，因为这两个海峡对其进入地中海至关重要。与此同时，法国和英国则希望扩大其殖民帝国，确保获得该地区的资源，尤其是石油。然而，值得注意的是，尽管这些讨论对奥斯曼帝国领土的未来产生了重大影响，但有关其分割的最重要、最详细的协议是后来正式签订的，特别是 1916 年的《赛克斯-皮科协定》。 |
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| The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916, concluded by British diplomat Mark Sykes and French diplomat François Georges-Picot, represents a key moment in the history of the Middle East, profoundly influencing the geopolitical configuration of the region after the First World War. This agreement was designed to define the division of the territories of the Ottoman Empire between Great Britain, France and, to a certain extent, Russia, although Russian participation was rendered null and void by the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Sykes-Picot Agreement established zones of influence and control for France and Britain in the Middle East. Under this agreement, France was to gain direct control or influence over Syria and Lebanon, while Britain was to have similar control over Iraq, Jordan and an area around Palestine. However, this agreement did not precisely define the borders of the future states, leaving that to later negotiations and agreements.
| | 1916 年由英国外交官马克-赛克斯和法国外交官弗朗索瓦-乔治-皮科缔结的《赛克斯-皮科协定》是中东历史上的一个关键时刻，深刻影响了第一次世界大战后该地区的地缘政治格局。该协定旨在确定奥斯曼帝国领土在英国、法国和一定程度上的俄国之间的划分，尽管俄国的参与因 1917 年俄国革命而无效。赛克斯-皮科协定》规定了法国和英国在中东的势力范围和控制区。根据该协定，法国将直接控制或影响叙利亚和黎巴嫩，而英国则对伊拉克、约旦和巴勒斯坦周边地区拥有类似的控制权。然而，该协议并没有准确界定未来国家的边界，而是留待以后的谈判和协议来确定。 |
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| The importance of the Sykes-Picot agreement lies in its role as the "genesis" of collective memories concerning the geographical space in the Middle East. It symbolises the imperialist intervention and manipulations of the European powers in the region, often in defiance of local ethnic, religious and cultural identities. Although the agreement influenced the creation of states in the Middle East, the actual borders of these states were determined by subsequent balances of power, diplomatic negotiations and geopolitical realities that evolved after the First World War. The consequences of the Sykes-Picot agreement were reflected in the League of Nations mandates given to France and Great Britain after the war, leading to the formation of several modern Middle Eastern states. However, the borders drawn and decisions taken often ignored the ethnic and religious realities on the ground, sowing the seeds of future conflict and tension in the region. The legacy of the agreement remains a subject of debate and discontent in the contemporary Middle East, symbolising the interventions and divisions imposed by foreign powers.
| | 赛克斯-皮科协定》的重要性在于，它是有关中东地理空间的集体记忆的 "起源"。它象征着欧洲列强在该地区的帝国主义干预和操纵，往往无视当地的种族、宗教和文化特性。尽管该协定影响了中东国家的建立，但这些国家的实际边界是由后来的权力平衡、外交谈判和第一次世界大战后演变的地缘政治现实决定的。赛克斯-皮科协定》的后果反映在战后国际联盟对法国和英国的委任统治中，导致了几个现代中东国家的形成。然而，划定的边界和做出的决定往往忽视了当地的种族和宗教现实，为该地区未来的冲突和紧张局势埋下了种子。在当代中东，该协定的遗留问题仍是一个争论和不满的话题，象征着外国势力强加的干预和分裂。 |
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| [[Fichier:MOMCENC - promesses des Alliés et revendications arabes.png|centré|]] | | [[Fichier:MOMCENC - promesses des Alliés et revendications arabes.png|centré|]] |
| | 这幅地图展示了 1916 年法国和英国签订的《赛克斯-皮科协定》中规定的奥斯曼帝国领土划分，包括直接管理区和势力范围。 |
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| This map illustrates the division of the territories of the Ottoman Empire as laid down in the Sykes-Picot agreements of 1916 between France and Great Britain, with zones of direct administration and zones of influence.
| | 代表法国直接管理的 "蓝区 "涵盖了后来成为叙利亚和黎巴嫩的地区。这表明法国打算直接控制战略城市中心和沿海地区。由英国直接管理的 "红区 "涵盖了未来的伊拉克，包括巴格达和巴士拉等重要城市，以及以独立方式代表的科威特。该区反映了英国对产油地区的兴趣及其作为波斯湾门户的战略重要性。代表巴勒斯坦（包括海法、耶路撒冷和加沙等地）的 "棕色区 "在《赛克斯-皮科协定》中没有明确界定其直接控制权，但通常与英国的影响力有关。后来，由于《贝尔福宣言》和犹太复国主义运动，该地区成为英国的委任统治地，并成为政治紧张局势和冲突的焦点。 |
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| The "Blue Zone", representing direct French administration, covered the regions that would later become Syria and Lebanon. This shows that France intended to exercise direct control over strategic urban centres and coastal regions. The "Red Zone", under direct British administration, encompassed the future Iraq with key cities such as Baghdad and Basra, as well as Kuwait, which was represented in a detached manner. This zone reflected the British interest in the oil-producing regions and their strategic importance as a gateway to the Persian Gulf. The "Brown Zone", representing Palestine (including places such as Haifa, Jerusalem and Gaza), is not explicitly defined in the Sykes-Picot Agreement in terms of direct control, but is generally associated with British influence. It later became a British mandate and the focus of political tension and conflict as a result of the Balfour Declaration and the Zionist movement.
| | 阿拉伯 A 区和 B 区 "是分别在法国和英国监督下承认阿拉伯自治的地区。这被解释为是对阿拉伯人渴望某种形式的自治或独立的让步，盟军在战争期间一直鼓励这种愿望，以赢得阿拉伯人对奥斯曼帝国的支持。这幅地图没有显示的是协约国在战争期间所做承诺的复杂性和多重性，这些承诺往往自相矛盾，并在协议曝光后导致当地民众产生背叛感。这幅地图只是简化了《赛克斯-皮科协定》，实际上该协定要复杂得多，而且随着时间的推移，随着政治的发展、冲突和国际压力而发生了变化。 |
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| Arab Areas A and B" were regions where Arab autonomy was to be recognised under French and British supervision respectively. This was interpreted as a concession to Arab aspirations for some form of autonomy or independence, which had been encouraged by the Allies during the war to win Arab support against the Ottoman Empire. What this map does not show is the complexity and multiple promises made by the Allies during the war, which were often contradictory and led to feelings of betrayal among local populations after the agreement was revealed. The map represents a simplification of the Sykes-Picot agreements, which in reality were much more complex and underwent changes over time as a result of political developments, conflicts and international pressure.
| | 1917 年俄国革命后，俄国布尔什维克揭露了《赛克斯-皮科协定》，这不仅在中东地区，而且在国际舞台上都产生了巨大影响。通过揭露这些秘密协定，布尔什维克试图抨击西方列强，特别是法国和英国的帝国主义，并表明自己对自决和透明原则的承诺。赛克斯-皮科协定》并不是 "东方问题 "漫长进程的开端，而是其高潮。这一进程涉及对衰落的奥斯曼帝国领土的管理和影响力分享，而《赛克斯-皮科协定》则是这一进程中决定性的一步。 |
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| The revelation of the Sykes-Picot agreements by the Russian Bolsheviks after the Russian Revolution of 1917 had a resounding impact, not only in the Middle East region, but also on the international scene. By exposing these secret agreements, the Bolsheviks sought to criticise the imperialism of the Western powers, particularly France and Britain, and to demonstrate their own commitment to the principles of self-determination and transparency. The Sykes-Picot agreements were not the beginning, but rather a culmination of the long process of the "Oriental Question", a complex diplomatic issue that had preoccupied European powers throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries. This process concerned the management and sharing of influence over the territories of the declining Ottoman Empire, and the Sykes-Picot agreements were a decisive step in this process.
| | 根据这些协议，法国在叙利亚和黎巴嫩建立了势力范围，而英国则获得了对伊拉克、约旦和巴勒斯坦周边地区的控制权或影响力。这样做的目的是在大国势力范围之间建立缓冲区，包括在该地区利益相互竞争的英国和俄国之间建立缓冲区。这种格局在一定程度上是为了应对这些大国之间难以共处的问题，它们在印度和其他地方的竞争就证明了这一点。赛克斯-皮科协定》的公布在阿拉伯世界引起了强烈反响，被认为是对战争期间向阿拉伯领导人所做承诺的背叛。这一消息加剧了对西方列强的不信任，助长了该地区的民族主义和反帝愿望。这些协议的影响至今仍可感受到，因为它们为中东的现代边界和继续影响该地区的政治动态奠定了基础。 |
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| Under these agreements, a French zone of influence was established in Syria and Lebanon, while Britain gained control or influence over Iraq, Jordan and a region around Palestine. The intention was to create buffer zones between the spheres of influence of the great powers, including between the British and the Russians, who had competing interests in the region. This configuration was partly a response to the difficulty of cohabitation between these powers, as demonstrated by their competition in India and elsewhere. The publication of the Sykes-Picot agreements provoked a strong reaction in the Arab world, where they were seen as a betrayal of the promises made to Arab leaders during the war. This revelation exacerbated feelings of mistrust towards the Western powers and fuelled nationalist and anti-imperialist aspirations in the region. The impact of these agreements is still felt today, as they laid the foundations for the modern borders of the Middle East and the political dynamics that continue to influence the region.
| | =亚美尼亚种族灭绝= |
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| =The Armenian Genocide= | | === 历史背景和种族灭绝的开始（1915-1917 年）=== |
| | 第一次世界大战期间冲突激烈，政治动荡，但也发生了 20 世纪初最悲惨的事件之一：亚美尼亚种族灭绝。这一种族灭绝是奥斯曼帝国青年土耳其人政府在 1915 年至 1917 年期间实施的，尽管暴力和驱逐行为在这之前就已开始，并在这之后仍在继续。 |
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| === Historical Background and the Beginning of the Genocide (1915-1917) ===
| | 在这一悲惨时期，奥斯曼帝国的基督教少数民族--奥斯曼亚美尼亚人被有计划地当作目标，遭到强制驱逐、大规模处决、死亡行军和有计划的饥荒。奥斯曼帝国当局以战争为掩护和借口，解决他们认为的 "亚美尼亚问题"，精心策划了这些行动，目的是消灭安纳托利亚和帝国其他地区的亚美尼亚人口。对受害者人数的估计各不相同，但普遍认为多达 150 万亚美尼亚人丧生。亚美尼亚种族灭绝在亚美尼亚人的集体记忆中留下了深刻的烙印，并对全球亚美尼亚社区产生了持久的影响。它被认为是最早的现代种族灭绝之一，给土耳其和亚美尼亚的关系蒙上了一个多世纪的阴影。 |
| The First World War was a period of intense conflict and political upheaval, but it was also marked by one of the most tragic events of the early 20th century: the Armenian genocide. This genocide was perpetrated by the Young Turk government of the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1917, although acts of violence and deportation began before and continued after these dates.
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| During this tragic period, Ottoman Armenians, a minority Christian ethnic group in the Ottoman Empire, were systematically targeted by campaigns of forced deportations, mass executions, death marches and planned famines. The Ottoman authorities, using the war as a cover and pretext to resolve what they considered to be an "Armenian problem", orchestrated these actions with the aim of eliminating the Armenian population from Anatolia and other regions of the Empire. Estimates of the number of victims vary, but it is widely accepted that up to 1.5 million Armenians perished. The Armenian genocide has left a profound mark on the Armenian collective memory and has had a lasting impact on the global Armenian community. It is considered one of the first modern genocides and cast a shadow over Turkish-Armenian relations for more than a century.
| | 承认亚美尼亚种族灭绝仍然是一个敏感和有争议的问题。许多国家和国际组织已正式承认种族灭绝，但某些争论和外交紧张局势依然存在，特别是与土耳其的争论，土耳其对将事件定性为种族灭绝提出异议。亚美尼亚种族灭绝对国际法也有影响，它影响了种族灭绝概念的发展，并促使人们努力防止今后发生此类暴行。这一令人悲痛的事件强调了历史记忆和承认过去的不公正对于在理解与和解的基础上建设共同未来的重要性。 |
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| Recognition of the Armenian genocide remains a sensitive and controversial issue. Many countries and international organisations have formally recognised the genocide, but certain debates and diplomatic tensions persist, particularly with Turkey, which disputes the characterisation of the events as genocide. The Armenian genocide has also had implications for international law, influencing the development of the notion of genocide and motivating efforts to prevent such atrocities in the future. This sombre event underlines the importance of historical memory and recognition of past injustices in building a common future based on understanding and reconciliation.
| | === 亚美尼亚的历史根源 === |
| | 亚美尼亚人民拥有丰富而古老的历史，其历史可以追溯到基督教时代之前。根据亚美尼亚民族主义传统和神话传说，他们的历史可以追溯到公元前 200 年，甚至更早。考古和历史证据表明，亚美尼亚人占据亚美尼亚高原已有数千年之久。历史上的亚美尼亚通常被称为上亚美尼亚或大亚美尼亚，其所在地区包括现代土耳其东部、亚美尼亚、阿塞拜疆、格鲁吉亚、现代伊朗和伊拉克的部分地区。该地区是乌拉尔图王国的发源地，乌拉尔图王国被认为是古亚美尼亚的前身，曾在公元前 9 世纪至公元前 6 世纪繁荣一时。公元前 6 世纪初，乌拉尔图王国灭亡，亚美尼亚并入阿契美尼德帝国，亚美尼亚王国正式建立并得到承认。公元前 1 世纪，提格兰大帝（Tigran the Great）统治时期，亚美尼亚王国达到鼎盛时期，短暂扩张后形成了一个从里海到地中海的帝国。 |
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| === Armenia's historical roots ===
| | 公元 301 年，亚美尼亚成为第一个正式将基督教奉为国教的国家，这也说明了亚美尼亚人在该地区的历史渊源。几个世纪以来，尽管遭受入侵和各种外国帝国的统治，亚美尼亚人仍保持着独特的文化和宗教特征。悠久的历史铸就了强大的民族认同感，即使在 20 世纪初亚美尼亚种族灭绝等严重困难面前，这种认同感也历久弥新。亚美尼亚的神话和历史记载虽然有时会被民族主义精神美化，但都是基于真实而重要的历史，这些历史造就了亚美尼亚人民丰富的文化和顽强的生命力。 |
| The Armenian people have a rich and ancient history, dating back to well before the Christian era. According to Armenian nationalist tradition and mythology, their roots go back as far as 200 BC, and even earlier. This is supported by archaeological and historical evidence showing that Armenians have occupied the Armenian plateau for millennia. Historic Armenia, often referred to as Upper Armenia or Greater Armenia, was located in an area that included parts of eastern modern Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, modern Iran and Iraq. This region was the birthplace of the kingdom of Urartu, considered to be a precursor of ancient Armenia, which flourished from the 9th to the 6th century BC. The kingdom of Armenia was formally established and recognised at the beginning of the 6th century BC, after the fall of Urartu and through integration into the Achaemenid Empire. It reached its apogee under the reign of Tigran the Great in the 1st century BC, when it briefly expanded to form an empire stretching from the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean.
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| The historical depth of the Armenian presence in the region is also illustrated by the early adoption of Christianity as the state religion in 301 AD, making Armenia the first country to do so officially. Armenians have maintained a distinct cultural and religious identity throughout the centuries, despite invasions and the domination of various foreign empires. This long history has forged a strong national identity that has survived through the ages, even in the face of severe hardship such as the Armenian genocide in the early 20th century. Armenian mythological and historical accounts, although sometimes embellished in a nationalist spirit, are based on a real and significant history that has contributed to the cultural richness and resilience of the Armenian people.
| | === 亚美尼亚，第一个基督教国家 === |
| | 亚美尼亚拥有第一个正式将基督教作为国教的王国的历史称号。这一具有纪念意义的事件发生在公元 301 年，当时的国王是提里达特斯三世，这在很大程度上是受圣格雷戈里-照亮者（Saint Gregory the Illuminator）传教活动的影响，圣格雷戈里-照亮者成为亚美尼亚教会的第一任首领。亚美尼亚王国皈依基督教的时间早于罗马帝国。公元 313 年米兰敕令颁布后，罗马帝国在君士坦丁皇帝的领导下开始将基督教作为其主导宗教。亚美尼亚人皈依基督教是一个重要的过程，对亚美尼亚人民的文化和民族特性产生了深远的影响。信奉基督教促进了亚美尼亚文化和宗教艺术的发展，包括亚美尼亚教堂和修道院的独特建筑风格，以及圣梅斯罗普-马什托茨（Saint Mesrop Mashtots）在 5 世纪初创造的亚美尼亚字母表。这种字母使亚美尼亚文学得以蓬勃发展，包括《圣经》和其他重要宗教典籍的翻译，从而有助于加强亚美尼亚的基督教特性。亚美尼亚作为第一个基督教国家的地位也产生了政治和地缘政治影响，因为它经常处于相互竞争的主要帝国的边界上，并被非基督教邻国所包围。几个世纪以来，这种区别帮助塑造了亚美尼亚的角色和历史，使其成为基督教历史以及中东和高加索地区历史上的一个重要角色。 |
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| === Armenia, the first Christian state ===
| | 亚美尼亚将基督教奉为国教之后的历史错综复杂，时常动荡不安。在经历了几个世纪与邻国帝国的冲突和相对自治时期后，亚美尼亚人在 7 世纪被阿拉伯人征服后经历了一场重大变革。 |
| Armenia holds the historic title of being the first kingdom to officially adopt Christianity as its state religion. This monumental event took place in 301 AD, during the reign of King Tiridates III, and was largely influenced by the missionary activity of Saint Gregory the Illuminator, who became the first head of the Armenian Church. The conversion of the Kingdom of Armenia to Christianity preceded that of the Roman Empire, which, under Emperor Constantine, began to adopt Christianity as its dominant religion after the Edict of Milan in 313 AD. The Armenian conversion was a significant process that profoundly influenced the cultural and national identity of the Armenian people. The adoption of Christianity led to the development of Armenian culture and religious art, including the unique architecture of Armenian churches and monasteries, as well as the creation of the Armenian alphabet by Saint Mesrop Mashtots in the early 5th century. This alphabet enabled Armenian literature to flourish, including the translation of the Bible and other important religious texts, thus helping to strengthen the Armenian Christian identity. Armenia's position as the first Christian state also had political and geopolitical implications, as it was often placed on the border of major competing empires and surrounded by non-Christian neighbours. This distinction has helped to shape Armenia's role and history over the centuries, making it an important player in the history of Christianity and in the regional history of the Middle East and the Caucasus.
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| Armenia's history after the adoption of Christianity as the state religion was complex and often tumultuous. After several centuries of conflict with neighbouring empires and periods of relative autonomy, the Armenians experienced a major change with the Arab conquests in the 7th century.
| | 先知穆罕默德去世后，伊斯兰教迅速传播，阿拉伯军队在公元 640 年左右征服了中东大片地区，包括亚美尼亚大部分地区。这一时期，亚美尼亚被拜占庭势力和阿拉伯哈里发势力瓜分，导致亚美尼亚地区的文化和政治分裂。在阿拉伯统治时期以及后来的奥斯曼帝国统治时期，亚美尼亚人作为基督徒通常被归类为 "dhimmis"--伊斯兰法律规定的受保护但低等的非穆斯林类别。这种身份给了他们一定程度的保护，允许他们信奉自己的宗教，但他们也要缴纳特定的税款，并受到社会和法律的限制。19 世纪和 20 世纪初，历史上亚美尼亚的大部分地区处于奥斯曼帝国和俄罗斯帝 国之间。在此期间，亚美尼亚人在面临日益严峻的政治挑战的同时，努力保护自己的文化和宗教特性。 |
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| With the rapid spread of Islam following the death of the prophet Mohammed, Arab forces conquered vast swathes of the Middle East, including much of Armenia, around 640 AD. This period saw Armenia divided between Byzantine influence and the Arab caliphate, resulting in a cultural and political division of the Armenian region. During the period of Arab rule, and later under the Ottoman Empire, Armenians, as Christians, were generally classified as "dhimmis" - a protected but inferior category of non-Muslims under Islamic law. This status gave them a degree of protection and allowed them to practise their religion, but they were also subject to specific taxes and social and legal restrictions. The largest part of historic Armenia found itself caught between the Ottoman and Russian empires in the 19th and early 20th centuries. During this period, Armenians sought to preserve their cultural and religious identity, while facing increasing political challenges.
| | 在苏丹阿卜杜勒哈米德二世统治时期（19 世纪末），奥斯曼帝国采取了泛伊斯兰主义政策，试图将帝国内不同的穆斯林民族团结起来，以应对奥斯曼帝国势力的衰落和内外压力。这一政策往往加剧了帝国内部的种族和宗教矛盾，导致针对亚美尼亚人和其他非穆斯林群体的暴力事件。19 世纪末发生的哈米迪安大屠杀是 1915 年亚美尼亚种族灭绝之前和预示着 1915 年亚美尼亚种族灭绝的暴力事件的一个悲惨例子，在这次大屠杀中，成千上万的亚美尼亚人被杀害。这些事件凸显了亚美尼亚人和帝国中的其他少数民族在民族主义兴起和帝国衰落的情况下寻求政治和宗教统一所面临的困难。 |
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| Under the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (late 19th century), the Ottoman Empire adopted a pan-Islamist policy, seeking to unite the diverse Muslim peoples of the empire in response to the decline of Ottoman power and internal and external pressures. This policy often exacerbated ethnic and religious tensions within the Empire, leading to violence against Armenians and other non-Muslim groups. The Hamidian massacres of the late 19th century, in which tens of thousands of Armenians were killed, are a tragic example of the violence that preceded and foreshadowed the Armenian genocide of 1915. These events highlighted the difficulties faced by Armenians and other minorities in an empire seeking political and religious unity in the face of emerging nationalism and imperial decline.
| | === 圣斯特凡诺条约》和柏林会议 === |
| | 1878 年签署的《圣斯特凡诺条约》是亚美尼亚问题的关键时刻，亚美尼亚问题成为国际关注的问题。该条约是在 1877-1878 年俄土战争结束时缔结的，在这场战争中，奥斯曼帝国在俄罗斯帝国手中遭到重大失败。圣斯特凡诺条约》中最引人注目的内容之一是要求奥斯曼帝国实施有利于基督教居民（尤其是亚美尼亚人）的改革，并改善他们的生活条件。这默认了亚美尼亚人遭受的虐待和国际保护的必要性。然而，条约中承诺的改革措施在很大程度上没有得到有效实施。奥斯曼帝国因战争和内部压力而衰弱，不愿做出可能被视为外国干涉内政的让步。此外，同年晚些时候，柏林会议对《圣斯蒂法诺条约》的条款进行了重新修订，调整了条约条款，以照顾其他大国，特别是英国和奥匈帝国的关切。 |
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| === The Treaty of San Stefano and the Congress of Berlin ===
| | 尽管如此，柏林会议仍不断向奥斯曼帝国施压，要求其进行改革，但实际上却几乎没有采取任何行动来切实改善亚美尼亚人的处境。由于缺乏行动，再加上帝国内部政局不稳，民族矛盾日益加剧，这种环境最终导致了 19 世纪 90 年代的哈米迪亚大屠杀，以及后来 1915 年的亚美尼亚种族灭绝。因此，《圣斯蒂法诺条约》将亚美尼亚问题国际化，标志着欧洲列强开始对奥斯曼帝国的事务施加更直接的影响，其幌子往往是保护基督教少数民族。然而，改革承诺与履行承诺之间的差距给亚美尼亚人民留下了无法兑现的承诺，造成了悲惨的后果。 |
| The Treaty of San Stefano, signed in 1878, was a pivotal moment for the Armenian question, which became a matter of international concern. The treaty was concluded at the end of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878, which saw a significant defeat for the Ottoman Empire at the hands of the Russian Empire. One of the most remarkable aspects of the Treaty of San Stefano was the clause requiring the Ottoman Empire to implement reforms in favour of the Christian populations, particularly the Armenians, and to improve their living conditions. This implicitly recognised the mistreatment that the Armenians had suffered and the need for international protection. However, implementation of the reforms promised in the treaty was largely ineffective. The Ottoman Empire, weakened by the war and internal pressures, was reluctant to grant concessions that might have been perceived as foreign interference in its internal affairs. In addition, the provisions of the Treaty of San Stefano were reworked later that year by the Congress of Berlin, which adjusted the terms of the treaty to accommodate the concerns of other major powers, notably Great Britain and Austria-Hungary.
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| The Congress of Berlin nevertheless kept up the pressure on the Ottoman Empire to reform, but in practice little was done to actually improve the situation of the Armenians. This lack of action, combined with political instability and growing ethnic tensions within the Empire, created an environment that eventually led to the Hamidian massacres of the 1890s and, later, the Armenian genocide of 1915. The internationalisation of the Armenian question by the Treaty of San Stefano thus marked the beginning of a period in which the European powers began to exert more direct influence over the affairs of the Ottoman Empire, often under the guise of protecting Christian minorities. However, the gap between promises of reform and their implementation left a legacy of unfulfilled commitments with tragic consequences for the Armenian people.
| | 19 世纪末和 20 世纪初是奥斯曼帝国亚美尼亚和亚述族群遭受严重暴力的时期。特别是在 1895 年和 1896 年，发生了大规模屠杀事件，通常被称为哈米迪安大屠杀（以苏丹阿卜杜勒哈米德二世的名字命名）。这些屠杀是对亚美尼亚人抗议苛捐杂税、迫害和《圣斯蒂法诺条约》所承诺的改革缺失的回应。青年土耳其人是在 1908 年政变后掌权的改革派民族主义运动，起初被视为奥斯曼帝国少数民族的希望之源。然而，这一运动中的激进派最终采取了比其前辈更具侵略性的民族主义政策。他们深信有必要建立一个统一的土耳其国家，将亚美尼亚人和其他非土耳其少数民族视为其民族愿景的障碍。对亚美尼亚人的系统性歧视日益加剧，叛国和与帝国敌人（尤其是俄国）勾结的指控更是火上浇油。这种怀疑和仇恨的气氛为 1915 年开始的种族灭绝提供了温床。这场种族灭绝运动的首批行动之一是 1915 年 4 月 24 日在君士坦丁堡逮捕并杀害亚美尼亚知识分子和领导人，现在人们将这一天作为亚美尼亚种族灭绝的开始举行纪念活动。 |
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| The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were a period of great violence for the Armenian and Assyrian communities of the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the years 1895 and 1896 were marked by large-scale massacres, often referred to as the Hamidian massacres, named after Sultan Abdülhamid II. These massacres were carried out in response to Armenian protests against oppressive taxes, persecution and the lack of reforms promised by the Treaty of San Stefano. The Young Turks, a reformist nationalist movement that came to power after a coup in 1908, were initially seen as a source of hope for minorities in the Ottoman Empire. However, a radical faction of this movement ended up adopting an even more aggressive and nationalist policy than their predecessors. Convinced of the need to create a homogenous Turkish state, they saw Armenians and other non-Turkish minorities as obstacles to their national vision. Systematic discrimination against Armenians increased, fuelled by accusations of treason and collusion with the enemies of the Empire, notably Russia. This atmosphere of suspicion and hatred created the breeding ground for the genocide that began in 1915. One of the first acts of this genocidal campaign was the arrest and murder of Armenian intellectuals and leaders in Constantinople on 24 April 1915, a date that is now commemorated as the start of the Armenian genocide.
| | 大规模驱逐、向叙利亚沙漠的死亡行军和屠杀接踵而至，据估计被杀害的亚美尼亚人多达 150 万。除了死亡行军，还有报道称亚美尼亚人被迫登上在黑海被故意击沉的船只。面对这些恐怖事件，一些亚美尼亚人皈依伊斯兰教以求生存，另一些人则躲藏起来或受到包括库尔德人在内的同情邻居的保护。与此同时，亚述人在 1914 年至 1920 年间也遭受了类似的暴行。亚述人作为奥斯曼帝国承认的一个部落或自治社区，本应受到一定的保护。然而，在第一次世界大战和土耳其民族主义的背景下，他们成了系统性灭绝运动的目标。这些悲惨事件表明，歧视、非人化和极端主义是如何导致大规模暴力行为的。对亚美尼亚人的种族灭绝和对亚述人的屠杀是历史上黑暗的一页，凸显了纪念、承认和防止种族灭绝以确保此类暴行不再发生的重要性。 |
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| Mass deportations, death marches to the Syrian desert and massacres followed, with estimates of up to 1.5 million Armenians killed. In addition to the death marches, there are reports of Armenians being forced to board ships that were intentionally sunk in the Black Sea. In the face of these horrors, some Armenians converted to Islam to survive, while others went into hiding or were protected by sympathetic neighbours, including Kurds. At the same time, the Assyrian population also suffered similar atrocities between 1914 and 1920. As a millet, or autonomous community recognised by the Ottoman Empire, the Assyrians should have enjoyed some protection. However, in the context of the First World War and Turkish nationalism, they were the target of systematic extermination campaigns. These tragic events show how discrimination, dehumanisation and extremism can lead to acts of mass violence. The Armenian genocide and the massacres of the Assyrians are dark chapters in history that underline the importance of remembrance, recognition and prevention of genocide to ensure that such atrocities never happen again.
| | === 走向土耳其共和国和否认种族灭绝 === |
| | 1919 年盟军占领伊斯坦布尔，并成立军事法庭审判对战争期间所犯暴行负有责任的奥斯曼官员，这标志着试图为所犯罪行，特别是亚美尼亚种族灭绝行为伸张正义。然而，安纳托利亚的局势依然不稳定且复杂。1920 年的《塞夫尔条约》肢解了奥斯曼帝国，并对土耳其实施了严厉的制裁，作为对该条约条款的回应，由穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克领导的土耳其民族主义运动迅速发展。凯末尔主义者拒绝接受该条约，认为这是对土耳其主权和领土完整的羞辱和威胁。 |
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| === Towards the Republic of Turkey and the Denial of Genocide ===
| | 其中一个症结是土耳其境内的希腊东正教徒问题，他们受到条约条款的保护，但在希土冲突中却处于危险之中。希腊和土耳其社区之间的紧张关系导致了大规模的暴力和人口交换，1919 年至 1922 年的希腊和土耳其战争又加剧了这种紧张关系。穆斯塔法-凯末尔曾是 "青年土耳其党 "的重要成员，并在第一次世界大战期间因捍卫达达尼尔海峡而声名鹊起。然而，这些说法存在争议和历史争论。凯末尔和新生的土耳其共和国在种族灭绝问题上的官方立场是否认种族灭绝，将其归咎于战时环境和内乱，而不是蓄意的灭绝政策。 |
| The occupation of Istanbul by the Allies in 1919 and the establishment of a court martial to try those Ottoman officials responsible for the atrocities committed during the war marked an attempt to bring justice for the crimes committed, in particular the Armenian genocide. However, the situation in Anatolia remained unstable and complex. The nationalist movement in Turkey, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, grew rapidly in response to the terms of the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres, which dismembered the Ottoman Empire and imposed severe sanctions on Turkey. The Kemalists rejected the treaty as a humiliation and a threat to Turkey's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
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| One of the sticking points was the question of the Greek Orthodox populations in Turkey, which were protected by the provisions of the treaty but were at stake in the Greek-Turkish conflict. Tensions between the Greek and Turkish communities led to large-scale violence and population exchanges, exacerbated by the war between Greece and Turkey from 1919 to 1922. Mustafa Kemal, who had been a prominent member of the Young Turks and gained fame as the defender of the Dardanelles during the First World War, is sometimes quoted as having described the Armenian genocide as a "shameful act". However, these claims are subject to controversy and historical debate. The official position of Kemal and the nascent Republic of Turkey on the genocide was to deny it and attribute it to wartime circumstances and civil unrest rather than to a deliberate policy of extermination.
| | 在争夺安纳托利亚和建立土耳其共和国的斗争中，穆斯塔法-凯末尔及其支持者把重点放在建立一个统一的土耳其民族国家上，避免承认过去发生的可能分裂或削弱这一民族计划的事件。因此，第一次世界大战后的时期发生了重大的政治变革，试图在冲突后实现正义，该地区出现了新的民族国家，新生的土耳其共和国试图独立于奥斯曼帝国的遗产，确定自己的身份和政治。 |
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| During the resistance for Anatolia and the struggle to establish the Republic of Turkey, Mustafa Kemal and his supporters focused on building a unified Turkish nation-state, and any acknowledgement of past events that might have divided or weakened this national project was avoided. The period following the First World War was therefore marked by major political changes, attempts at post-conflict justice, and the emergence of new nation-states in the region, with the nascent Republic of Turkey seeking to define its own identity and politics independently of the Ottoman legacy.
| | =土耳其建国= === 《洛桑条约》和新的政治现实（1923年 |
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| =The founding of Turkey= | | ===《洛桑条约》和新的政治现实（1923年）=== |
| | 1923年7月24日签署的《洛桑条约》标志着土耳其和中东当代史上的一个决定性转折点。主要由于穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克（Mustafa Kemal Atatürk）领导的土耳其民族抵抗运动，《塞夫尔条约》宣告失败，协约国被迫重新谈判。协约国在战争中精疲力竭，面对土耳其决心捍卫领土完整的现实，不得不承认土耳其民族主义者建立的新的政治现实。洛桑条约》确立了国际公认的现代土耳其共和国的边界，并取消了《塞夫尔条约》中关于建立库尔德国家和承认在一定程度上保护亚美尼亚人的条款。洛桑条约》没有规定建立库尔德斯坦，也没有为亚美尼亚人采取任何措施，从而在国际上关闭了 "库尔德问题 "和 "亚美尼亚问题 "的大门，使这些问题悬而未决。 |
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| === The Treaty of Lausanne and the New Political Reality (1923) ===
| | 与此同时，该条约正式确定了希腊和土耳其之间的人口交换，这导致了 "将希腊人驱逐出土耳其领土"，这是一个痛苦的插曲，其特点是人口被迫流离失所，安纳托利亚和色雷斯的历史社区终结。洛桑条约》签署后，在第一次世界大战期间掌权的联盟与进步委员会（CUP）（又称 "青年土耳其党"）正式解散。该委员会的几位领导人流亡国外，还有一些人被暗杀，以报复他们在亚美尼亚种族灭绝和战争破坏性政策中所扮演的角色。 |
| The Treaty of Lausanne, signed on 24 July 1923, marked a decisive turning point in the contemporary history of Turkey and the Middle East. After the failure of the Treaty of Sevres, mainly due to Turkish national resistance led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the Allies were forced to renegotiate. Exhausted by the war and faced with the reality of a Turkey determined to defend its territorial integrity, the Allied powers had to recognise the new political reality established by the Turkish nationalists. The Treaty of Lausanne established the internationally recognised borders of the modern Republic of Turkey and cancelled the provisions of the Treaty of Sèvres, which had provided for the creation of a Kurdish state and recognised a certain degree of protection for the Armenians. By not including a provision for the creation of a Kurdistan or any measures for the Armenians, the Treaty of Lausanne closed the door on the "Kurdish question" and the "Armenian question" at international level, leaving these issues unresolved.
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| At the same time, the treaty formalised the exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey, which led to the "expulsion of Greeks from Turkish territories", a painful episode marked by the forced displacement of populations and the end of historic communities in Anatolia and Thrace. After the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne, the Union and Progress Committee (CUP), better known as the Young Turks, which had been in power during the First World War, was officially dissolved. Several of its leaders went into exile, and some were assassinated in retaliation for their role in the Armenian genocide and the destructive policies of the war.
| | 在随后的岁月里，土耳其共和国得到巩固，出现了一些旨在捍卫安纳托利亚主权和完整的民族主义组织。宗教在构建民族身份认同方面发挥了作用，"基督教西部 "和 "穆斯林安纳托利亚 "经常被区分开来。这种论述被用来加强民族凝聚力，并为抵抗任何被视为对土耳其民族构成威胁的外国影响或干预提供理由。因此，《洛桑条约》被视为现代土耳其共和国的基石，其遗产继续影响着土耳其的内外政策，以及土耳其与邻国和境内少数民族社区的关系。 |
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| In the years that followed, the Republic of Turkey was consolidated, and several nationalist associations emerged with the aim of defending the sovereignty and integrity of Anatolia. Religion played a role in the construction of national identity, with a distinction often drawn between the "Christian West" and "Muslim Anatolia". This discourse was used to reinforce national cohesion and to justify resistance against any foreign influence or intervention perceived as a threat to the Turkish nation. The Treaty of Lausanne is therefore regarded as the cornerstone of the modern Republic of Turkey, and its legacy continues to shape Turkey's domestic and foreign policy, as well as its relations with its neighbours and minority communities within its borders.
| | === 穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克的到来和土耳其民族抵抗运动（1919年）=== |
| | 1919年5月，穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克抵达安纳托利亚，标志着土耳其独立和主权斗争进入了一个新阶段。他反对盟军的占领和《塞夫尔条约》的条款，自立为土耳其民族抵抗运动的领袖。在随后的岁月里，穆斯塔法-凯末尔领导了几次关键的军事行动。他在多条战线上作战：1921 年与亚美尼亚人作战，在安纳托利亚南部与法国人作战以重新划定边界，1919 年与占领伊兹密尔市并挺进安纳托利亚西部的希腊人作战。这些冲突是土耳其民族主义运动的关键因素，目的是在奥斯曼帝国的废墟上建立一个新的民族国家。英国在该地区的战略十分复杂。面对希腊人和土耳其人以及土耳其人和英国人之间可能发生的更大范围的冲突，英国认为让希腊人和土耳其人自相残杀是有利的，这样他们就可以把精力集中在其他地方，特别是伊拉克这块石油资源丰富、战略地位重要的领土上。 |
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| === The Arrival of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the Turkish National Resistance (1919) ===
| | 1922 年，希土战争最终以土耳其的胜利和希腊从安纳托利亚的撤军而告终，这给希腊带来了小亚细亚灾难，也使土耳其民族主义势力取得了重大胜利。穆斯塔法-凯末尔的军事胜利使《塞夫尔条约》的条款得以重新谈判，并促成了 1923 年《洛桑条约》的签署，该条约承认了土耳其共和国的主权，并重新界定了土耳其的边界。在签订《洛桑条约》的同时，希腊和土耳其还制定了一项人口交换公约。这导致两国被迫交换希腊东正教和土耳其穆斯林人口，目的是建立种族更加单一的国家。在击退法国军队、缔结边界协定和签署《洛桑条约》之后，穆斯塔法-凯末尔于 1923 年 10 月 29 日宣布成立土耳其共和国，并成为首任总统。共和国的宣布标志着穆斯塔法-凯末尔在多民族和多信仰的奥斯曼帝国残余势力基础上建立一个现代、世俗和民族主义的土耳其国家的努力达到了顶峰。 |
| The arrival of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Anatolia in May 1919 marked the beginning of a new phase in the struggle for Turkish independence and sovereignty. Opposing the Allied occupation and the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres, he established himself as the leader of the Turkish national resistance. In the years that followed, Mustafa Kemal led several crucial military campaigns. He fought on various fronts: against the Armenians in 1921, against the French in southern Anatolia to redefine borders, and against the Greeks, who had occupied the city of Izmir in 1919 and advanced into western Anatolia. These conflicts were key elements in the Turkish nationalist movement to establish a new nation state on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. British strategy in the region was complex. Faced with the possibility of a wider conflict between Greeks and Turks on the one hand, and Turks and British on the other, Britain saw an advantage in letting the Greeks and Turks fight each other, which would allow them to concentrate their efforts elsewhere, notably in Iraq, an oil-rich and strategically important territory.
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| The Greek-Turkish war culminated in the Turkish victory and Greek withdrawal from Anatolia in 1922, which resulted in the Asia Minor catastrophe for Greece and a major victory for Turkish nationalist forces. Mustafa Kemal's victorious military campaign enabled the terms of the Treaty of Sevres to be renegotiated and led to the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, which recognised the sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey and redefined its borders. At the same time as the Treaty of Lausanne, a convention for the exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey was drawn up. This led to the forced exchange of Greek Orthodox and Turkish Muslim populations between the two countries, with the aim of creating more ethnically homogenous states. After repelling the French forces, concluding border agreements and signing the Treaty of Lausanne, Mustafa Kemal proclaimed the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923, becoming its first president. The proclamation of the Republic marked the culmination of Mustafa Kemal's efforts to found a modern, secular and nationalist Turkish state on the remnants of the multi-ethnic and multi-faith Ottoman Empire.
| | ===边界的形成以及摩苏尔和安提阿问题=== |
| | 1923年《洛桑条约》的缔结标志着土耳其共和国得到国际承认，并重新确定了其边界。这些问题需要进一步谈判和国际组织的干预才能解决。安提阿城位于安纳托利亚南部历史悠久、文化多样的地区，是土耳其和法国之间争夺的对象，法国对包括安提阿在内的叙利亚行使委任统治权。这座城市拥有多元文化的历史和重要的战略意义，是两国关系的紧张点。最终，经过谈判，安提阿被授予土耳其，尽管这一决定引起了争议和紧张。摩苏尔地区的问题更为复杂。摩苏尔地区蕴藏丰富的石油，土耳其和英国都声称拥有该地区，英国对伊拉克拥有委任统治权。土耳其基于历史和人口方面的理由，希望将摩苏尔地区划入其疆界，而英国则出于战略和经济方面的原因，特别是石油的存在，支持将摩苏尔地区划入伊拉克。 |
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| === Border formation and the Mosul and Antioch issues ===
| | 国际联盟（联合国的前身）出面解决了这一争端。经过一系列谈判，双方于 1925 年达成协议。根据该协议，摩苏尔地区将成为伊拉克的一部分，但土耳其将获得经济补偿，特别是石油收入的一部分。协议还规定，土耳其应正式承认伊拉克及其边界。这一决定对于稳定土耳其、伊拉克和英国之间的关系至关重要，并在确定伊拉克边界方面发挥了重要作用，影响了中东地区未来的发展。这些谈判和由此产生的协议说明了第一次世界大战后中东动态的复杂性。它们显示了该地区的现代边界是如何由历史诉求、战略和经济考虑以及国际干预等因素共同作用形成的，这些因素往往反映的是殖民国家的利益，而不是当地居民的利益。 |
| After the conclusion of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, which marked the international recognition of the Republic of Turkey and redefined its borders, there were still unresolved border issues, particularly concerning the city of Antioch and the Mosul region. These issues required further negotiations and the intervention of international organisations in order to be resolved. The city of Antioch, located in the historically rich and culturally diverse region of southern Anatolia, was a subject of contention between Turkey and France, the latter exercising a mandate over Syria, including Antioch. The city, with its multicultural past and strategic importance, was a point of tension between the two countries. Eventually, after negotiations, Antioch was awarded to Turkey, although the decision was a source of controversy and tension. The issue of the Mosul region was even more complex. Rich in oil, the Mosul region was claimed by both Turkey and Great Britain, which had a mandate over Iraq. Turkey, on the basis of historical and demographic arguments, wanted to include it within its borders, while Great Britain supported its inclusion in Iraq for strategic and economic reasons, in particular because of the presence of oil.
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| The League of Nations, forerunner of the United Nations, intervened to resolve the dispute. After a series of negotiations, an agreement was reached in 1925. Under this agreement, the Mosul region would become part of Iraq, but Turkey would receive financial compensation, notably in the form of a share of oil revenues. The agreement also stipulated that Turkey should officially recognise Iraq and its borders. This decision was crucial in stabilising relations between Turkey, Iraq and Great Britain and played an important role in defining Iraq's borders, influencing future developments in the Middle East. These negotiations and the resulting agreements illustrate the complexity of post-First World War dynamics in the Middle East. They show how the modern borders of the region have been shaped by a mixture of historical claims, strategic and economic considerations, and international interventions, often reflecting the interests of the colonial powers rather than those of the local populations.
| | === 穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克的激进改革 === |
| | 第一次世界大战后，土耳其在穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克（Mustafa Kemal Atatürk）的领导下进行了大刀阔斧的改革和变革，努力实现新土耳其共和国的现代化和世俗化。1922 年，土耳其议会废除了奥斯曼苏丹国，迈出了关键的一步，这一决定结束了几个世纪的帝国统治，巩固了土耳其新首都安卡拉的政治权力。1924 年，土耳其进行了另一项重大改革，废除了哈里发统治。这一决定取消了奥斯曼帝国特有的伊斯兰宗教和政治领导权，标志着国家向世俗化迈出了决定性的一步。在废除哈里发的同时，土耳其政府成立了宗教事务主席团（Diyanet），这是一个旨在监督和管理国内宗教事务的机构。该机构旨在将宗教事务置于国家控制之下，确保宗教不被用于政治目的。穆斯塔法-凯末尔随后实施了一系列旨在实现土耳其现代化的改革，这些改革通常被称为 "专制现代化"。这些改革包括教育世俗化、改革着装规范、采用格里高利历法以及引入民法取代伊斯兰宗教法。 |
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| === The Radical Reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ===
| | 作为建立同质化土耳其民族国家的一部分，针对少数民族和不同种族群体的同化政策也已到位。这些政策包括为所有公民创建土耳其姓氏、鼓励采用土耳其语言和文化以及关闭宗教学校。这些措施旨在将人民统一在一个共同的土耳其身份之下，但也提出了少数民族的文化权利和自治问题。这些激进的改革改变了土耳其社会，为现代土耳其奠定了基础。这些改革反映了穆斯塔法-凯末尔的愿望，即建立一个现代、世俗和统一的国家，同时驾驭战后民族主义愿望的复杂环境。这些变革对土耳其历史产生了深远影响，并继续影响着今天的土耳其政治和社会。 |
| The post-First World War period in Turkey was marked by radical reforms and transformations led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who sought to modernise and secularise the new Republic of Turkey. In 1922, a crucial step was taken with the abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate by the Turkish Parliament, a decision that ended centuries of imperial rule and consolidated political power in Ankara, Turkey's new capital. The year 1924 saw another major reform with the abolition of the Caliphate. This decision eliminated the Islamic religious and political leadership that had been a feature of the Ottoman Empire and represented a decisive step towards the secularisation of the state. In parallel with this abolition, the Turkish government created the Diyanet, or the Presidency of Religious Affairs, an institution designed to supervise and regulate religious matters in the country. The aim of this organisation was to place religious affairs under the control of the state and to ensure that religion was not used for political ends. Mustafa Kemal then implemented a series of reforms aimed at modernising Turkey, often referred to as "authoritarian modernisation". These reforms included the secularisation of education, the reform of the dress code, the adoption of a Gregorian calendar, and the introduction of civil law to replace Islamic religious law.
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| As part of the creation of a homogenous Turkish nation-state, assimilation policies were put in place for minorities and different ethnic groups. These policies included the creation of Turkish surnames for all citizens, encouragement to adopt the Turkish language and culture, and the closure of religious schools. These measures aimed to unify the population under a common Turkish identity, but they also raised issues of cultural rights and autonomy for minorities. These radical reforms transformed Turkish society and laid the foundations for modern Turkey. They reflected Mustafa Kemal's desire to create a modern, secular and unitary state, while navigating the complex post-war context of nationalist aspirations. These changes had a profound effect on Turkish history and continue to influence Turkish politics and society today.
| | 20 世纪二三十年代，在穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克的领导下，土耳其进行了一系列旨在实现国家现代化和西方化的激进改革。这些改革几乎影响到土耳其社会、文化和政治生活的方方面面。首批措施之一是成立教育部，该部在改革教育系统和宣传凯末尔思想方面发挥了核心作用。1925 年，最具象征意义的改革之一是推行欧式礼帽，取代了传统的头巾，这是土耳其公民外貌和着装现代化政策的一部分。 |
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| The period of the 1920s and 1930s in Turkey, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, was characterised by a series of radical reforms aimed at modernising and westernising the country. These reforms affected almost every aspect of Turkish social, cultural and political life. One of the first measures was the creation of the Ministry of Education, which played a central role in reforming the education system and promoting Kemalist ideology. In 1925, one of the most symbolic reforms was the imposition of the European hat, replacing the traditional fez, as part of a policy to modernise the appearance and dress of Turkish citizens.
| | 法律改革也很重要，土耳其采用了受西方模式启发的法典，特别是瑞士民法典。这些改革的目的是以世俗的现代法律制度取代以伊斯兰教法为基础的奥斯曼法律制度。土耳其还采用了公制和格里高利历，并将休息日从周五（穆斯林国家的传统休息日）改为周日，使国家与西方标准接轨。最激进的改革之一是在 1928 年将字母表从阿拉伯字母改为改良的拉丁字母。这项改革的目的是提高识字率和使土耳其语现代化。土耳其历史研究所成立于 1931 年，是重新解释土耳其历史和促进土耳其民族认同的广泛努力的一部分。本着同样的精神，净化土耳其语的政策旨在消除阿拉伯语和波斯语的借用，强化 "太阳语 "理论，这是一种民族主义意识形态，宣称土耳其语和土耳其文化源远流长，具有优越性。 |
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| Legal reforms were also significant, with the adoption of legal codes inspired by Western models, notably the Swiss civil code. The aim of these reforms was to replace the Ottoman legal system, based on Sharia (Islamic law), with a modern, secular legal system. Turkey also adopted the metric system, a Gregorian calendar and changed its day of rest from Friday (traditionally observed in Muslim countries) to Sunday, bringing the country into line with Western standards. One of the most radical reforms was the change of alphabet in 1928 from Arabic to a modified Latin script. The aim of this reform was to increase literacy and modernise the Turkish language. The Institute of Turkish History, created in 1931, was part of a wider effort to reinterpret Turkish history and promote Turkish national identity. In the same spirit, the policy of purifying the Turkish language was aimed at eliminating Arabic and Persian borrowings and reinforcing the "Sun Language" theory, a nationalist ideology that asserted the ancient origin and superiority of the Turkish language and culture.
| | 在库尔德人问题上，凯末尔政府奉行同化政策，将库尔德人视为 "山地土耳其人"，试图将他们融入土耳其的民族认同中。这一政策导致了紧张局势和冲突，尤其是在 1938 年镇压库尔德人和非穆斯林人口期间。凯末尔时期是土耳其发生深刻变革的时代，其特点是努力创造一个现代化、世俗化和同质化的民族国家。然而，这些改革虽然具有现代化的进步意图，但也伴随着专制政策和同化努力，给当代土耳其留下了复杂的、有时甚至是有争议的遗产。 |
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| On the Kurdish question, the Kemalist government pursued a policy of assimilation, considering the Kurds as "mountain Turks" and attempting to integrate them into the Turkish national identity. This policy led to tensions and conflicts, particularly during the repression of Kurdish and non-Muslim populations in 1938. The Kemalist period was an era of profound transformation for Turkey, marked by efforts to create a modern, secular and homogenous nation-state. However, these reforms, while progressive in their intent to modernise, were also accompanied by authoritarian policies and efforts at assimilation that have left a complex and sometimes controversial legacy in contemporary Turkey.
| | 土耳其的凯末尔时期始于1923年共和国的成立，其特点是进行了一系列改革，旨在实现国家的中央化、民族化和世俗化，以及社会的欧洲化。这些改革由穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克领导，旨在与奥斯曼帝国的帝国和伊斯兰历史决裂，奥斯曼帝国的历史被视为进步和现代化的障碍。改革的目的是建立一个与西方价值观和标准相一致的现代土耳其。从这个角度看，奥斯曼帝国和伊斯兰遗产往往被描绘成落后和蒙昧的负面形象。向西方的转变在政治、文化、法律、教育甚至日常生活中都是显而易见的。 |
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| The Kemalist period in Turkey, which began with the founding of the Republic in 1923, was characterised by a series of reforms aimed at centralising, nationalising and secularising the state, as well as Europeanising society. These reforms, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, aimed to break with the Ottoman Empire's imperial and Islamic past, which was seen as an obstacle to progress and modernisation. The aim was to create a modern Turkey aligned with Western values and standards. From this perspective, the Ottoman and Islamic heritage was often portrayed in a negative light, associated with backwardness and obscurantism. The shift towards the West was evident in politics, culture, law, education and even in everyday life.
| | === 多党制以及现代化与传统之间的紧张关系（1950年后）=== |
| | 然而，随着20世纪50年代多党制的到来，土耳其的政治格局开始发生变化。在共和人民党（CHP）领导下以一党制运作的土耳其开始向政治多元化开放。这一转变并非没有矛盾。在凯末尔主义时期经常被边缘化的保守派开始质疑凯末尔主义的一些改革，尤其是有关世俗主义和西方化的改革。世俗主义与传统价值观、西方化与土耳其和伊斯兰身份认同之间的争论已成为土耳其政治中反复出现的主题。保守党和伊斯兰党派的势力不断扩大，对凯末尔主义遗产提出质疑，并呼吁回归某些传统和宗教价值观。 |
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| === Multipartyism and the Tensions between Modernisation and Tradition (Post-1950) ===
| | 这种政治态势有时会导致镇压和紧张局势，因为不同的政府在驾驭日益多样化的政治环境的同时，也在努力巩固自己的权力。政治紧张和镇压时期，特别是1960年、1971年、1980年的军事政变和2016年的未遂政变，见证了土耳其在寻求现代化与传统、世俗主义与宗教信仰、西方化与土耳其身份认同之间的平衡时所面临的挑战。在1950年后的土耳其，凯末尔主义遗产与部分民众回归传统价值观的愿望之间出现了复杂的、有时甚至是相互冲突的再平衡，反映了当代土耳其社会中现代与传统之间持续存在的紧张关系。 |
| However, with the arrival of the multi-party system in the 1950s, the Turkish political landscape began to change. Turkey, which had operated as a one-party state under the Republican People's Party (CHP), began to open up to political pluralism. This transition was not without its tensions. Conservatives, who had often been marginalised during the Kemalist period, began to question some of the Kemalist reforms, particularly those concerning secularism and westernisation. The debate between secularism and traditional values, between westernisation and Turkish and Islamic identity, has become a recurring theme in Turkish politics. Conservative and Islamist parties have gained ground, questioning the Kemalist heritage and calling for a return to certain traditional and religious values.
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| This political dynamic has sometimes led to repression and tension, as different governments seek to consolidate their power while navigating an increasingly diverse political environment. Periods of political tension and repression, notably during the military coups of 1960, 1971, 1980 and the attempted coup of 2016, bear witness to the challenges Turkey has faced in its quest to strike a balance between modernisation and tradition, secularism and religiosity, Westernisation and Turkish identity. The post-1950 period in Turkey has seen a complex and sometimes conflicting rebalancing between the Kemalist heritage and the aspirations of part of the population for a return to traditional values, reflecting the ongoing tensions between modernity and tradition in contemporary Turkish society.
| | === 土耳其及其内部挑战：管理种族和宗教多样性 === |
| | 作为西方的战略盟友，特别是自1952年加入北约以来，土耳其不得不协调与西方的关系及其内部政治动态。20世纪50年代引入的多党制是这种调和的关键因素，反映了向更加民主的治理形式的过渡。然而，在这一过渡时期，也出现了动荡和军事干预。事实上，土耳其经历了数次军事政变，大约每十年一次，特别是在1960年、1971年、1980年，以及2016年的一次未遂政变。这些政变往往被军方辩解为恢复秩序和保护土耳其共和国的原则，特别是凯末尔主义和世俗主义所必需。每次政变后，军队一般都会举行新的选举，以恢复文官统治，尽管军队继续扮演着凯末尔主义意识形态守护者的角色。 |
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| === Turkey and its Internal Challenges: Managing Ethnic and Religious Diversity ===
| | 然而，自 2000 年代以来，随着保守党和伊斯兰党的崛起，土耳其的政治格局发生了重大变化，尤其是正义与发展党（AKP）。在雷杰普-塔伊普-埃尔多安的领导下，正义与发展党赢得了数次选举，并长期掌权。尽管 AKP 政府主张更加保守的伊斯兰价值观，但却没有被军方推翻。这与过去几十年的情况不同，在过去几十年里，被认为背离凯末尔主义原则的政府经常成为军事干预的目标。土耳其保守派政府的相对稳定表明，军方和民间政党之间的权力正在重新平衡。这可以归因于一系列旨在削弱军队政治权力的改革，以及土耳其民众态度的转变，他们越来越容易接受反映保守和伊斯兰价值观的政府管理。当代土耳其的政治动态反映了一个国家在世俗的凯末尔主义传统与日益增长的保守主义和伊斯兰主义倾向之间游刃有余的挑战，同时又保持着对多党制和西方联盟的承诺。 |
| As a strategic ally of the West, particularly since joining NATO in 1952, Turkey has had to reconcile its relations with the West with its own internal political dynamics. The multi-party system introduced in the 1950s was a key element in this reconciliation, reflecting a transition towards a more democratic form of governance. However, this transition has been marked by periods of instability and military intervention. Indeed, Turkey has experienced several military coups, approximately every ten years, notably in 1960, 1971, 1980, and an attempt in 2016. These coups were often justified by the military as being necessary to restore order and protect the principles of the Turkish Republic, in particular Kemalism and secularism. After each coup d'état, the army generally called new elections to return to civilian rule, although the army continued to play the role of guardian of Kemalist ideology.
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| However, since the 2000s, the Turkish political landscape has undergone a significant change with the rise of conservative and Islamist parties, in particular the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the AKP won several elections and held power for an extended period. The AKP government, despite advocating more conservative and Islamic values, has not been overthrown by the military. This represents a change from previous decades when governments perceived to deviate from Kemalist principles were often targeted by military intervention. This relative stability of conservative government in Turkey suggests a rebalancing of power between the military and civilian political parties. This can be attributed to a series of reforms aimed at reducing the political power of the army, as well as a change in the attitude of the Turkish population, which has become increasingly receptive to governance reflecting conservative and Islamic values. The political dynamics of contemporary Turkey reflect the challenges of a country navigating between its secular Kemalist heritage and growing conservative and Islamist tendencies, while maintaining its commitment to multi-partyism and Western alliances.
| | 现代土耳其面临着各种内部挑战，包括对其种族和宗教多样性的管理。同化政策，尤其是针对库尔德人的同化政策，在加强土耳其民族主义方面发挥了重要作用。这种情况导致了紧张局势和冲突，尤其是与库尔德少数民族之间的紧张局势和冲突，因为库尔德少数民族没有从奥斯曼帝国时期给予某些宗教少数群体的 "小米"（自治社区）地位中受益。20 世纪欧洲反犹太主义和种族主义也对土耳其产生了影响。20世纪30年代，受欧洲政治和社会思潮影响的歧视和仇外思想开始在土耳其显现。这导致了悲剧性事件的发生，如1934年色雷斯针对犹太人的大屠杀，犹太人社区成为袭击目标，被迫逃离家园。 |
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| Modern Turkey has faced various internal challenges, including the management of its ethnic and religious diversity. Assimilation policies, particularly towards the Kurdish population, have played a significant role in strengthening Turkish nationalism. This situation has led to tensions and conflicts, particularly with the Kurdish minority, which has not benefited from the millet (autonomous community) status granted to certain religious minorities under the Ottoman Empire. The influence of European anti-Semitism and racism during the 20th century also had an impact on Turkey. In the 1930s, discriminatory and xenophobic ideas, influenced by political and social currents in Europe, began to manifest themselves in Turkey. This led to tragic events such as the pogroms against Jews in Thrace in 1934, where Jewish communities were targeted, attacked and forced to flee their homes.
| | 此外，1942 年出台的《财富税法》（Varlık Vergisi）是另一项歧视性措施，主要影响到非土耳其人和非穆斯林少数民族，包括犹太人、亚美尼亚人和希腊人。这项法律对财富征收苛捐杂税，对非穆斯林的征税过高，无力支付的人被送往劳改营，特别是在土耳其东部的阿什卡莱。这些政策和事件反映了土耳其社会内部的种族和宗教紧张关系，以及土耳其民族主义有时被以排他性和歧视性的方式诠释的时期。它们还凸显了在安纳托利亚这样一个多民族、多宗教群体共存的地区建立民族国家过程的复杂性。这一时期土耳其少数民族的待遇仍然是一个敏感和有争议的话题，反映了土耳其在管理国内多样性的同时寻求统一民族身份所面临的挑战。这些事件也对土耳其不同种族和宗教群体之间的关系产生了长期影响。 |
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| In addition, the Wealth Tax Law (Varlık Vergisi) introduced in 1942 was another discriminatory measure that mainly affected non-Turkish and non-Muslim minorities, including Jews, Armenians and Greeks. This law imposed exorbitant taxes on wealth, disproportionately high for non-Muslims, and those who could not pay were sent to labour camps, notably in Aşkale, in eastern Turkey. These policies and events reflected ethnic and religious tensions within Turkish society and a period when Turkish nationalism was sometimes interpreted in an exclusive and discriminatory way. They also highlighted the complexity of the process of forming a nation-state in a region as diverse as Anatolia, where a multitude of ethnic and religious groups coexisted. The treatment of minorities in Turkey during this period remains a sensitive and controversial subject, reflecting the challenges the country faced in its quest for a unified national identity while managing its internal diversity. These events also had a long-term impact on relations between different ethnic and religious groups in Turkey.
| | === 世俗主义与政教分离：凯末尔时期的遗产 === |
| | 世俗化与世俗主义之间的区别对于理解不同历史和地理背景下的社会和政治动态非常重要。世俗化是指社会、机构和个人开始脱离宗教影响和规范的一个历史和文化过程。在世俗化的社会中，宗教逐渐失去对公共生活、法律、教育、政治和其他领域的影响。这一过程并不一定意味着个人的宗教信仰减少，而是宗教成为私人事务，与公共事务和国家分开。世俗化通常与现代化、科技发展和社会规范的改变联系在一起。另一方面，世俗主义是一种制度和法律政策，国家据此宣布自己在宗教事务中保持中立。它决定将国家与宗教机构分开，确保政府决策和公共政策不受特定宗教教义的影响。世俗主义可以与宗教色彩浓厚的社会共存；它主要涉及国家如何处理与不同宗教的关系。从理论上讲，世俗主义旨在保障宗教自由，平等对待所有宗教，避免偏袒任何特定宗教。 |
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| === Separation between Secularism and Secularism: The Legacy of the Kemalist Period ===
| | 历史和当代的例子显示了这两个概念的不同组合。例如，一些欧洲国家在经历了显著的世俗化过程的同时，仍保持着国家与某些教会之间的官方联系（如英国与英格兰教会的联系）。另一方面，法国等国采取了严格的政教分离政策，而这些国家在历史上都是深受宗教传统熏陶的社会。在土耳其，凯末尔时期实行了严格的政教分离政策，清真寺与国家分离，而穆斯林宗教仍在人们的私人生活中发挥着重要作用。凯末尔主义的世俗主义政策旨在实现土耳其的现代化和统一，它从西方模式中汲取灵感，同时又能驾驭一个长期围绕伊斯兰教建立社会和政治组织的复杂社会环境。 |
| The distinction between secularisation and secularism is important for understanding social and political dynamics in different historical and geographical contexts. Secularisation refers to a historical and cultural process in which societies, institutions and individuals begin to detach themselves from religious influence and norms. In a secularised society, religion gradually loses its influence over public life, laws, education, politics and other areas. This process does not necessarily mean that individuals become less religious on a personal level, but rather that religion becomes a private matter, separate from public affairs and the State. Secularisation is often associated with modernisation, scientific and technological development, and changing social norms. Secularism, on the other hand, is an institutional and legal policy by which a state declares itself neutral in matters of religion. It is a decision to separate the state from religious institutions, ensuring that government decisions and public policies are not influenced by specific religious doctrines. Secularism can coexist with a deeply religious society; it is mainly about how the state manages its relationship with different religions. In theory, secularism aims to guarantee freedom of religion, treating all religions equally and avoiding favouritism towards any specific religion.
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| Historical and contemporary examples show different combinations of these two concepts. For example, some European countries have undergone significant secularisation while maintaining official links between the state and certain churches (such as the United Kingdom with the Church of England). On the other hand, countries such as France have adopted a strict policy of secularism (laïcité), while historically being societies strongly imbued with religious traditions. In Turkey, the Kemalist period saw the introduction of a strict form of secularism with the separation of mosque and state, while living in a society where the Muslim religion continued to play a significant role in people's private lives. The Kemalist policy of secularism aimed to modernise and unify Turkey, drawing inspiration from Western models, while navigating the complex context of a society with a long history of social and political organisation around Islam.
| | 第二次世界大战后，土耳其发生了一系列事件，加剧了国内的种族和宗教紧张局势，尤其影响到少数民族。在这些事件中，1955 年穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克在塞萨洛尼基（当时位于希腊）的出生地遭到轰炸，引发了土耳其现代史上最悲惨的事件之一：伊斯坦布尔大屠杀。伊斯坦布尔大屠杀又称 1955 年 9 月 6-7 日事件，是一系列暴力袭击事件，主要针对该市的希腊社区，但也针对其他少数民族，特别是亚美尼亚人和犹太人。这些袭击由阿塔图尔克出生地被炸的谣言引发，并因民族主义和反少数民族情绪而加剧。骚乱造成了大规模的财产破坏和暴力事件，许多人流离失所。 |
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| The post-Second World War period in Turkey was marked by a number of incidents that exacerbated ethnic and religious tensions in the country, particularly affecting minorities. Among these incidents, the bombing of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's birthplace in Thessaloniki (then in Greece) in 1955 served as a catalyst for one of the most tragic events in modern Turkish history: the Istanbul pogroms. The Istanbul pogroms, also known as the events of 6-7 September 1955, were a series of violent attacks directed mainly against the city's Greek community, but also against other minorities, notably Armenians and Jews. These attacks were triggered by rumours of the bombing of Atatürk's birthplace and were exacerbated by nationalist and anti-minority sentiments. The riots resulted in massive destruction of property, violence and the displacement of many people.
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| This event marked a turning point in the history of minorities in Turkey, leading to a significant decrease in the Greek population of Istanbul and a general feeling of insecurity among other minorities. The Istanbul pogroms also revealed the underlying tensions within Turkish society over issues of national identity, ethnic and religious diversity, and the challenges of maintaining harmony in a diverse nation-state. Since then, the proportion of ethnic and religious minorities in Turkey has declined considerably due to a variety of factors, including emigration, assimilation policies, and sometimes inter-communal tensions and conflicts. Although modern Turkey has endeavoured to promote an image of a tolerant and diverse society, the legacy of these historical events continues to influence relations between the different communities and the State's policy towards minorities. The situation of minorities in Turkey remains a sensitive issue, illustrating the challenges faced by many states in managing diversity and preserving the rights and security of all communities within their borders.
| | 这一事件标志着土耳其少数民族历史上的一个转折点，导致伊斯坦布尔的希腊族人口大幅减少，其他少数民族普遍感到不安全。伊斯坦布尔大屠杀还揭示了土耳其社会在民族身份、种族和宗教多样性问题上的潜在紧张关系，以及在一个多元民族国家中保持和谐所面临的挑战。此后，由于移民、同化政策以及有时族群间的紧张关系和冲突等各种因素，土耳其的少数民族和宗教少数群体的比例大幅下降。尽管现代土耳其一直在努力宣传一个宽容和多元化社会的形象，但这些历史事件的遗留问题仍在影响着不同族群之间的关系以及国家对少数民族的政策。土耳其少数群体的状况仍然是一个敏感问题，说明了许多国家在管理多样性和维护其境内所有社区的权利和安全方面所面临的挑战。 |
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| =The Alevis= | | =阿列维人 |
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| === The Impact of the Foundation of the Republic of Turkey on the Alevis (1923) === | | === 土耳其共和国成立对阿列维人的影响（1923 年）=== |
| The creation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 and the secularist reforms initiated by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk had a significant impact on various religious and ethnic groups in Turkey, including the Alevi community. The Alevis, a distinct religious and cultural group within Islam, practising a form of belief that differs from mainstream Sunnism, greeted the founding of the Turkish Republic with a degree of optimism. The promise of secularism and secularisation offered the hope of greater equality and religious freedom, compared with the period of the Ottoman Empire when they had often been the subject of discrimination and sometimes violence.
| | 1923 年土耳其共和国的成立和穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克发起的世俗主义改革对土耳其的各种宗教和民族群体产生了重大影响，其中包括阿列维人。阿列维人是伊斯兰教中一个独特的宗教和文化群体，奉行不同于主流逊尼派的信仰形式，他们对土耳其共和国的成立持一定程度的乐观态度。与奥斯曼帝国时期相比，世俗主义和世俗化给他们带来了更大的平等和宗教自由的希望。 |
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| However, with the creation of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) after the abolition of the Caliphate in 1924, the Turkish government sought to regulate and control religious affairs. Although the Diyanet was designed to exercise state control over religion and promote an Islam compatible with republican and secular values, in practice it has often favoured Sunni Islam, which is the majority branch in Turkey. This policy has caused problems for the Alevi community, who have felt marginalised by the state's promotion of a form of Islam that does not correspond to their religious beliefs and practices. Although the situation of Alevis under the Turkish Republic was much better than under the Ottoman Empire, where they were frequently persecuted, they continued to face challenges regarding their religious recognition and rights.
| | 然而，1924 年废除哈里发统治后，土耳其政府成立了宗教事务局（Diyanet），试图管理和控制宗教事务。尽管宗教事务局旨在对宗教实行国家控制，并促进伊斯兰教与共和和世俗价值观的兼容，但在实践中，它往往偏向于土耳其占多数的逊尼派伊斯兰教。这一政策给阿列维人社区带来了问题，他们感到自己被边缘化了，因为国家推广的伊斯兰教形式与其宗教信仰和习俗并不相符。虽然在土耳其共和国时期，阿列维人的处境比奥斯曼帝国时期要好得多，在奥斯曼帝国时期，他们经常受到迫害，但他们在宗教认可和权利方面仍然面临挑战。 |
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| Over the years, Alevis have fought for official recognition of their places of worship (cemevis) and for fair representation in religious affairs. Despite the progress made in terms of secularism and civil rights in Turkey, the Alevi question remains an important issue, reflecting Turkey's wider challenges in managing its religious and ethnic diversity within a secular framework. The situation of the Alevis in Turkey is therefore an example of the complex relationship between the state, religion and minorities in a context of modernisation and secularisation, illustrating how state policies can influence social and religious dynamics within a nation.
| | 多年来，阿列维人一直在为其礼拜场所（cemevis）获得官方承认以及在宗教事务中获得公平代表权而奋斗。尽管土耳其在世俗主义和公民权利方面取得了进展，但阿列维问题仍然是一个重要问题，反映了土耳其在世俗框架内管理其宗教和种族多样性所面临的广泛挑战。因此，土耳其阿列维人的状况是现代化和世俗化背景下国家、宗教和少数民族之间复杂关系的一个例子，说明了国家政策如何影响一个国家的社会和宗教动态。 |
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| === Alevi Political Engagement in the 1960s === | | === 20 世纪 60 年代阿列维人的政治参与 ==== |
| In the 1960s, Turkey experienced a period of significant political and social change, with the emergence of various political parties and movements representing a range of views and interests. It was a time of political dynamism, marked by a greater expression of political identities and demands, including those of minority groups such as the Alevis. The creation of the first Alevi political party during this period was an important development, reflecting a growing willingness on the part of this community to engage in the political process and defend its specific interests. Alevis, with their distinct beliefs and practices, have often sought to promote greater recognition and respect for their religious and cultural rights. However, it is also true that other political parties, particularly those of the left or communist persuasion, have responded to the demands of the Kurdish and Alevi electorate. By promoting ideas of social justice, equality and minority rights, these parties have attracted significant support from these communities. Issues of minority rights, social justice and secularism were often at the heart of their political platforms, which resonated with the concerns of Alevis and Kurds.
| | 20 世纪 60 年代，土耳其经历了一个重大的政治和社会变革时期，出现了代表各种观点和利益的各种政党和运动。这是一个充满政治活力的时期，其特点是政治身份和要求得到了更多的表达，包括阿列维人等少数群体的政治身份和要求。在此期间成立的第一个阿列维政党是一个重要的发展，反映了该群体越来越愿意参与政治进程并捍卫自己的特殊利益。阿列维人有自己独特的信仰和习俗，他们经常寻求促进对其宗教和文化权利的更大承认和尊重。然而，其他政党，尤其是左派或共产主义政党，也确实响应了库尔德和阿列维选民的要求。通过宣传社会正义、平等和少数民族权利的理念，这些政党吸引了这些族群的大量支持。少数民族权利、社会正义和世俗主义问题往往是这些政党政治纲领的核心，与阿列维人和库尔德人的关切产生了共鸣。 |
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| In the context of 1960s Turkey, marked by growing political tension and ideological divides, left-wing parties were often seen as champions of the underclass, minorities and marginalised groups. This led to a situation where Alevi political parties, although directly representing this community, were sometimes overshadowed by broader, more established parties addressing broader issues of social justice and equality. Thus, Turkish politics in this period reflected a growing diversity and complexity of political identities and affiliations, illustrating how issues of minority rights, social justice and identity played a central role in Turkey's emerging political landscape.
| | 20 世纪 60 年代的土耳其，政治局势日益紧张，意识形态鸿沟日益扩大，在这种背景下，左翼政党往往被视为底层民众、少数民族和边缘化群体的拥护者。这导致阿列维政党虽然直接代表这一群体，但有时会被更广泛、更成熟的政党所掩盖，这些政党致力于解决更广泛的社会正义和平等问题。因此，这一时期的土耳其政治反映出政治身份和政治派别日益多样化和复杂化，说明少数民族权利、社会正义和身份认同问题在土耳其新兴政治格局中发挥着核心作用。 |
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| === Alevis Facing Extremism and Violence in the 1970s and 1980s === | | === 20世纪70年代和80年代阿列维人面对极端主义和暴力=== |
| The 1970s were a period of great social and political tension in Turkey, marked by increasing polarisation and the emergence of extremist groups. During this period, the far right in Turkey, represented in part by nationalist and ultranationalist groups, gained in visibility and influence. This rise in extremism has had tragic consequences, particularly for minority communities such as the Alevis. Alevis, because of their beliefs and practices distinct from the majority Sunni Islam, have often been targeted by ultra-nationalist and conservative groups. These groups, fuelled by nationalist and sometimes sectarian ideologies, have carried out violent attacks against Alevi communities, including massacres and pogroms. The most notorious incidents include the massacres at Maraş in 1978 and Çorum in 1980. These events were characterised by extreme violence, mass murder, and other atrocities, including scenes of beheading and mutilation. These attacks were not isolated incidents, but part of a wider trend of violence and discrimination against Alevis, which exacerbated social divisions and tensions in Turkey.
| | 20世纪70年代是土耳其社会和政治局势极为紧张的时期，两极分化日益加剧，极端主义团体不断涌现。在这一时期，以民族主义和极端民族主义团体为部分代表的土耳其极右派的知名度和影响力不断上升。极端主义的兴起造成了悲剧性后果，尤其是对阿列维人等少数族群而言。阿列维人的信仰和习俗有别于占多数的逊尼派伊斯兰教，因此常常成为极端民族主义和保守团体的攻击目标。这些团体在民族主义、有时是宗派主义意识形态的煽动下，对阿列维社区发动了暴力袭击，包括大屠杀和大屠杀。最臭名昭著的事件包括 1978 年在马拉什和 1980 年在乔鲁姆发生的大屠杀。这些事件的特点是极端暴力、大屠杀和其他暴行，包括斩首和肢解。这些袭击并非孤立事件，而是针对阿列维人的暴力和歧视大趋势的一部分，加剧了土耳其的社会分裂和紧张局势。 |
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| The violence of the 1970s and early 1980s contributed to the instability that led to the military coup of 1980. Following the coup, the army established a regime that cracked down on many political groups, including the far right and the far left, in an attempt to restore order and stability. However, the underlying problems of discrimination and tension between different communities have remained, posing ongoing challenges to Turkey's social and political cohesion. The situation of the Alevis in Turkey is therefore a poignant example of the difficulties faced by religious and ethnic minorities in a context of political polarisation and rising extremism. It also highlights the need for an inclusive approach that respects the rights of all communities in order to maintain social peace and national unity.
| | 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代初的暴力事件加剧了不稳定局势，导致了 1980 年的军事政变。政变后，军队建立了一个政权，镇压了包括极右派和极左派在内的许多政治团体，试图恢复秩序和稳定。然而，不同社区之间的歧视和紧张关系等潜在问题依然存在，给土耳其的社会和政治凝聚力带来了持续挑战。因此，土耳其阿列维人的境况是一个鲜明的例子，说明了在政治两极分化和极端主义抬头的背景下，宗教和少数民族所面临的困难。它还凸显了采取包容性方法的必要性，即尊重所有社区的权利，以维护社会和平与民族团结。 |
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| === The Tragedies of Sivas and Gazi in the 1990s === | | === 20 世纪 90 年代的锡瓦斯和加齐悲剧 === |
| The 1990s in Turkey continued to witness tensions and violence, particularly against the Alevi community, which was the target of several tragic attacks. In 1993, a particularly shocking event occurred in Sivas, a town in central Turkey. On 2 July 1993, during the Pir Sultan Abdal cultural festival, a group of Alevi intellectuals, artists and writers, as well as spectators, were attacked by an extremist mob. The Madımak Hotel, where they were staying, was set on fire, resulting in the deaths of 37 people. This incident, known as the Sivas massacre or Madımak tragedy, was one of the darkest events in modern Turkish history and highlighted the vulnerability of Alevis to extremism and religious intolerance. Two years later, in 1995, another violent incident took place in the Gazi district of Istanbul, an area with a large Alevi population. Violent clashes broke out after an unknown gunman fired on cafés frequented by Alevis, killing one person and injuring several others. The following days were marked by riots and clashes with the police, which led to many more casualties.
| | 20 世纪 90 年代，土耳其的紧张局势和暴力事件持续不断，尤其是针对阿列维族的暴力事件，阿列维族是多起悲剧性袭击事件的目标。1993 年，土耳其中部城镇锡瓦斯发生了一起特别令人震惊的事件。1993 年 7 月 2 日，在 Pir Sultan Abdal 文化节期间，一群阿列维知识分子、艺术家和作家以及观众遭到极端主义暴徒的袭击。他们下榻的 Madımak 酒店被纵火焚烧，造成 37 人死亡。这一事件被称为锡瓦斯大屠杀或马德马克悲剧，是土耳其现代史上最黑暗的事件之一，凸显了阿列维人在极端主义和宗教不容忍面前的脆弱性。两年后的 1995 年，伊斯坦布尔的加齐区发生了另一起暴力事件，该地区有大量的阿列维人。一名身份不明的枪手向阿列维人经常光顾的咖啡馆开枪，造成一人死亡，数人受伤，随后爆发了暴力冲突。随后几天又发生了骚乱和与警察的冲突，导致更多人员伤亡。 |
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| These incidents exacerbated tensions between the Alevi community and the Turkish state, and highlighted the persistence of prejudice and discrimination against Alevis. They also raised questions about the protection of minorities in Turkey and the State's ability to ensure security and justice for all its citizens. The violence in Sivas and Gazi marked a turning point in awareness of the situation of Alevis in Turkey, leading to stronger calls for recognition of their rights and for greater understanding and respect for their unique cultural and religious identity. These tragic events remain etched in Turkey's collective memory, symbolising the challenges the country faces in terms of religious diversity and peaceful coexistence.
| | 这些事件加剧了阿列维社区与土耳其国家之间的紧张关系，凸显了对阿列维人的偏见和歧视依然存在。这些事件还使人们对土耳其保护少数民族以及国家确保所有公民安全和正义的能力产生了疑问。锡瓦斯和加齐发生的暴力事件标志着人们对土耳其阿列维人状况认识的一个转折点，导致人们更加强烈地呼吁承认他们的权利，更加理解和尊重他们独特的文化和宗教特性。这些悲惨事件仍然铭刻在土耳其的集体记忆中，象征着该国在宗教多样性与和平共处方面所面临的挑战。 |
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| === Alevis under the AKP: Identity Challenges and Conflicts === | | === 正义与发展党领导下的阿列维人：身份挑战与冲突 === |
| Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP), led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, came to power in 2002, Turkey has seen significant changes in its policy towards Islam and religious minorities, including the Alevi community. The AKP, often perceived as a party with Islamist or conservative leanings, has been criticised for favouring Sunni Islam, raising concerns among religious minorities, particularly the Alevis. Under the AKP, the government strengthened the role of the Diyanet (Presidency of Religious Affairs), which was accused of promoting a Sunni version of Islam. This has caused problems for the Alevi community, which practises a form of Islam that is markedly different from the dominant Sunnism. Alevis do not go to traditional mosques to worship; instead, they use "cemevi" for their religious ceremonies and gatherings. However, the Diyanet does not officially recognise cemevi as places of worship, which has been a source of frustration and conflict for the Alevis. The issue of assimilation is also of concern to Alevis, as the government has been perceived as seeking to integrate all religious and ethnic communities into a homogenous Sunni Turkish identity. This policy is reminiscent of the assimilation efforts of the Kemalist era, although the motivations and contexts are different.
| | 自2002年由雷杰普-塔伊普-埃尔多安领导的正义与发展党（AKP）执政以来，土耳其对伊斯兰教和宗教少数群体（包括阿列维人）的政策发生了重大变化。人民党通常被视为具有伊斯兰教或保守主义倾向的政党，因偏袒逊尼派伊斯兰教而受到批评，这引起了宗教少数群体，尤其是阿列维人的担忧。在 AKP 的领导下，政府加强了宗教事务局（Diyanet）的作用，该局被指责宣扬逊尼派伊斯兰教。这给阿列维社区带来了麻烦，因为他们信奉的伊斯兰教与占主导地位的逊尼派明显不同。阿列维人不去传统的清真寺做礼拜，而是使用 "cemevi "来举行宗教仪式和集会。然而，Diyanet 并不正式承认 cemevi 为礼拜场所，这一直是阿列维人感到沮丧和冲突的根源。同化问题也是阿列维人关注的问题，因为政府一直被认为试图将所有宗教和民族社区整合成一个统一的逊尼派土耳其身份。这一政策让人想起凯末尔时代的同化努力，尽管动机和背景有所不同。 |
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| The Alevis are an ethnically and linguistically diverse group, with both Turkish-speaking and Kurdish-speaking members. Although their identity is largely defined by their distinct faith, they also share cultural and linguistic aspects with other Turks and Kurds. However, their unique religious practice and history of marginalisation sets them apart within Turkish society. The situation of the Alevis in Turkey since 2002 reflects the continuing tensions between the State and religious minorities. It raises important questions about religious freedom, minority rights and the state's ability to accommodate diversity within a secular and democratic framework. How Turkey manages these issues remains a crucial aspect of its domestic policy and its image on the international stage.
| | 阿列维人是一个种族和语言多样化的群体，既有讲土耳其语的成员，也有讲库尔德语的成员。虽然他们的身份主要由其独特的信仰决定，但他们也与其他土耳其人和库尔德人有着共同的文化和语言。然而，独特的宗教习俗和被边缘化的历史使他们在土耳其社会中显得与众不同。2002 年以来土耳其阿列维人的处境反映了国家与宗教少数群体之间持续存在的紧张关系。它提出了有关宗教自由、少数民族权利以及国家在世俗和民主框架内包容多样性的能力等重要问题。土耳其如何处理这些问题仍然是其国内政策及其在国际舞台上形象的一个重要方面。 |
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| =Iran= | | =伊朗= |
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| === Challenges and External Influences at the Beginning of the 20th Century === | | === 20 世纪初的挑战和外部影响 === |
| The history of modernisation in Iran is a fascinating case study that illustrates how external influences and internal dynamics can shape a country's course. In the early 20th century, Iran (then known as Persia) faced multiple challenges that culminated in a process of authoritarian modernisation. In the years leading up to the First World War, particularly in 1907, Iran was on the verge of implosion. The country had suffered significant territorial losses and was struggling with administrative and military weakness. The Iranian army, in particular, was unable to effectively manage the influence of the state or protect its borders from foreign incursions. This difficult context was exacerbated by the competing interests of the imperialist powers, particularly Britain and Russia. In 1907, despite their historical rivalries, Great Britain and Russia concluded the Anglo-Russian Entente. Under this agreement, they shared spheres of influence in Iran, with Russia dominating the north and Britain the south. This agreement was a tacit recognition of their respective imperialist interests in the region and had a profound impact on Iranian policy.
| | 伊朗的现代化历史是一个引人入胜的案例研究，它说明了外部影响和内部动力如何塑造一个国家的发展历程。20 世纪初，伊朗（当时称为波斯）面临着多重挑战，最终形成了独裁的现代化进程。在第一次世界大战之前的几年里，特别是在 1907 年，伊朗处于内乱的边缘。国家领土遭受重大损失，行政和军事力量薄弱。尤其是伊朗军队，无法有效管理国家的影响力，也无法保护边境不受外国入侵。帝国主义列强（尤其是英国和俄国）的利益之争加剧了这一困难局面。1907 年，尽管历史上存在竞争，英国和俄国还是缔结了《英俄协约》。根据该协议，两国在伊朗共享势力范围，俄国统治伊朗北部，英国统治伊朗南部。该协议默认了两国各自在该地区的帝国主义利益，并对伊朗的政策产生了深远影响。 |
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| The Anglo-Russian Entente not only limited Iran's sovereignty, but also hindered the development of a strong central power. Britain, in particular, was reticent about the idea of a centralised and powerful Iran that could threaten its interests, particularly in terms of access to oil and control of trade routes. This international framework posed major challenges for Iran and influenced its path towards modernisation. The need to navigate between foreign imperialist interests and domestic needs to reform and strengthen the state led to a series of attempts at modernisation, some more authoritarian than others, over the course of the 20th century. These efforts culminated in the period of the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, who undertook an ambitious programme of modernisation and centralisation, often by authoritarian means, with the aim of transforming Iran into a modern nation-state.
| | 英俄协约不仅限制了伊朗的主权，还阻碍了伊朗发展强大的中央政权。尤其是英国，对于一个中央集权的强大伊朗可能威胁到其利益（尤其是在获取石油和控制贸易路线方面）的想法讳莫如深。这一国际框架给伊朗带来了重大挑战，并影响了伊朗的现代化道路。由于需要在外国帝国主义利益与国内改革和加强国家的需求之间进行权衡，伊朗在 20 世纪期间进行了一系列现代化尝试，其中一些尝试更为专制。这些努力在礼萨-沙阿-巴列维统治时期达到了顶峰，他实施了一项雄心勃勃的现代化和中央集权计划，通常采用专制手段，目的是将伊朗转变为一个现代化的民族国家。 |
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| [[Fichier:MOMCENC - iran après accord anglo russe de 1907.png|centré|]] | | [[Fichier:MOMCENC - iran après accord anglo russe de 1907.png|centré|]] |
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| === The coup of 1921 and the rise of Reza Khan === | | === 1921 年政变和礼萨-汗的崛起 === |
| The 1921 coup in Iran, led by Reza Khan (later Reza Shah Pahlavi), was a decisive turning point in the country's modern history. Reza Khan, a military officer, took control of the government in a context of political weakness and instability, with the ambition of centralising power and modernising Iran. After the coup, Reza Khan undertook a series of reforms aimed at strengthening the state and consolidating his power. He created a centralised government, reorganised the administration and modernised the army. These reforms were essential to establish a strong and effective state structure capable of promoting the country's development and modernisation. A key aspect of Reza Khan's consolidation of power was the negotiation of agreements with foreign powers, notably Great Britain, which had major economic and strategic interests in Iran. The issue of oil was particularly crucial, as Iran had considerable oil potential, and control and exploitation of this resource were at the heart of the geopolitical stakes.
| | 1921 年由礼萨-汗（后为礼萨-沙-巴列维）领导的伊朗政变是伊朗现代史上的一个决定性转折点。礼萨-汗是一名军官，他在政治软弱和不稳定的情况下控制了政府，立志要集中权力，实现伊朗的现代化。政变后，礼萨-汗进行了一系列旨在加强国家和巩固权力的改革。他建立了中央政府，重组了行政机构，并对军队进行了现代化改造。这些改革对于建立一个能够促进国家发展和现代化的强大而有效的国家结构至关重要。礼萨-汗巩固权力的一个重要方面是与外国列强谈判达成协议，特别是与在伊朗拥有重大经济和战略利益的英国。石油问题尤为重要，因为伊朗拥有巨大的石油潜力，对这一资源的控制和开采是地缘政治利益的核心所在。 |
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| Reza Khan successfully navigated these complex waters, striking a balance between cooperating with foreign powers and protecting Iranian sovereignty. Although he had to make concessions, particularly on oil exploitation, his government worked to ensure that Iran received a fairer share of oil revenues and to limit direct foreign influence in the country's internal affairs. In 1925, Reza Khan was crowned Reza Shah Pahlavi, becoming the first Shah of the Pahlavi dynasty. Under his reign, Iran underwent radical transformations, including modernisation of the economy, educational reform, westernisation of social and cultural norms, and a policy of industrialisation. These reforms, although often carried out in an authoritarian manner, marked Iran's entry into the modern era and laid the foundations for the country's subsequent development.
| | 礼萨-汗成功地驾驭了这些复杂的水域，在与外国势力合作和保护伊朗主权之间取得了平衡。虽然他不得不做出让步，尤其是在石油开采方面，但他的政府努力确保伊朗获得更公平的石油收入份额，并限制外国对伊朗内政的直接影响。1925 年，礼萨-汗加冕为礼萨-沙阿-巴列维，成为巴列维王朝的第一任国王。在他的统治下，伊朗经历了翻天覆地的变化，包括经济现代化、教育改革、社会和文化规范西化以及工业化政策。这些改革虽然往往以专制的方式进行，但却标志着伊朗进入了现代社会，并为国家后来的发展奠定了基础。 |
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| === The era of Reza Shah Pahlavi: Modernisation and Centralisation === | | === 礼萨-沙-巴列维时代：现代化和中央集权 === |
| The advent of Reza Shah Pahlavi in Iran in 1925 marked a radical change in the country's political and social landscape. After the fall of the Kadjar dynasty, Reza Shah, inspired by the reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Turkey, initiated a series of far-reaching transformations aimed at modernising Iran and forging it into a powerful, centralised nation-state. His reign was characterised by authoritarian modernisation, with power highly concentrated and reforms imposed top-down. The centralisation of power was a crucial step, with Reza Shah seeking to eliminate traditional intermediate powers such as tribal chiefs and local notables. This consolidation of authority was intended to strengthen the central government and ensure tighter control over the country as a whole. As part of his modernisation efforts, he also introduced the metric system, modernised transport networks with the construction of new roads and railways, and implemented cultural and dress reforms to bring Iran into line with Western standards.
| | 1925 年礼萨-沙-巴列维在伊朗上台，标志着伊朗的政治和社会面貌发生了翻天覆地的变化。卡贾尔王朝灭亡后，礼萨-沙受土耳其穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克改革的启发，发起了一系列影响深远的改革，旨在实现伊朗的现代化，并将其打造成一个强大的中央集权民族国家。他在位期间的特点是专制的现代化，权力高度集中，改革自上而下推行。权力集中是关键的一步，礼萨-沙阿试图消除传统的中间势力，如部落酋长和地方名流。这种权力整合旨在加强中央政府，确保对整个国家的更严格控制。作为现代化努力的一部分，他还引入了公制，修建了新的公路和铁路，实现了交通网络的现代化，并实施了文化和服饰改革，使伊朗与西方标准接轨。 |
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| Reza Shah also promoted a strong nationalism, glorifying the Persian imperial past and the Persian language. This exaltation of Iran's past was intended to create a sense of national unity and common identity among Iran's diverse population. However, these reforms came at a high cost in terms of individual freedoms. Reza Shah's regime was marked by censorship, repression of freedom of expression and political dissent, and strict control of the political apparatus. On the legislative front, modern civil and penal codes were introduced, and dress reforms were imposed to modernise the appearance of the population. Although these reforms contributed to the modernisation of Iran, they were implemented in an authoritarian manner, without any significant democratic participation, which sowed the seeds of future tensions. The Reza Shah period was therefore an era of contradictions in Iran. On the one hand, it represented a significant leap forward in the modernisation and centralisation of the country. On the other, it laid the foundations for future conflicts because of its authoritarian approach and the absence of channels for free political expression. This period was therefore decisive in Iran's modern history, shaping its political, social and economic trajectory for decades to come.
| | 礼萨-沙阿还宣扬强烈的民族主义，美化波斯帝国的过去和波斯语。这种对伊朗过去的颂扬旨在为伊朗的多元化人口创造一种民族团结和共同认同感。然而，这些改革在个人自由方面付出了高昂的代价。礼萨-沙阿政权的特点是新闻检查、压制言论自由和持不同政见者，以及严格控制政治机构。在立法方面，引入了现代民法和刑法，并对服饰进行了改革，使人们的外表更加现代化。虽然这些改革促进了伊朗的现代化，但它们是以专制的方式实施的，没有任何重要的民主参与，这为未来的紧张局势埋下了种子。因此，礼萨-沙阿时期是伊朗充满矛盾的时代。一方面，它代表了伊朗在现代化和中央集权方面的重大飞跃。另一方面，由于其独裁方式和缺乏自由政治表达的渠道，它为未来的冲突奠定了基础。因此，这一时期在伊朗现代史上具有决定性意义，塑造了伊朗未来几十年的政治、社会和经济轨迹。 |
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| === Name change: From Persia to Iran === | | === 改名：从波斯到伊朗=== |
| The change of name from Persia to Iran in December 1934 is a fascinating example of how international politics and ideological influences can shape a country's national identity. Under the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, Persia, which had been the country's historical and Western name, officially became Iran, a term that had long been used within the country and which means "land of the Aryans". The name change was partly an effort to strengthen ties with the West and to emphasise the nation's Aryan heritage, against the backdrop of the emergence of nationalist and racial ideologies in Europe. At the time, Nazi propaganda had some resonance in several Middle Eastern countries, including Iran. Reza Shah, seeking to counterbalance British and Soviet influence in Iran, saw Nazi Germany as a potential strategic ally. However, his policy of rapprochement with Germany aroused the concern of the Allies, particularly Great Britain and the Soviet Union, who feared Iranian collaboration with Nazi Germany during the Second World War.
| | 1934 年 12 月，伊朗从波斯更名为伊朗，这是国际政治和意识形态影响如何塑造一个国家的国家认同的一个引人入胜的例子。在礼萨-沙阿-巴列维统治时期，该国历史上的西方国名波斯正式更名为伊朗。改名的部分原因是为了加强与西方的联系，并在欧洲民族主义和种族意识形态兴起的背景下强调国家的雅利安传统。当时，纳粹的宣传在包括伊朗在内的几个中东国家引起了一些反响。礼萨-沙阿为了制衡英国和苏联在伊朗的影响，将纳粹德国视为潜在的战略盟友。然而，他与德国和解的政策引起了盟国，特别是英国和苏联的担忧，它们担心伊朗在第二次世界大战期间与纳粹德国合作。 |
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| As a result of these concerns, and Iran's strategic role as a transit route for supplies to Soviet forces, the country became a focal point in the war. In 1941, British and Soviet forces invaded Iran, forcing Reza Shah to abdicate in favour of his son, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi. Mohammed Reza, still young and inexperienced, acceded to the throne against a backdrop of international tensions and foreign military presence. The Allied invasion and occupation of Iran had a profound impact on the country, hastening the end of Reza Shah's policy of neutrality and ushering in a new era in Iranian history. Under Mohammed Reza Shah, Iran would become a key ally of the West during the Cold War, although this would be accompanied by internal challenges and political tensions that would ultimately culminate in the Iranian Revolution of 1979.
| | 由于这些担忧，以及伊朗作为苏军补给中转站的战略地位，伊朗成为战争的焦点。1941 年，英国和苏联军队入侵伊朗，迫使礼萨-沙阿退位，由其子穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维继位。穆罕默德-礼萨还很年轻，缺乏经验，在国际局势紧张和外国军事存在的背景下即位。盟军入侵和占领伊朗对伊朗产生了深远影响，加速了礼萨-沙阿中立政策的终结，开创了伊朗历史的新纪元。在穆罕默德-礼萨-沙阿的领导下，伊朗在冷战期间成为西方的重要盟友，但同时也面临着内部挑战和政治紧张局势，最终导致了 1979 年的伊朗革命。 |
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| === Oil nationalisation and the fall of Mossadegh === | | === 石油国有化和摩萨台下台 === |
| The episode of the nationalisation of oil in Iran and the fall of Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953 constitute a crucial chapter in the history of the Middle East and reveal the power dynamics and geopolitical interests during the Cold War. In 1951, Mohammad Mossadegh, a nationalist politician elected Prime Minister, took the bold step of nationalising the Iranian oil industry, which was then controlled by the British Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC, now BP). Mossadegh considered that control of the country's natural resources, particularly oil, was essential for Iran's economic and political independence. The decision to nationalise oil was extremely popular in Iran, but it also provoked an international crisis. The UK, losing its privileged access to Iran's oil resources, sought to thwart the move by diplomatic and economic means, including imposing an oil embargo. Faced with an impasse with Iran and unable to resolve the situation by conventional means, the British government asked the United States for help. Initially reluctant, the United States was eventually persuaded, partly because of rising Cold War tensions and fears of Communist influence in Iran.
| | 1953 年伊朗石油国有化和穆罕默德-摩萨台下台的事件是中东历史的重要篇章，揭示了冷战时期的权力动态和地缘政治利益。1951 年，当选为总理的民族主义政治家穆罕默德-摩萨台大胆地将当时由英国英伊石油公司（AIOC，即现在的英国石油公司）控制的伊朗石油工业国有化。摩萨台认为，控制国家的自然资源，尤其是石油，对伊朗的经济和政治独立至关重要。石油国有化的决定在伊朗极受欢迎，但也引发了一场国际危机。英国失去了获取伊朗石油资源的特权，试图通过外交和经济手段挫败这一举动，包括实施石油禁运。面对与伊朗的僵局，英国政府无法通过常规手段解决，于是向美国求助。美国起初并不情愿，但最终还是被说服了，部分原因是冷战紧张局势加剧，以及担心共产主义在伊朗的影响。 |
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| In 1953, the CIA, with the support of Britain's MI6, launched Operation Ajax, a coup that led to the removal of Mossadegh and the strengthening of the power of the Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. This coup marked a decisive turning point in Iranian history, strengthening the monarchy and increasing Western influence, particularly that of the United States, in Iran. However, foreign intervention and the suppression of nationalist and democratic aspirations also created deep resentment in Iran, which would contribute to internal political tensions and, ultimately, to the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Operation Ajax is often cited as a classic example of Cold War interventionism and its long-term consequences, not just for Iran, but for the Middle East region as a whole.
| | 1953 年，美国中央情报局在英国军情六处的支持下发动了 "阿贾克斯行动"（Operation Ajax），政变导致摩萨台下台，伊朗国王穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维（Mohammad Reza Pahlavi）的权力得到加强。这次政变标志着伊朗历史上的一个决定性转折点，它加强了君主制，增强了西方，特别是美国在伊朗的影响力。然而，外国干预以及对民族主义和民主愿望的压制也在伊朗国内引起了强烈不满，导致国内政治局势紧张，并最终引发了 1979 年的伊朗革命。阿贾克斯行动 "经常被作为冷战干预主义及其长期后果（不仅对伊朗，而且对整个中东地区）的典型范例。 |
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| The 1953 event in Iran, marked by the removal of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, was a pivotal period that had a profound impact on the country's political development. Mossadegh, although democratically elected and extremely popular for his nationalist policies, in particular the nationalisation of the Iranian oil industry, was overthrown following a coup d'état orchestrated by the American CIA and British MI6, known as Operation Ajax.
| | 1953 年伊朗发生了以穆罕默德-摩萨台总理下台为标志的事件，这是一个关键时期，对伊朗的政治发展产生了深远影响。摩萨台虽经民主选举产生，并因其民族主义政策（尤其是伊朗石油工业国有化）而大受欢迎，但却在美国中央情报局和英国军情六处策划的一场名为 "阿贾克斯行动 "的政变后被推翻。 |
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| === The "White Revolution" of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi === | | === 穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王的 "白色革命" === |
| After Mossadegh's departure, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi consolidated his power and became increasingly authoritarian. The Shah, supported by the United States and other Western powers, launched an ambitious programme of modernisation and development in Iran. This programme, known as the 'White Revolution', was launched in 1963 and aimed to rapidly transform Iran into a modern, industrialised nation. The Shah's reforms included land redistribution, a massive literacy campaign, economic modernisation, industrialisation and the granting of voting rights to women. These reforms were supposed to strengthen the Iranian economy, reduce dependence on oil, and improve the living conditions of Iranian citizens. However, the Shah's reign was also characterised by strict political control and repression of dissent. The Shah's secret police, the SAVAK, created with the help of the United States and Israel, was notorious for its brutality and repressive tactics. The lack of political freedoms, corruption and growing social inequality led to widespread discontent among the Iranian population. Although the Shah managed to achieve some progress in terms of modernisation and development, the lack of democratic political reform and the repression of opposition voices ultimately contributed to the alienation of large segments of Iranian society. This situation paved the way for the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which overthrew the monarchy and established the Islamic Republic of Iran.
| | 摩萨台离开伊朗后，穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王巩固了自己的权力，并变得越来越专制。在美国和其他西方大国的支持下，国王在伊朗启动了一项雄心勃勃的现代化和发展计划。该计划于 1963 年启动，被称为 "白色革命"，旨在将伊朗迅速转变为一个现代化的工业国家。国王的改革包括土地再分配、大规模扫盲运动、经济现代化、工业化以及赋予妇女投票权。这些改革本应加强伊朗经济，减少对石油的依赖，并改善伊朗公民的生活条件。然而，伊朗国王统治时期的另一个特点是严格的政治控制和对不同政见者的镇压。伊朗国王的秘密警察萨瓦克（SAVAK）是在美国和以色列的帮助下建立的，因其残暴和镇压手段而臭名昭著。缺乏政治自由、腐败和日益加剧的社会不平等导致伊朗民众普遍不满。虽然国王设法在现代化和发展方面取得了一些进展，但缺乏民主政治改革和镇压反对派的声音最终导致了伊朗社会大部分人的疏远。这种局面为 1979 年伊朗革命铺平了道路，革命推翻了君主制，建立了伊朗伊斯兰共和国。 |
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| === Strengthening ties with the West and social impact === | | === 加强与西方的联系和社会影响=== |
| Since 1955, Iran, under the leadership of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, has sought to strengthen its ties with the West, particularly the United States, in the context of the Cold War. Iran's accession to the Baghdad Pact in 1955 was a key element of this strategic orientation. This pact, which also included Iraq, Turkey, Pakistan and the United Kingdom, was a military alliance aimed at containing the expansion of Soviet communism in the Middle East. As part of his rapprochement with the West, the Shah launched the "White Revolution", a set of reforms aimed at modernising Iran. These reforms, largely influenced by the American model, included changes in production and consumption patterns, land reform, a literacy campaign and initiatives to promote industrialisation and economic development. The close involvement of the United States in Iran's modernisation process was also symbolised by the presence of American experts and advisers on Iranian soil. These experts often enjoyed privileges and immunities, which gave rise to tensions within various sectors of Iranian society, particularly among religious circles and nationalists.
| | 自 1955 年以来，伊朗在穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王的领导下，一直寻求在冷战背景下加强与西方，特别是美国的联系。伊朗于 1955 年加入《巴格达条约》是这一战略方针的关键因素。该条约还包括伊拉克、土耳其、巴基斯坦和英国，是一个旨在遏制苏联共产主义在中东扩张的军事同盟。作为与西方和解的一部分，伊朗国王发起了 "白色革命"，这是一系列旨在实现伊朗现代化的改革。这些改革主要受到美国模式的影响，包括改变生产和消费模式、土地改革、扫盲运动以及促进工业化和经济发展的举措。美国在伊朗现代化进程中的密切参与还体现在美国专家和顾问在伊朗本土的存在。这些专家往往享有特权和豁免权，这在伊朗社会各阶层，特别是宗教界和民族主义者中引发了紧张关系。 |
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| The Shah's reforms, while leading to economic and social modernisation, were also perceived by many as a form of Americanisation and an erosion of Iranian values and traditions. This perception was exacerbated by the authoritarian nature of the Shah's regime and the absence of political freedoms and popular participation. The American presence and influence in Iran, as well as the reforms of the "White Revolution", have fuelled growing resentment, particularly in religious circles. Religious leaders, led by Ayatollah Khomeini, began to articulate increasingly strong opposition to the Shah, criticising him for his dependence on the United States and for his departure from Islamic values. This opposition eventually played a key role in the mobilisation that led to the Iranian Revolution of 1979.
| | 伊朗国王的改革在带来经济和社会现代化的同时，也被许多人视为美国化的一种形式，是对伊朗价值观和传统的侵蚀。伊朗国王政权的独裁性质以及政治自由和民众参与的缺失加剧了这种看法。美国在伊朗的存在和影响，以及 "白色革命 "的改革，激起了越来越多的怨恨，尤其是在宗教界。以阿亚图拉-霍梅尼（Ayatollah Khomeini）为首的宗教领袖开始越来越强烈地反对伊朗国王，批评他依赖美国，背离伊斯兰价值观。这些反对意见最终在伊朗 1979 年革命的动员过程中发挥了关键作用。 |
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| The "White Revolution" reforms in Iran, initiated by Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in the 1960s, included a major land reform that had a profound impact on the country's social and economic structure. The aim of this reform was to modernise Iranian agriculture and reduce the country's dependence on oil exports, while improving the living conditions of peasants. The land reform broke with traditional practices, particularly those linked to Islam, such as offerings by imams. Instead, it favoured a market economy approach, with the aim of increasing productivity and stimulating economic development. Land was redistributed, reducing the power of the large landowners and religious elites who controlled vast tracts of agricultural land. However, this reform, along with other modernisation initiatives, was carried out in an authoritarian and top-down manner, without any meaningful consultation or participation of the population. Repression of the opposition, including left-wing and communist groups, was also a feature of the Shah's regime. The SAVAK, the Shah's secret police, was infamous for its brutal methods and extensive surveillance.
| | 伊朗国王穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维在 20 世纪 60 年代发起的 "白色革命 "改革包括一项重大的土地改革，对该国的社会和经济结构产生了深远影响。改革的目的是使伊朗农业现代化，减少国家对石油出口的依赖，同时改善农民的生活条件。土地改革打破了传统习俗，特别是与伊斯兰教有关的习俗，如伊玛目祭祀。取而代之的是市场经济方法，目的是提高生产力和刺激经济发展。土地重新分配，削弱了控制大片农田的大地主和宗教精英的权力。然而，这项改革以及其他现代化举措都是以独裁和自上而下的方式进行的，没有与民众进行任何有意义的协商或让他们参与其中。镇压反对派（包括左翼和共产主义团体）也是沙阿政权的一个特点。沙阿的秘密警察萨瓦克因其残忍的手段和广泛的监视而臭名昭著。 |
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| The Shah's authoritarian approach, combined with the economic and social impact of the reforms, created growing discontent among various segments of Iranian society. Shiite clerics, nationalists, communists, intellectuals and other groups found common ground in their opposition to the regime. Over time, this disparate opposition consolidated into an increasingly coordinated movement. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 can be seen as the result of this convergence of oppositions. The Shah's repression, perceived foreign influence, disruptive economic reforms and the marginalisation of traditional and religious values created fertile ground for a popular revolt. This revolution eventually overthrew the monarchy and established the Islamic Republic of Iran, marking a radical turning point in the country's history.
| | 伊朗国王的独裁做法，加上改革对经济和社会的影响，使伊朗社会各阶层的不满情绪日益高涨。什叶派教士、民族主义者、共产主义者、知识分子和其他团体找到了反对伊朗政权的共同点。随着时间的推移，这些不同的反对派逐渐形成了一个日益协调的运动。1979 年的伊朗革命可以看作是反对派汇聚的结果。伊朗国王的镇压、被视为外国势力的影响、破坏性的经济改革以及传统和宗教价值观的边缘化，都为民众起义创造了肥沃的土壤。这场革命最终推翻了君主制，建立了伊朗伊斯兰共和国，标志着该国历史上的一个重大转折点。 |
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| The celebration of the 2,500th anniversary of the Persian Empire in 1971, organised by Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was a monumental event designed to underline the greatness and historical continuity of Iran. This lavish celebration, which took place in Persepolis, the ancient capital of the Achaemenid Empire, was intended to establish a link between the Shah's regime and the glorious imperial history of Persia. As part of his effort to strengthen Iran's national identity and highlight its historical roots, Mohammad Reza Shah made a significant change to the Iranian calendar. This change saw the Islamic calendar, which was based on the Hegira (the migration of the prophet Mohammed from Mecca to Medina), replaced by an imperial calendar that began with the founding of the Achaemenid Empire by Cyrus the Great in 559 BC.
| | 1971 年，穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王组织了波斯帝国 2500 周年庆典，这是一次具有纪念意义的活动，旨在彰显伊朗的伟大和历史的延续性。这场在阿契美尼德帝国古都波斯波利斯举行的奢华庆典旨在建立国王政权与波斯帝国辉煌历史之间的联系。为了加强伊朗的国家认同感并突出其历史根源，穆罕默德-礼萨-沙阿对伊朗历法进行了重大修改。在这一改变中，以赫吉拉（先知穆罕默德从麦加迁徙到麦地那）为基础的伊斯兰历法被始于公元前 559 年居鲁士大帝建立阿契美尼德帝国的帝国历法所取代。 |
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| However, this change of calendar was controversial and was seen by many as an attempt by the Shah to play down the importance of Islam in Iranian history and culture in favour of glorifying the pre-Islamic imperial past. This was part of the Shah's policies of modernisation and secularisation, but it also fuelled discontent among religious groups and those attached to Islamic traditions. A few years later, following the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iran returned to using the Islamic calendar. The revolution, led by Ayatollah Khomeini, overthrew the Pahlavi monarchy and established the Islamic Republic of Iran, marking a profound rejection of the Shah's policies and style of governance, including his attempts to promote a nationalism based on Iran's pre-Islamic history. The calendar issue and the celebration of the 2,500th anniversary of the Persian Empire are examples of how history and culture can be mobilised in politics, and how such actions can have a significant impact on the social and political dynamics of a country.
| | 然而，这次改历引起了争议，许多人认为国王试图淡化伊斯兰教在伊朗历史和文化中的重要性，转而美化伊斯兰教之前的帝国历史。这是伊朗国王现代化和世俗化政策的一部分，但也激起了宗教团体和伊斯兰传统信徒的不满。几年后，1979 年伊朗革命爆发，伊朗恢复使用伊斯兰历法。这场革命由阿亚图拉-霍梅尼领导，推翻了巴列维君主制，建立了伊朗伊斯兰共和国，标志着伊朗对国王的政策和统治风格的彻底否定，包括他试图在伊朗前伊斯兰历史的基础上推行民族主义。日历问题和波斯帝国 2500 周年纪念活动是历史和文化如何在政治上被调动起来的例证，也是此类活动如何对一个国家的社会和政治动态产生重大影响的例证。 |
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| === The Iranian Revolution of 1979 and its Impact === | | === 1979 年伊朗革命及其影响=== |
| The Iranian Revolution of 1979 was a landmark event in contemporary history, not only for Iran but also for global geopolitics. The revolution saw the collapse of the monarchy under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the establishment of an Islamic Republic under the leadership of Ayatollah Rouhollah Khomeini. In the years leading up to the revolution, Iran was rocked by massive demonstrations and popular unrest. These protests were motivated by a multitude of grievances against the Shah, including his authoritarian policies, perceived corruption and dependence on the West, political repression, and social and economic inequalities exacerbated by rapid modernisation policies. In addition, the Shah's illness and inability to respond effectively to growing demands for political and social reform contributed to a general feeling of discontent and disillusionment.
| | 1979 年伊朗革命不仅对伊朗，而且对全球地缘政治而言，都是当代历史上的一个里程碑事件。在这场革命中，穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王领导的君主制垮台，阿亚图拉-鲁霍拉-霍梅尼领导的伊斯兰共和国成立。在革命爆发前的几年里，伊朗发生了大规模的示威游行和民众骚乱。这些抗议的动机是对国王的诸多不满，包括他的独裁政策、腐败和对西方的依赖、政治压迫以及因快速现代化政策而加剧的社会和经济不平等。此外，国王生病以及无法有效应对日益增长的政治和社会改革要求，也助长了普遍的不满情绪和幻灭感。 |
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| In January 1979, faced with intensifying unrest, the Shah left Iran and went into exile. Shortly afterwards, Ayatollah Khomeini, the spiritual and political leader of the revolution, returned to Iran after 15 years in exile. Khomeini was a charismatic and respected figure, whose opposition to the Pahlavi monarchy and call for an Islamic state had won widespread support among various segments of Iranian society. When Khomeini arrived in Iran, he was greeted by millions of supporters. Shortly afterwards, the Iranian armed forces declared their neutrality, a clear sign that the Shah's regime had been irreparably weakened. Khomeini quickly seized the reins of power, declaring an end to the monarchy and establishing a provisional government.
| | 1979 年 1 月，面对愈演愈烈的动乱，伊朗国王离开伊朗，流亡海外。此后不久，革命的精神和政治领袖阿亚图拉-霍梅尼在流亡 15 年后返回伊朗。霍梅尼是一位富有魅力、受人尊敬的人物，他反对巴列维君主制，呼吁建立伊斯兰国家，赢得了伊朗社会各阶层的广泛支持。霍梅尼抵达伊朗时，受到数百万支持者的欢迎。不久之后，伊朗武装部队宣布中立，这清楚地表明国王政权已被无可挽回地削弱。霍梅尼迅速夺取政权，宣布结束君主制并成立临时政府。 |
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| The Iranian Revolution led to the creation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, a theocratic state based on the principles of Shiite Islam and led by religious clerics. Khomeini became Iran's Supreme Leader, a position that gave him considerable power over the political and religious aspects of the state. The revolution not only transformed Iran, but also had a significant impact on regional and international politics, notably by intensifying tensions between Iran and the United States, and by influencing Islamist movements in other parts of the Muslim world.
| | 伊朗革命导致建立了伊朗伊斯兰共和国，这是一个基于什叶派伊斯兰教原则、由宗教神职人员领导的神权国家。霍梅尼成为伊朗的最高领袖，这一职位使他在国家的政治和宗教方面拥有相当大的权力。这场革命不仅改变了伊朗，还对地区和国际政治产生了重大影响，尤其是加剧了伊朗与美国之间的紧张关系，并影响了穆斯林世界其他地区的伊斯兰运动。 |
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| The Iranian Revolution of 1979 attracted worldwide attention and was supported by various groups, including some Western intellectuals who saw it as a liberation movement or a spiritual and political revival. Among them, the French philosopher Michel Foucault was particularly noted for his writings and commentary on the revolution. Foucault, known for his critical analyses of power structures and governance, was interested in the Iranian Revolution as a significant event that challenged contemporary political and social norms. He was fascinated by the popular and spiritual aspect of the revolution, seeing it as a form of political resistance that went beyond the traditional Western categories of left and right. However, his position was a source of controversy and debate, not least because of the nature of the Islamic Republic that emerged after the revolution.
| | 1979 年的伊朗革命引起了全世界的关注，并得到了各种团体的支持，包括一些西方知识分子，他们将伊朗革命视为一场解放运动或精神和政治复兴。其中，法国哲学家米歇尔-福柯（Michel Foucault）的著作和对革命的评论尤其引人注目。福柯以其对权力结构和治理的批判性分析而闻名，他对伊朗革命这一挑战当代政治和社会规范的重大事件很感兴趣。他对革命的民众和精神层面非常着迷，将其视为一种政治反抗形式，超越了西方传统的左派和右派范畴。然而，他的立场引起了争议和争论，尤其是因为革命后出现的伊斯兰共和国的性质。 |
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| The Iranian Revolution led to the establishment of a Shia theocracy, where the principles of Islamic governance, based on Shia law (Sharia), were integrated into the political and legal structures of the state. Under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini, the new regime established a unique political structure known as "Velayat-e Faqih" (the tutelage of the Islamic jurist), in which a supreme religious authority, the Supreme Leader, holds considerable power. Iran's transition to a theocracy has led to profound changes in all aspects of Iranian society. Although the revolution initially enjoyed the support of various groups, including nationalists, leftists and liberals, as well as clerics, the years that followed saw a consolidation of power in the hands of Shiite clerics and increasing repression of other political groups. The nature of the Islamic Republic, with its mix of theocracy and democracy, continued to be a subject of debate and analysis, both within Iran and internationally. The revolution profoundly transformed Iran and had a lasting impact on regional and global politics, redefining the relationship between religion, politics and power.
| | 伊朗革命导致什叶派神权政治的建立，以什叶派法律（伊斯兰教法）为基础的伊斯兰治理原则被纳入国家的政治和法律结构。在阿亚图拉-霍梅尼的领导下，新政权建立了被称为 "Velayat-e Faqih"（伊斯兰法学家的监护）的独特政治结构，其中最高宗教权威--最高领袖--拥有相当大的权力。伊朗向神权政体的过渡使伊朗社会的各个方面都发生了深刻变化。虽然革命最初得到了民族主义者、左翼人士、自由派人士以及神职人员等各种团体的支持，但在随后的岁月里，什叶派神职人员的权力不断巩固，其他政治团体受到的压制也日益加剧。神权与民主并存的伊斯兰共和国的性质一直是伊朗国内和国际上争论和分析的主题。革命深刻地改变了伊朗，对地区和全球政治产生了持久影响，重新定义了宗教、政治和权力之间的关系。 |
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| === The Iran-Iraq War and its Effects on the Islamic Republic === | | === 两伊战争及其对伊朗伊斯兰共和国的影响 === |
| The invasion of Iran by Iraq in 1980, under the regime of Saddam Hussein, played a paradoxical role in the consolidation of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This conflict, known as the Iran-Iraq war, lasted from September 1980 to August 1988 and was one of the longest and bloodiest conflicts of the 20th century. At the time of the attack on Iraq, the Islamic Republic of Iran was still in its infancy, following the 1979 revolution that overthrew the Pahlavi monarchy. The Iranian regime, led by Ayatollah Khomeini, was in the process of consolidating its power, but faced significant internal tensions and challenges. The Iraqi invasion had a unifying effect in Iran, strengthening national sentiment and support for the Islamic regime. Faced with an external threat, the Iranian people, including many groups previously at odds with the government, rallied around national defence. The war also allowed Khomeini's regime to strengthen its grip on the country, mobilising the population under the banner of defending the Islamic Republic and Shia Islam. The Iran-Iraq war also reinforced the importance of religious power in Iran. The regime used religious rhetoric to mobilise the population and legitimise its actions, relying on the concept of "defence of Islam" to unite Iranians of different political and social persuasions.
| | 1980 年萨达姆-侯赛因政权统治下的伊拉克入侵伊朗，对伊朗伊斯兰共和国的巩固起到了矛盾的作用。这场冲突被称为两伊战争，从 1980 年 9 月持续到 1988 年 8 月，是 20 世纪持续时间最长、最血腥的冲突之一。攻打伊拉克时，伊朗伊斯兰共和国在 1979 年革命推翻巴列维君主制后仍处于萌芽阶段。阿亚图拉-霍梅尼领导的伊朗政权正在巩固其权力，但面临着严重的内部矛盾和挑战。伊拉克入侵在伊朗产生了团结效应，增强了民族情感和对伊斯兰政权的支持。面对外来威胁，伊朗人民，包括许多以前与政府不和的团体，团结起来保卫国家。战争还使霍梅尼政权得以加强对国家的控制，在捍卫伊斯兰共和国和什叶派伊斯兰教的旗帜下动员民众。两伊战争还加强了宗教力量在伊朗的重要性。伊朗政权利用宗教言论来动员民众并使其行动合法化，依靠 "捍卫伊斯兰教 "的概念来团结不同政治和社会派别的伊朗人。 |
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| The Islamic Republic of Iran was not formally proclaimed, but emerged from the Islamic revolution of 1979. Iran's new constitution, adopted after the revolution, established a unique theocratic political structure, with Shiite Islamic principles and values at the heart of the system of government. Secularism is not a feature of the Iranian constitution, which instead merges religious and political governance under the doctrine of "Velayat-e Faqih" (the guardianship of the Islamic jurist).
| | 伊朗伊斯兰共和国并非正式宣布成立，而是产生于 1979 年的伊斯兰革命。革命后通过的伊朗新宪法建立了独特的神权政治结构，什叶派伊斯兰原则和价值观是政府制度的核心。世俗主义不是伊朗宪法的一个特征，相反，伊朗宪法在 "Velayat-e Faqih"（伊斯兰法学家的监护权）理论下将宗教和政治治理合二为一。 |
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| =Egypt= | | =埃及= |
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| === Ancient Egypt and its Successions === | | === 古埃及及其历代统治者 === |
| Egypt, with its rich and complex history, is a cradle of ancient civilisations and has seen a succession of rulers over the centuries. The region that is now Egypt was the centre of one of the earliest and greatest civilisations in history, with roots going back to ancient Pharaonic Egypt. Over time, Egypt has been under the influence of various empires and powers. After the Pharaonic era, it was successively under Persian, Greek (after the conquest of Alexander the Great) and Roman domination. Each of these periods left a lasting mark on Egypt's history and culture. The Arab conquest of Egypt, which began in 639, marked a turning point in the country's history. The Arab invasion led to the Islamisation and Arabisation of Egypt, profoundly transforming Egyptian society and culture. Egypt became an integral part of the Islamic world, a status it retains to this day.
| | 埃及拥有丰富而复杂的历史，是古代文明的摇篮，数百年来历代统治者辈出。现在的埃及地区是历史上最早和最伟大的文明之一的中心，其根源可追溯到古埃及法老时代。随着时间的推移，埃及一直受到不同帝国和强国的影响。法老时代之后，埃及先后被波斯、希腊（亚历山大大帝征服之后）和罗马统治。每个时期都给埃及的历史和文化留下了持久的印记。阿拉伯征服埃及始于 639 年，标志着埃及历史的转折点。阿拉伯人的入侵导致了埃及的伊斯兰化和阿拉伯化，深刻地改变了埃及的社会和文化。埃及成为伊斯兰世界不可分割的一部分，这一地位保留至今。 |
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| In 1517, Egypt fell under the control of the Ottoman Empire after the capture of Cairo. Under Ottoman rule, Egypt retained a degree of local autonomy, but was also tied to the political and economic fortunes of the Ottoman Empire. This period lasted until the early 19th century, when Egypt began to move towards greater modernisation and independence under leaders such as Muhammad Ali Pasha, often regarded as the founder of modern Egypt. Egypt's history is therefore that of a crossroads of civilisations, cultures and influences, which has shaped the country into a unique nation with a rich and diverse identity. Each period of its history has contributed to the construction of contemporary Egypt, a state that plays a key role in the Arab world and in international politics.
| | 1517 年，埃及在攻占开罗后落入奥斯曼帝国的控制之下。在奥斯曼帝国的统治下，埃及保留了一定程度的地方自治，但也与奥斯曼帝国的政治和经济命运紧密相连。这一时期一直持续到 19 世纪初，在穆罕默德-阿里-帕夏（Muhammad Ali Pasha）等领导人的领导下，埃及开始走向更大程度的现代化和独立。因此，埃及的历史是各种文明、文化和影响的交汇点，它将埃及塑造成了一个具有丰富多样特征的独特国家。每个历史时期都对当代埃及的建设做出了贡献，埃及在阿拉伯世界和国际政治中发挥着重要作用。 |
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| In the 18th century, Egypt became a territory of strategic interest to European powers, particularly Great Britain, due to its crucial geographical location and control over the route to India. British interest in Egypt increased with the growing importance of maritime trade and the need for secure trade routes.
| | 18 世纪，埃及因其重要的地理位置和对印度航线的控制，成为欧洲列强，尤其是英国具有战略利益的领土。随着海上贸易的重要性不断增加，以及对安全贸易路线的需求，英国对埃及的兴趣与日俱增。 |
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| === Mehmet Ali and the Modernising Reforms === | | === 穆罕默德-阿里和现代化改革 === |
| The Nahda, or Arab Renaissance, was a major cultural, intellectual and political movement that took root in Egypt in the 19th century, particularly during the reign of Mehmet Ali, who is often regarded as the founder of modern Egypt. Mehmet Ali, of Albanian origin, was appointed governor of Egypt by the Ottomans in 1805 and quickly set about modernising the country. His reforms included modernising the army, introducing new agricultural methods, expanding industry and establishing a modern education system. The Nahda in Egypt coincided with a wider cultural and intellectual movement in the Arab world, characterised by a literary, scientific and intellectual revival. In Egypt, this movement was stimulated by Mehmet Ali's reforms and by the opening up of the country to European influences.
| | 穆罕默德-阿里（Mehmet Ali）通常被视为现代埃及的奠基人。穆罕默德-阿里是阿尔巴尼亚人，1805 年被奥斯曼帝国任命为埃及总督，并迅速着手对埃及进行现代化改造。他的改革包括军队现代化、引进新的农业方法、扩大工业规模以及建立现代教育体系。埃及的 "Nahda "运动与阿拉伯世界以文学、科学和知识复兴为特征的更广泛的文化和知识运动不谋而合。在埃及，穆罕默德-阿里的改革和埃及对欧洲影响的开放刺激了这一运动。 |
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| Ibrahim Pasha, Mehmet Ali's son, also played an important role in Egyptian history. Under his command, Egyptian forces carried out several successful military campaigns, extending Egyptian influence far beyond its traditional borders. In the 1830s, Egyptian troops even challenged the Ottoman Empire, leading to an international crisis involving the great European powers. The expansionism of Mehmet Ali and Ibrahim Pasha was a direct challenge to Ottoman authority and marked Egypt out as a significant political and military player in the region. However, the intervention of European powers, particularly Britain and France, ultimately limited Egyptian ambitions, foreshadowing the increased role these powers would play in the region in the 19th and early 20th centuries.
| | 穆罕默德-阿里的儿子易卜拉欣-帕夏在埃及历史上也发挥了重要作用。在他的指挥下，埃及军队进行了多次成功的军事行动，将埃及的影响力远远扩展到传统边界之外。19 世纪 30 年代，埃及军队甚至向奥斯曼帝国发起挑战，引发了一场涉及欧洲列强的国际危机。穆罕默德-阿里和易卜拉欣-帕夏的扩张主义是对奥斯曼帝国权威的直接挑战，标志着埃及成为该地区重要的政治和军事参与者。然而，欧洲列强（尤其是英国和法国）的干预最终限制了埃及的野心，预示着这些列强在 19 世纪和 20 世纪初将在该地区发挥更大的作用。 |
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| The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 marked a decisive moment in Egypt's history, significantly increasing its strategic importance on the international stage. This canal, linking the Mediterranean Sea to the Red Sea, revolutionised maritime trade by considerably reducing the distance between Europe and Asia. Egypt thus found itself at the centre of the world's trade routes, attracting the attention of the great imperialist powers, in particular Great Britain. At the same time, however, Egypt faced considerable economic challenges. The costs of building the Suez Canal and other modernisation projects led the Egyptian government to incur heavy debts to European countries, mainly France and Britain. Egypt's inability to repay these loans had major political and economic consequences.
| | 1869 年苏伊士运河的开通标志着埃及历史上的一个决定性时刻，大大提高了埃及在国际舞台上的战略重要性。这条连接地中海和红海的运河大大缩短了欧亚之间的距离，从而彻底改变了海上贸易。埃及因此发现自己处于世界贸易路线的中心，吸引了帝国主义列强，特别是英国的注意。但与此同时，埃及也面临着巨大的经济挑战。修建苏伊士运河和其他现代化项目的费用导致埃及政府欠下了欧洲国家（主要是法国和英国）的巨额债务。埃及无力偿还这些贷款，造成了重大的政治和经济后果。 |
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| === The British Protectorate and the Struggle for Independence === | | === 英国保护国和独立斗争=== |
| In 1876, as a result of the debt crisis, a Franco-British control commission was set up to supervise Egypt's finances. This commission took a major role in the administration of the country, effectively reducing Egypt's autonomy and sovereignty. This foreign interference provoked growing discontent among the Egyptian population, particularly among the working classes, who were suffering from the economic effects of the reforms and debt repayments. The situation worsened still further in the 1880s. In 1882, after several years of growing tension and internal disorder, including Ahmed Urabi's nationalist revolt, Britain intervened militarily and established a de facto protectorate over Egypt. Although Egypt officially remained part of the Ottoman Empire until the end of the First World War, it was in reality under British control. The British presence in Egypt was justified by the need to protect British interests, in particular the Suez Canal, which was crucial to the sea route to India, the "jewel in the crown" of the British Empire. This period of British rule had a profound impact on Egypt, shaping its political, economic and social development, and sowing the seeds of Egyptian nationalism that would eventually lead to the 1952 revolution and the country's formal independence.
| | 1876年，由于债务危机，成立了一个英法控制委员会来监督埃及的财政。该委员会在国家管理中发挥了重要作用，实际上削弱了埃及的自治权和主权。这种外来干涉激起了埃及民众，特别是工人阶级日益增长的不满情绪，他们因改革和债务偿还造成的经济影响而苦不堪言。19 世纪 80 年代，局势进一步恶化。1882 年，在经历了数年日益紧张的局势和内部动乱（包括艾哈迈德-乌拉比的民族主义起义）之后，英国进行了军事干预，对埃及建立了事实上的保护国。虽然直到第一次世界大战结束，埃及在官方上仍是奥斯曼帝国的一部分，但实际上它是在英国的控制之下。英国在埃及存在的理由是需要保护英国的利益，特别是苏伊士运河，它是通往印度的海上通道的关键，是大英帝国 "皇冠上的明珠"。英国统治时期对埃及产生了深远的影响，塑造了埃及的政治、经济和社会发展，并播下了埃及民族主义的种子，最终导致了 1952 年的革命和埃及的正式独立。 |
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| The First World War accentuated the strategic importance of the Suez Canal for the belligerent powers, particularly Britain. The Canal was vital to British interests as it provided the fastest sea route to its colonies in Asia, notably India, which was then a crucial part of the British Empire. With the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, the need to secure the Suez Canal against possible attack or interference from the Central Powers (notably the Ottoman Empire, allied to Germany) became a priority for Britain. In response to these strategic concerns, the British decided to strengthen their hold on Egypt. In 1914, Britain officially proclaimed a protectorate over Egypt, nominally replacing the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire with direct British control. The proclamation marked the end of nominal Ottoman rule over Egypt, which had existed since 1517, and established a British colonial administration in the country.
| | 第一次世界大战凸显了苏伊士运河对交战国（尤其是英国）的战略重要性。运河对英国的利益至关重要，因为它为英国通往其在亚洲的殖民地，特别是当时作为大英帝国重要组成部分的印度，提供了最快的海上通道。随着 1914 年第一次世界大战的爆发，确保苏伊士运河不受中央强国（特别是与德国结盟的奥斯曼帝国）的攻击或干涉成为英国的当务之急。出于这些战略考虑，英国决定加强对埃及的控制。1914 年，英国正式宣布埃及为保护国，名义上以英国的直接控制取代了奥斯曼帝国的宗主权。这一宣布标志着自 1517 年以来奥斯曼帝国对埃及名义上统治的结束，并在埃及建立了英国殖民政府。 |
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| The British protectorate involved direct interference in Egypt's internal affairs and strengthened British military and political control over the country. Although the British justified this measure as necessary for the defence of Egypt and the Suez Canal, it was widely perceived by Egyptians as a violation of their sovereignty and fuelled nationalist sentiment in Egypt. The First World War was a period of economic and social hardship in Egypt, exacerbated by the demands of the British war effort and the restrictions imposed by the colonial administration. These conditions contributed to the emergence of a stronger Egyptian nationalist movement, which eventually led to revolts and the struggle for independence in the years following the war.
| | 英国保护国直接干涉埃及内政，加强了英国对埃及的军事和政治控制。尽管英国为这一措施辩解说是保卫埃及和苏伊士运河所必需的，但埃及人普遍认为这侵犯了他们的主权，并激起了埃及的民族主义情绪。第一次世界大战期间，埃及的经济和社会陷入困境，而英国的战争需求和殖民当局施加的限制又加剧了这一困境。这些情况促使埃及民族主义运动日益壮大，最终导致了战后几年的起义和争取独立的斗争。 |
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| === The Nationalist Movement and the Quest for Independence === | | === 民族主义运动和争取独立的斗争 === |
| The post-First World War period in Egypt was one of growing tensions and nationalist demands. Egyptians, who had suffered the rigours of war, including drudgery and starvation due to British requisitioning of resources, began to demand independence and recognition for their war efforts.
| | 第一次世界大战后的埃及局势日益紧张，民族主义要求日益强烈。埃及人饱受战争之苦，包括因英国征用资源而导致的苦役和饥饿，他们开始要求独立，并要求承认他们在战争中所做的努力。 |
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| The end of the First World War had created a global climate in which ideas of self-determination and an end to colonial empires were gaining ground, thanks in part to US President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, which called for new principles of international governance and the right of peoples to self-determination. In Egypt, this climate led to the formation of a nationalist movement, embodied by the Wafd (which means "delegation" in Arabic). The Wafd was led by Saad Zaghloul, who became the spokesman for Egyptian nationalist aspirations. In 1919, Zaghloul and other members of the Wafd sought to travel to the Paris Peace Conference to present the case for Egyptian independence. However, the Egyptian delegation's attempt to travel to Paris was obstructed by the British authorities. Zaghloul and his companions were arrested and exiled to Malta by the British, which triggered massive demonstrations and riots in Egypt, known as the 1919 Revolution. This revolution was a major popular uprising, with massive participation by Egyptians from all walks of life, and marked a decisive turning point in the struggle for Egyptian independence.
| | 第一次世界大战的结束营造了一种全球氛围，在这种氛围中，自决和终结殖民帝国的观念日益深入人心，这在一定程度上要归功于美国总统伍德罗-威尔逊的 "十四点 "主张，其中呼吁制定新的国际治理原则和人民自决的权利。在埃及，这种氛围导致了以 Wafd（在阿拉伯语中意为 "代表团"）为代表的民族主义运动的形成。Wafd 由 Saad Zaghloul 领导，他成为埃及民族主义愿望的代言人。1919 年，扎格鲁勒和 Wafd 的其他成员试图前往巴黎和会，提出埃及独立的主张。然而，埃及代表团前往巴黎的努力受到了英国当局的阻挠。扎格鲁勒和他的同伴被英国逮捕并流放到马耳他，这在埃及引发了大规模的示威和骚乱，史称 1919 年革命。这场革命是一场大规模的人民起义，埃及各界人士踊跃参加，标志着埃及独立斗争的一个决定性转折点。 |
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| Zaghloul's forced exile and the repressive British response galvanised the nationalist movement in Egypt and increased pressure on Britain to recognise Egyptian independence. Ultimately, the crisis led to the partial recognition of Egypt's independence in 1922 and the formal end of the British protectorate in 1936, although British influence in Egypt remained significant until the 1952 revolution. The Wafd became a major political player in Egypt, playing a crucial role in Egyptian politics in the following decades, and Saad Zaghloul remained an emblematic figure of Egyptian nationalism.
| | 扎格鲁勒的被迫流亡和英国的镇压反应激发了埃及的民族主义运动，并加大了要求英国承认埃及独立的压力。最终，这场危机导致英国于 1922 年部分承认埃及独立，并于 1936 年正式结束了英国的保护国地位，但直到 1952 年革命之前，英国在埃及的影响仍然很大。瓦夫德党成为埃及的主要政治力量，在随后几十年的埃及政治中发挥了至关重要的作用，萨阿德-扎格鲁勒（Saad Zaghloul）一直是埃及民族主义的代表人物。 |
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| The revolutionary nationalist movement in Egypt, strengthened by the 1919 Revolution and the leadership of the Wafd under Saad Zaghloul, put increasing pressure on Britain to reconsider its position in Egypt. In response to this pressure and the changing political realities after the First World War, Britain proclaimed the end of its protectorate over Egypt in 1922. However, this 'independence' was highly conditional and limited. Indeed, although the declaration of independence marked a step towards Egyptian sovereignty, it included several important reservations that maintained British influence in Egypt. These included maintaining the British military presence around the Suez Canal, which was crucial to British strategic and commercial interests, and control of the Sudan, the vital source of the Nile and a major geopolitical issue.
| | 1919 年革命和萨阿德-扎格鲁勒领导下的人民阵线加强了埃及的革命民族主义运动，这给英国施加了越来越大的压力，迫使其重新考虑在埃及的立场。为了应对这种压力和一战后不断变化的政治现实，英国于 1922 年宣布结束对埃及的保护。然而，这种 "独立 "是有条件和有限制的。事实上，虽然独立宣言标志着埃及向主权迈出了一步，但其中包含了几项重要的保留，以维持英国在埃及的影响力。其中包括维持英国在苏伊士运河周边的军事存在（这对英国的战略和商业利益至关重要），以及控制苏丹（尼罗河的重要源头，也是一个重要的地缘政治问题）。 |
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| Against this backdrop, Sultan Fouad, who had been Sultan of Egypt since 1917, took advantage of the end of the protectorate to proclaim himself King Fouad I in 1922, thereby establishing an independent Egyptian monarchy. However, his reign was characterised by close ties with Great Britain. Fouad I, while formally accepting independence, often acted in close collaboration with the British authorities, which drew criticism from Egyptian nationalists who perceived him as a monarch subservient to British interests. The period following the declaration of independence in 1922 was therefore one of transition and tension in Egypt, with internal political struggles over the direction of the country and the real degree of independence from Britain. This situation laid the foundations for future political conflicts in Egypt, including the 1952 revolution that overthrew the monarchy and established the Arab Republic of Egypt.
| | 在此背景下，自 1917 年以来一直担任埃及苏丹的福阿德苏丹趁保护国结束之机，于 1922 年自封为福阿德一世国王，从而建立了独立的埃及君主制。然而，他在位期间与英国关系密切。福阿德一世虽然正式接受独立，但经常与英国当局密切合作，这招致了埃及民族主义者的批评，认为他是一个屈从于英国利益的君主。因此，1922 年宣布独立后的时期是埃及过渡和紧张的时期，内部政治斗争围绕着国家的方向和脱离英国的真正独立程度展开。这种局面为埃及未来的政治冲突奠定了基础，包括 1952 年推翻君主制、建立阿拉伯埃及共和国的革命。 |
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| The founding of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna is a major event in the social and political history of the country. The movement was created against a backdrop of growing dissatisfaction with the rapid modernisation and Western influence in Egypt, as well as the perceived deterioration of Islamic values and traditions. The Muslim Brotherhood positioned itself as an Islamist movement seeking to promote a return to Islamic principles in all aspects of life. They advocated a society governed by Islamic laws and principles, in opposition to what they perceived as excessive westernisation and a loss of Islamic cultural identity. The movement rapidly gained popularity, becoming an influential social and political force in Egypt. Alongside the emergence of movements like the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt experienced a period of political instability in the 1920s and 1930s. This instability, combined with the rise of fascist powers in Europe, created a worrying international context for Britain.
| | 1928 年，哈桑-班纳在埃及成立了穆斯林兄弟会，这是埃及社会和政治史上的一件大事。穆斯林兄弟会运动是在人们对埃及快速现代化和西方影响日益不满，以及认为伊斯兰价值观和传统每况愈下的背景下创立的。穆斯林兄弟会将自己定位为伊斯兰运动，旨在促进在生活的各个方面回归伊斯兰原则。他们主张建立一个由伊斯兰法律和原则统治的社会，反对他们所认为的过度西化和伊斯兰文化身份的丧失。该运动迅速深入人心，成为埃及一支有影响力的社会和政治力量。随着穆斯林兄弟会等运动的兴起，埃及在 20 世纪二三十年代经历了一段政治动荡时期。这种不稳定加上法西斯势力在欧洲的崛起，给英国带来了令人担忧的国际环境。 |
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| Against this backdrop, Britain sought to consolidate its influence in Egypt while recognising the need to make concessions on Egyptian independence. In 1936, Britain and Egypt signed the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty, which formally reinforced Egypt's independence while allowing a British military presence in the country, particularly around the Suez Canal. The treaty also recognised Egypt's role in the defence of Sudan, then under Anglo-Egyptian rule. The 1936 Treaty was a step towards greater independence for Egypt, but it also maintained key aspects of British influence. The signing of the Treaty was an attempt by Britain to stabilise the situation in Egypt and to ensure that the country would not fall under the influence of the Axis powers during the Second World War. It also reflected Britain's recognition of the need to adapt to changing political realities in Egypt and the region.
| | 在此背景下，英国试图巩固其在埃及的影响力，同时承认有必要在埃及独立问题上做出让步。1936 年，英国和埃及签署了《英埃条约》，正式加强了埃及的独立，同时允许英国在埃及尤其是苏伊士运河周边地区驻军。该条约还承认埃及在保卫苏丹方面的作用，苏丹当时处于英埃统治之下。1936 年条约是埃及迈向更大独立的一步，但同时也保留了英国影响的关键方面。该条约的签署是英国稳定埃及局势，确保该国在第二次世界大战期间不会受到轴心国影响的一次尝试。这也反映出英国认识到有必要适应埃及和该地区不断变化的政治现实。 |
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| === The Nasser Era and the 1952 Revolution === | | === 纳赛尔时代和1952年革命=== |
| On 23 July 1952, a coup d'état led by a group of Egyptian military officers, known as the Free Officers, marked a major turning point in Egypt's history. This revolution overthrew the monarchy of King Farouk and led to the establishment of a republic. Among the leaders of the Free Officers, Gamal Abdel Nasser quickly became the dominant figure and the face of the new regime. Nasser, who became president in 1954, adopted a strongly nationalist and Third Worldist policy, influenced by ideas of pan-Arabism and socialism. His pan-Arabism aimed to unite Arab countries around common values and political, economic and cultural interests. This ideology was partly a response to Western influence and intervention in the region. The nationalisation of the Suez Canal in 1956 was one of Nasser's boldest and most emblematic decisions. This action was motivated by the desire to control a resource vital to the Egyptian economy and to free himself from Western influence, but it also triggered the Suez Canal crisis, a major military confrontation with France, the United Kingdom and Israel.
| | 1952年7月23日，一群被称为 "自由军官 "的埃及军官发动政变，标志着埃及历史上的一个重大转折点。这场革命推翻了法鲁克国王的君主制，建立了共和国。在自由军官的领导人中，贾迈勒-阿卜杜勒-纳赛尔很快成为新政权的主导人物和代言人。纳赛尔于 1954 年就任总统，受泛阿拉伯主义和社会主义思想的影响，他采取了强烈的民族主义和第三世界主义政策。他的泛阿拉伯主义旨在围绕共同的价值观以及政治、经济和文化利益将阿拉伯国家团结起来。这种意识形态在一定程度上是对西方影响和干预该地区的回应。1956 年苏伊士运河国有化是纳赛尔最大胆、最具代表性的决定之一。这一行动的动机是希望控制对埃及经济至关重要的资源，并使自己摆脱西方的影响，但它也引发了苏伊士运河危机，即与法国、英国和以色列的重大军事对抗。 |
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| Nasser's socialism was developmentalist, aiming to modernise and industrialise the Egyptian economy while promoting social justice. Under his leadership, Egypt launched major infrastructure projects, the most notable of which was the Aswan Dam. To complete this major project, Nasser turned to the Soviet Union for financial and technical support, marking a rapprochement between Egypt and the Soviets during the Cold War. Nasser also sought to develop an Egyptian bourgeoisie while implementing socialist policies, such as land reform and the nationalisation of certain industries. These policies aimed to reduce inequality and establish a fairer, more independent economy. Nasser's leadership had a significant impact not only on Egypt but also on the entire Arab world and the Third World. He became an emblematic figure of Arab nationalism and the non-aligned movement, seeking to establish an independent path for Egypt outside the Cold War power blocs.
| | 纳赛尔的社会主义是发展主义的，旨在实现埃及经济的现代化和工业化，同时促进社会公正。在他的领导下，埃及启动了大型基础设施项目，其中最著名的是阿斯旺大坝。为了完成这一重大项目，纳赛尔向苏联寻求资金和技术支持，这标志着埃及与苏联在冷战期间关系的缓和。纳赛尔还试图发展埃及资产阶级，同时实施社会主义政策，如土地改革和某些行业的国有化。这些政策旨在减少不平等，建立更公平、更独立的经济。纳赛尔的领导不仅对埃及，而且对整个阿拉伯世界和第三世界都产生了重大影响。他成为阿拉伯民族主义和不结盟运动的代表人物，力图在冷战强国集团之外为埃及开辟一条独立的道路。 |
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| === From Sadat to Contemporary Egypt === | | === 从萨达特到当代埃及 === |
| The Six Day War in 1967, lost by Egypt along with Jordan and Syria to Israel, was a devastating moment for Nasser's pan-Arabism. Not only did this defeat result in a significant territorial loss for these Arab countries, it was also a serious blow to the idea of Arab unity and power. Nasser, deeply affected by this failure, remained in power until his death in 1970. Anwar Sadat succeeded Nasser and took a different direction. He launched economic reforms, known as Infitah, aimed at opening the Egyptian economy to foreign investment and stimulating economic growth. Sadat also questioned Egypt's commitment to pan-Arabism and sought to establish relations with Israel. The Camp David Accords of 1978, negotiated with the help of the United States, led to a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, a major turning point in the history of the Middle East.
| | 1967 年的六日战争，埃及与约旦和叙利亚一起输给了以色列，这对纳赛尔的泛阿拉伯主义是一个毁灭性的时刻。这次失败不仅使这些阿拉伯国家蒙受了重大的领土损失，也是对阿拉伯团结和力量理念的沉重打击。纳赛尔深受这次失败的影响，一直执政到 1970 年去世。安瓦尔-萨达特接替了纳赛尔，并采取了不同的方向。他发起了被称为 "Infitah "的经济改革，旨在向外国投资开放埃及经济，刺激经济增长。萨达特还质疑埃及对泛阿拉伯主义的承诺，并寻求与以色列建立关系。1978 年，在美国的帮助下，埃及和以色列通过谈判达成了《戴维营协议》，这是中东历史上的一个重要转折点。 |
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| However, Sadat's rapprochement with Israel was extremely controversial in the Arab world and led to Egypt's expulsion from the Arab League. This decision was seen by many as a betrayal of pan-Arab principles and contributed to a re-evaluation of pan-Arab ideology in the region. Sadat was assassinated in 1981 by members of the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist group that had opposed his policies, particularly his foreign policy. He was succeeded by his vice-president, Hosni Mubarak, who established a regime that would last almost three decades.
| | 然而，萨达特与以色列的和解在阿拉伯世界引起了极大争议，并导致埃及被阿拉伯联盟开除。许多人认为这一决定是对泛阿拉伯原则的背叛，并促使该地区对泛阿拉伯意识形态进行重新评估。萨达特于 1981 年被穆斯林兄弟会成员暗杀，该组织是一个伊斯兰组织，反对萨达特的政策，尤其是他的外交政策。他的副总统胡斯尼-穆巴拉克继位，建立了一个持续近三十年的政权。 |
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| Under Mubarak, Egypt enjoyed relative stability, but also increasing political repression, particularly against the Muslim Brotherhood and other opposition groups. However, in 2011, during the Arab Spring, Mubarak was toppled by a popular uprising, illustrating widespread discontent with corruption, unemployment and political repression. Mohamed Morsi, a Muslim Brotherhood member, was elected president in 2012, but his term was short-lived. In 2013, he was overthrown by a military coup led by General Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, who was subsequently elected president in 2014. Sissi's regime has been marked by an increased crackdown on political dissidents, including members of the Muslim Brotherhood, and efforts to stabilise the economy and strengthen the country's security. The recent period in Egyptian history is therefore characterised by major political changes, reflecting the complex and often turbulent dynamics of Egyptian and Arab politics.
| | 穆巴拉克执政期间，埃及相对稳定，但政治压迫也日益加剧，尤其是针对穆斯林兄弟会和其他反对派团体。然而，2011 年，在 "阿拉伯之春 "期间，穆巴拉克被一场民众起义推翻，这表明了人们对腐败、失业和政治压迫的普遍不满。穆斯林兄弟会成员穆罕默德-穆尔西于 2012 年当选总统，但任期很短。2013 年，他被阿卜杜勒-法塔赫-西西将军领导的军事政变推翻，后者随后于 2014 年当选总统。西西政权的特点是加大对持不同政见者（包括穆斯林兄弟会成员）的镇压力度，并努力稳定经济和加强国家安全。因此，埃及历史上最近一段时期的特点是发生了重大政治变革，反映了埃及和阿拉伯政治复杂且经常动荡的动态。 |
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| =Saudi Arabia= | | =沙特阿拉伯= |
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| === The Founding Alliance: Ibn Saud and Ibn Abd al-Wahhab === | | === 建国联盟：伊本-沙特和伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比 === |
| Saudi Arabia is distinguished by its relative youth as a modern nation-state and by the unique ideological foundations that have shaped its formation and evolution. A key element in understanding Saudi history and society is the ideology of Wahhabism.
| | 沙特阿拉伯的与众不同之处在于，它是一个相对年轻的现代民族国家，其独特的意识形态基础决定了它的形成和演变。了解沙特历史和社会的一个关键因素是瓦哈比主义的意识形态。 |
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| Wahhabism is a form of Sunni Islam, characterised by a strict and puritanical interpretation of Islam. It takes its name from Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, an 18th-century theologian and religious reformer from the Najd region in what is now Saudi Arabia. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab advocated a return to what he considered to be the original principles of Islam, rejecting many practices that he deemed to be innovations (bid'ah) or idolatries. The influence of Wahhabism on the formation of Saudi Arabia is inextricably linked to the alliance between Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and Muhammad ibn Saud, the founder of the first Saudi dynasty, in the 18th century. This alliance united the religious aims of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab with the political and territorial ambitions of Ibn Saud, creating an ideological and political foundation for the first Saudi state.
| | 瓦哈比主义是逊尼派伊斯兰教的一种形式，其特点是对伊斯兰教进行严格和清教徒式的解释。它的名字来源于穆罕默德-伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比（Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab），他是 18 世纪的神学家和宗教改革家，来自现在的沙特阿拉伯纳季德地区。伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比主张回归他所认为的伊斯兰教原始原则，反对许多他认为是创新（bid'ah）或偶像崇拜的做法。瓦哈比主义对沙特阿拉伯形成的影响与 18 世纪穆罕默德-伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比和沙特第一个王朝的建立者穆罕默德-伊本-沙特之间的联盟密不可分。这一联盟将伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比的宗教目标与伊本-沙特的政治和领土野心结合在一起，为第一个沙特国家奠定了思想和政治基础。 |
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| === Establishment of the Modern Saudi State === | | === 现代沙特国家的建立 === |
| During the 20th century, under the reign of Abdelaziz ibn Saud, the founder of the modern Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, this alliance was strengthened. Saudi Arabia was officially founded in 1932, uniting various tribes and regions under a single national authority. Wahhabism became the official religious doctrine of the state, permeating governance, education, legislation and social life in Saudi Arabia. Wahhabism has not only influenced Saudi Arabia's internal social and political structure, but has also had an impact on its external relations, particularly in terms of foreign policy and support for various Islamic movements around the world. Saudi Arabia's oil wealth has enabled the kingdom to promote its version of Islam internationally, helping to spread Wahhabism beyond its borders.
| | 20 世纪，在现代沙特阿拉伯王国的创始人阿卜杜勒-阿齐兹-伊本-沙特的统治下，这一联盟得到了加强。沙特阿拉伯于 1932 年正式成立，将各个部落和地区统一在一个国家政权之下。瓦哈比主义成为国家的官方宗教教义，渗透到沙特阿拉伯的治理、教育、立法和社会生活中。瓦哈比主义不仅影响了沙特阿拉伯的内部社会和政治结构，也对其对外关系产生了影响，特别是在外交政策和对世界各地各种伊斯兰运动的支持方面。沙特阿拉伯的石油财富使其能够在国际上推广自己的伊斯兰教，帮助瓦哈比主义向境外传播。 |
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| The pact of 1744 between Muhammad ibn Saud, the chief of the Al Saud tribe, and Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, a religious reformer, is a founding event in the history of Saudi Arabia. This pact united the political aims of Ibn Saud with the religious ideals of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, laying the foundations for what was to become the Saudi state. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab advocated a puritanical interpretation of Islam, seeking to purge religious practice of what he considered to be innovations, superstitions and deviations from the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad and the Koran. His movement, which came to be known as Wahhabism, called for a return to a "purer" form of Islam. On the other hand, Ibn Saud saw in Ibn Abd al-Wahhab's movement an opportunity to legitimise and extend his political power. The pact between them was therefore both a religious and political alliance, with Ibn Saud pledging to defend and promote Ibn Abd al-Wahhab's teachings, while Ibn Abd al-Wahhab supported Ibn Saud's political authority. In the years that followed, the Al Sauds, with the support of Wahhabi followers, undertook military campaigns to extend their influence and impose their interpretation of Islam. These campaigns led to the creation of the first Saudi state in the 18th century, covering a large part of the Arabian Peninsula.
| | 沙特部落首领穆罕默德-伊本-沙特与宗教改革家穆罕默德-伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比于 1744 年签订的协议是沙特阿拉伯历史上的创始事件。这一协议将伊本-沙特的政治目标与伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈卜的宗教理想结合在一起，为后来的沙特国家奠定了基础。伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈卜主张对伊斯兰教进行清教徒式的解释，试图清除他认为是创新、迷信和偏离先知穆罕默德教义和《古兰经》的宗教实践。他的运动后来被称为瓦哈比主义，呼吁回归 "更纯净 "的伊斯兰教。另一方面，伊本-沙特从伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比的运动中看到了使自己的政治权力合法化和扩大的机会。伊本-沙特承诺捍卫和推广伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈卜的教义，而伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈卜则支持伊本-沙特的政治权威。在随后的岁月里，沙特家族在瓦哈比派追随者的支持下，发动了军事行动，以扩大自己的影响力，并将自己对伊斯兰教的解释强加于人。这些战役导致在 18 世纪建立了第一个沙特国家，覆盖了阿拉伯半岛的大部分地区。 |
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| However, the formation of the Saudi state was not a linear process. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Al Saud political entity suffered several setbacks, including the destruction of the first Saudi state by the Ottomans and their Egyptian allies. It was not until Abdelaziz ibn Saud, at the beginning of the 20th century, that the Al Sauds finally succeeded in establishing a stable and lasting kingdom, modern Saudi Arabia, proclaimed in 1932. The history of Saudi Arabia is therefore intimately linked to the alliance between the Al Sauds and the Wahhabi movement, an alliance that shaped not only the kingdom's political and social structure, but also its religious and cultural identity.
| | 然而，沙特国家的形成并不是一个直线式的过程。在 19 世纪和 20 世纪初，沙特政治实体遭受了几次挫折，包括奥斯曼人及其埃及盟友摧毁了第一个沙特国家。直到 20 世纪初，阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特（Abdelaziz ibn Saud）才最终成功建立了一个稳定而持久的王国，即 1932 年宣布成立的现代沙特阿拉伯。因此，沙特阿拉伯的历史与沙特王朝和瓦哈比运动之间的联盟密切相关，这一联盟不仅塑造了沙特王国的政治和社会结构，还塑造了其宗教和文化特征。 |
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| === Ibn Saud's Reconquest and the founding of the Kingdom === | | === 伊本-沙特的重新征服和王国的建立 === |
| The attack on Mecca by Saudi forces in 1803 is a significant event in the history of the Arabian Peninsula and reflects the religious and political tensions of the time. Wahhabism, the strict interpretation of Sunni Islam promoted by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and adopted by the House of Saud, considered certain practices, particularly those of Shi'ism, to be alien or even heretical to Islam. In 1803, Saudi Wahhabi forces took control of Mecca, one of Islam's holiest sites, which was seen as a provocative act by other Muslims, particularly the Ottomans who were the traditional custodians of the Islamic holy sites. This takeover was seen not only as territorial expansion by the Saud, but also as an attempt to impose their particular interpretation of Islam.
| | 1803 年沙特军队对麦加的进攻是阿拉伯半岛历史上的一个重大事件，反映了当时宗教和政治的紧张局势。瓦哈比主义是穆罕默德-伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比（Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab）对逊尼派伊斯兰教的严格解释，被沙特王室所采纳，认为某些习俗，尤其是什叶派的习俗，与伊斯兰教格格不入，甚至是异端邪说。1803 年，沙特瓦哈比部队控制了伊斯兰教最神圣的圣地之一麦加，这被其他穆斯林，尤其是传统上伊斯兰圣地的守护者奥斯曼人视为一种挑衅行为。这次占领不仅被视为沙特人的领土扩张，还被视为试图将他们对伊斯兰教的特殊解释强加于人。 |
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| In response to this Saudi advance, the Ottoman Empire, seeking to maintain its influence over the region, sent forces under the command of Mehmet Ali Pasha, the Ottoman governor of Egypt. Mehmet Ali Pasha, renowned for his military skills and efforts to modernise Egypt, led an effective campaign against the Saudi forces. In 1818, after a series of military confrontations, Mehmet Ali Pasha's troops succeeded in defeating the Saudi forces and capturing their leader, Abdullah bin Saud, who was sent to Constantinople (now Istanbul) where he was executed. This defeat marked the end of the first Saudi state. This episode illustrates the complexity of the political and religious dynamics in the region at the time. It highlights not only the conflicts between different interpretations of Islam, but also the struggle for power and influence among the regional powers of the time, notably the Ottoman Empire and the emerging Sauds.
| | 为了应对沙特的进攻，奥斯曼帝国为了保持对该地区的影响力，派出了由奥斯曼帝国埃及总督穆罕默德-阿里-帕夏指挥的军队。穆罕默德-阿里-帕夏以其军事才能和努力实现埃及现代化而闻名，他领导的对沙特军队的战役卓有成效。1818 年，经过一系列军事对峙，麦赫迈特-阿里-帕夏的部队成功击败了沙特军队，并俘虏了沙特军队首领阿卜杜拉-本-沙特，后者被送往君士坦丁堡（今伊斯坦布尔）并在那里被处决。这次失败标志着第一个沙特国家的灭亡。这一事件说明了当时该地区政治和宗教动态的复杂性。它不仅突出了对伊斯兰教不同解释之间的冲突，还突出了当时地区强国（主要是奥斯曼帝国和新兴的沙特）之间争夺权力和影响力的斗争。 |
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| The second attempt to create a Saudi state, which took place between 1820 and 1840, also encountered difficulties and ultimately failed. This period was marked by a series of conflicts and confrontations between the Saud and various adversaries, including the Ottoman Empire and its local allies. These struggles resulted in the loss of territory and influence for the House of Saud. However, the aspiration to establish a Saudi state did not disappear. At the turn of the 20th century, particularly around 1900-1901, a new phase in Saudi history began with the return of members of the Al Saud family from exile. Among them, Abdelaziz ibn Saud, often referred to as Ibn Saud, played a crucial role in the rebirth and expansion of Saudi influence. Ibn Saud, a charismatic and strategic leader, set out to reconquer and unify the territories of the Arabian Peninsula under the banner of the House of Saud. His campaign began with the capture of Riyadh in 1902, which became the starting point for further conquests and the expansion of his kingdom.
| | 1820 年至 1840 年间，第二次建立沙特国的尝试也遇到了困难，最终以失败告终。在这一时期，沙特人与包括奥斯曼帝国及其当地盟友在内的各种对手之间发生了一系列冲突和对抗。这些斗争导致沙特王室丧失领土和影响力。然而，建立沙特国家的愿望并没有消失。20 世纪之交，特别是 1900-1901 年前后，随着沙特家族成员从流放地返回沙特，沙特历史进入了一个新阶段。其中，阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特（Abdelaziz ibn Saud，通常被称为伊本-沙特）在沙特的重生和影响力扩张中发挥了至关重要的作用。伊本-沙特是一位富有魅力和战略眼光的领导人，他开始在沙特家族的旗帜下重新征服和统一阿拉伯半岛的领土。他的战役始于 1902 年攻占利雅得，这成为他进一步征服和扩张王国的起点。 |
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| Over the following decades, Ibn Saud led a series of military campaigns and political manoeuvres, gradually extending his control over much of the Arabian Peninsula. These efforts were facilitated by his ability to negotiate alliances, manage tribal rivalries and integrate Wahhabi teachings as the ideological basis of his state. Ibn Saud's success culminated in the founding of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932, uniting the various regions and tribes under a single national authority. The new kingdom consolidated the various territories conquered by Ibn Saud, establishing a lasting Saudi state with Wahhabism as its religious and ideological foundation. The creation of Saudi Arabia marked a significant milestone in the modern history of the Middle East, with far-reaching implications for both the region and international politics, particularly following the discovery and exploitation of oil in the kingdom.
| | 在随后的几十年里，伊本-沙特领导了一系列军事战役和政治活动，逐渐扩大了对阿拉伯半岛大部分地区的控制。伊本-沙特有能力通过谈判结成联盟、处理部族之间的争斗，并将瓦哈比教义作为国家的意识形态基础，这些都为他的努力提供了便利。伊本-沙特的成功最终促成了 1932 年沙特阿拉伯王国的成立，将各个地区和部落统一在一个国家政权之下。新王国巩固了伊本-沙特征服的各个领土，建立了一个以瓦哈比主义为宗教和意识形态基础的持久的沙特国家。沙特阿拉伯的建立标志着中东现代史上的一个重要里程碑，对该地区和国际政治都产生了深远影响，特别是在王国发现和开采石油之后。 |
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| === Relations with the British Empire and the Arab Revolt === | | === 与大英帝国的关系和阿拉伯起义 === |
| In 1915, during the First World War, the British, seeking to weaken the Ottoman Empire, established contacts with various Arab leaders, including Sherif Hussein of Mecca, who was a prominent member of the Hashemite family. At the same time, the British maintained relations with the Saudis, led by Abdelaziz ibn Saud, although these were less direct and involved than those with the Hashemites. Sherif Hussein, encouraged by British promises of support for Arab independence, launched the Arab Revolt in 1916 against the Ottoman Empire. This revolt was motivated by the desire for Arab independence and opposition to Ottoman domination. However, the Saudis, under the leadership of Ibn Saud, did not take an active part in this revolt. They were engaged in their own campaign to consolidate and extend their control over the Arabian Peninsula. Although the Saudis and Hashemites had common interests against the Ottomans, they were also rivals for control of the region.
| | 1915 年，在第一次世界大战期间，英国为了削弱奥斯曼帝国，与多位阿拉伯领导人建立了联系，其中包括麦加的侯赛因谢里夫（Sherif Hussein），他是哈希姆家族的重要成员。与此同时，英国人还与阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特领导的沙特人保持着关系，尽管这种关系不如与哈希姆家族的关系那么直接和深入。谢里夫-侯赛因在英国承诺支持阿拉伯独立的鼓励下，于 1916 年发动了反对奥斯曼帝国的阿拉伯起义。这次起义的动机是渴望阿拉伯独立和反对奥斯曼帝国的统治。然而，伊本-沙特领导下的沙特人并没有积极参与这场起义。他们参与了自己的运动，以巩固和扩大对阿拉伯半岛的控制。虽然沙特人和哈希姆人在反对奥斯曼人方面有共同利益，但他们也是控制该地区的竞争对手。 |
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| After the war, with the failure of British and French promises to create an independent Arab kingdom (as envisaged in the secret Sykes-Picot agreements), Sherif Hussein found himself isolated. In 1924, he proclaimed himself Caliph, an act that was seen as provocative by many Muslims, including the Saudis. Hussein's proclamation as Caliph provided a pretext for the Saudis to attack him as they sought to extend their influence. Saudi forces finally took control of Mecca in 1924, ending Hashemite rule in the region and consolidating the power of Ibn Saud. This conquest was a key stage in the formation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and marked the end of Sherif Hussein's ambitions to create a unified Arab kingdom under the Hashemite dynasty.
| | 战后，由于英国和法国建立一个独立的阿拉伯王国的承诺（如秘密的《赛克斯-皮科协定》所设想的那样）失败，谢里夫-侯赛因发现自己孤立无援。1924 年，他宣布自己为哈里发，这一行为被包括沙特人在内的许多穆斯林视为挑衅。侯赛因宣布自己为哈里发为沙特人提供了攻击他的借口，因为沙特人试图扩大自己的影响力。1924 年，沙特军队最终控制了麦加，结束了哈希姆在该地区的统治，巩固了伊本-沙特的权力。这次征服是沙特阿拉伯王国形成的关键阶段，标志着谢里夫-侯赛因在哈希姆王朝统治下建立一个统一的阿拉伯王国的野心的终结。 |
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| === The Rise of Saudi Arabia and the Discovery of Oil === | | === 沙特阿拉伯的崛起和石油的发现 === |
| In 1926, Abdelaziz ibn Saud, having consolidated his control over a large part of the Arabian Peninsula, proclaimed himself King of Hijaz. The Hijaz, a region of considerable religious importance due to the presence of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, had previously been under the control of the Hashemite dynasty. Ibn Saud's seizure of the Hijaz marked a significant step in the establishment of Saudi Arabia as a powerful political entity in the region. The recognition of Ibn Saud as King of the Hijaz by powers such as Russia, France and Great Britain was a key moment in the international legitimisation of his rule. These recognitions signalled a significant change in international relations and an acceptance of the new balance of power in the region. Ibn Saud's takeover of Hijaz not only strengthened his position as a political leader in the Arabian Peninsula, but also increased his prestige in the Muslim world, placing him as the guardian of Islam's holy places. It also meant the end of the Hashemite presence in the Hijaz, with the remaining members of the Hashemite dynasty fleeing to other parts of the Middle East, where they would establish new kingdoms, particularly in Jordan and Iraq. The proclamation of Ibn Saud as King of the Hijaz was therefore an important milestone in the formation of modern Saudi Arabia and helped to shape the political architecture of the Middle East in the period following the First World War.
| | 1926 年，阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特在巩固了对阿拉伯半岛大部分地区的控制后，宣布自己为希贾兹国王。由于圣城麦加和麦地那的存在，希贾兹是一个具有相当重要宗教意义的地区，此前一直由哈希姆王朝控制。伊本-沙特夺取希贾兹标志着沙特阿拉伯在该地区建立强大政治实体的重要一步。俄国、法国和英国等大国承认伊本-沙特为希贾兹国王，这是他的统治在国际上合法化的关键时刻。这些承认标志着国际关系发生了重大变化，该地区新的力量平衡被接受。伊本-沙特接管希贾兹不仅巩固了他作为阿拉伯半岛政治领袖的地位，还提高了他在穆斯林世界的威望，使他成为伊斯兰圣地的守护者。这也意味着哈希姆王朝在希贾兹的统治结束，哈希姆王朝的剩余成员逃往中东其他地区，他们将在那里建立新的王国，尤其是在约旦和伊拉克。因此，宣布伊本-沙特为希贾兹国王是现代沙特阿拉伯形成过程中的一个重要里程碑，有助于塑造第一次世界大战后的中东政治架构。 |
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| In 1932, Abdelaziz ibn Saud completed a process of territorial and political consolidation that led to the creation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The kingdom united the regions of Nedj (or Nejd) and Hedjaz under a single national authority, marking the birth of the modern Saudi state. This unification represented the culmination of Ibn Saud's efforts to establish a stable and unified kingdom in the Arabian Peninsula, consolidating the various conquests and alliances he had achieved over the years. The discovery of oil in Saudi Arabia in 1938 was a major turning point not only for the kingdom, but also for the world economy. The American California Arabian Standard Oil Company (later ARAMCO) was the first to discover oil in commercial quantities. This discovery transformed Saudi Arabia from a predominantly desert and agrarian state into one of the world's largest oil producers.
| | 1932 年，阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特完成了领土和政治巩固进程，最终建立了沙特阿拉伯王国。王国将内贾（或内杰德）和赫德贾兹地区统一在一个国家政权之下，标志着现代沙特国家的诞生。这一统一代表着伊本-沙特在阿拉伯半岛建立一个稳定统一王国的努力达到了顶峰，巩固了他多年来取得的各种征服和联盟成果。1938 年，沙特阿拉伯发现了石油，这不仅是沙特阿拉伯王国的一个重要转折点，也是世界经济的一个重要转折点。美国加利福尼亚阿拉伯标准石油公司（后来的 ARAMCO）率先发现了商业数量的石油。这一发现将沙特阿拉伯从一个以沙漠和农业为主的国家转变为世界上最大的石油生产国之一。 |
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| The Second World War accentuated the strategic importance of Saudi oil. Although Saudi Arabia remained officially neutral during the war, the growing demand for oil to fuel the war effort made the kingdom an important economic partner for the Allies, notably Britain and the United States. The relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States, in particular, strengthened during and after the war, laying the foundations for a lasting alliance centred on security and oil. This period also saw the beginning of Saudi Arabia's significant influence in world affairs, thanks in large part to its vast oil reserves. The kingdom became a key player in the global economy and Middle East politics, a position it continues to occupy today. Oil wealth has enabled Saudi Arabia to invest heavily in national development and play an influential role in regional and international politics.
| | 第二次世界大战凸显了沙特石油的战略重要性。虽然沙特阿拉伯在战争期间保持正式中立，但由于战争对石油的需求不断增长，沙特阿拉伯王国成为盟国，特别是英国和美国的重要经济伙伴。特别是沙特阿拉伯与美国的关系在战争期间和战后得到加强，为以安全和石油为中心的持久联盟奠定了基础。在这一时期，沙特阿拉伯开始在世界事务中发挥重要影响，这在很大程度上要归功于其丰富的石油储备。沙特王国成为全球经济和中东政治的重要参与者，这一地位一直延续至今。石油财富使沙特阿拉伯能够对国家发展进行大量投资，并在地区和国际政治中发挥有影响力的作用。 |
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| === Modern Challenges: Islamism, Oil, and International Politics === | | === 现代挑战：伊斯兰主义、石油和国际政治 === |
| The Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979 had a profound impact on the geopolitical balance in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia. The rise to power of Ayatollah Khomeini and the establishment of an Islamic Republic in Iran raised concerns in many countries in the region, particularly in Saudi Arabia, where it was feared that Shiite revolutionary ideology could be exported and destabilise the predominantly Sunni Gulf monarchies. In Saudi Arabia, these fears strengthened the kingdom's position as an ally of the United States and other Western powers. In the context of the Cold War and the growing hostility between the United States and Iran after the revolution, Saudi Arabia was seen as a vital counterweight to Iranian influence in the region. Wahhabism, the strict and conservative interpretation of Sunni Islam practised in Saudi Arabia, became central to the kingdom's identity and was used to counter Iranian Shiite influence.
| | 1979 年伊朗伊斯兰革命对包括沙特阿拉伯在内的中东地缘政治平衡产生了深远影响。阿亚图拉-霍梅尼（Ayatollah Khomeini）的上台和伊斯兰共和国在伊朗的建立引起了该地区许多国家的担忧，尤其是沙特阿拉伯。在沙特阿拉伯，这些担忧加强了该王国作为美国和其他西方大国盟友的地位。在冷战背景下，革命后美国与伊朗之间的敌意与日俱增，沙特阿拉伯被视为抗衡伊朗在该地区影响力的重要力量。瓦哈比主义是沙特阿拉伯对逊尼派伊斯兰教的严格而保守的诠释，成为沙特阿拉伯王国身份的核心，并被用来对抗伊朗什叶派的影响。 |
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| Saudi Arabia also played a key role in anti-Soviet efforts, particularly during the Afghan War (1979-1989). The kingdom supported the Afghan mujahideen fighting the Soviet invasion, both financially and ideologically, promoting Wahhabism as part of the Islamic resistance against Soviet atheism. In 1981, as part of its strategy to strengthen regional cooperation and counter Iranian influence, Saudi Arabia was a key player in the creation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The GCC, a political and economic alliance, comprises Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman. The organisation is designed to foster collaboration between the Gulf monarchies in a variety of areas, including defence, economics and foreign policy. Saudi Arabia's position within the GCC has reflected and reinforced its role as a regional leader. The kingdom has used the GCC as a platform to promote its strategic interests and to stabilise the region in the face of security and political challenges, notably tensions with Iran and turbulence linked to Islamist movements and regional conflicts.
| | 沙特阿拉伯还在反苏斗争中发挥了关键作用，尤其是在阿富汗战争（1979-1989 年）期间。沙特王国在财政和意识形态上支持阿富汗圣战者抵抗苏联入侵，宣扬瓦哈比主义，将其作为伊斯兰抵抗苏联无神论的一部分。1981 年，作为其加强区域合作和对抗伊朗影响战略的一部分，沙特阿拉伯在海湾合作委员会（GCC）的创建过程中发挥了关键作用。海合会是一个政治和经济联盟，由沙特阿拉伯、科威特、阿拉伯联合酋长国、卡塔尔、巴林和阿曼组成。该组织旨在促进海湾君主国之间在国防、经济和外交政策等多个领域的合作。沙特阿拉伯在海合会中的地位反映并加强了其作为地区领导者的作用。面对安全和政治挑战，特别是与伊朗的紧张关系以及与伊斯兰运动和地区冲突有关的动荡，沙特王国利用海合会作为促进其战略利益和稳定地区局势的平台。 |
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| The invasion of Kuwait by Iraq under Saddam Hussein in August 1990 triggered a series of crucial events in the Gulf region, with major repercussions for Saudi Arabia and world politics. The invasion led to the 1991 Gulf War, in which a US-led international coalition was formed to liberate Kuwait. Faced with the Iraqi threat, Saudi Arabia, fearing a possible invasion of its own territory, accepted the presence of US military forces and other coalition troops on its soil. Temporary military bases were established in Saudi Arabia to launch operations against Iraq. This decision was historic and controversial, as it involved the stationing of non-Muslim troops in the country that is home to Islam's two holiest cities, Mecca and Medina.
| | 1990 年 8 月，萨达姆-侯赛因领导的伊拉克入侵科威特，在海湾地区引发了一系列关键事件，对沙特阿拉伯和世界政治产生了重大影响。这次入侵引发了 1991 年的海湾战争，以美国为首的国际联盟在这场战争中成立，目的是解放科威特。面对伊拉克的威胁，沙特阿拉伯担心自己的领土可能遭到入侵，因此接受了美国军队和其他联军在其领土上的存在。在沙特阿拉伯建立了临时军事基地，以便对伊拉克展开行动。这一决定是历史性的，也是有争议的，因为它涉及到在这个拥有伊斯兰教最神圣的两座城市麦加和麦地那的国家驻扎非穆斯林军队。 |
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| The US military presence in Saudi Arabia was strongly criticised by various Islamist groups, including al-Qaeda, led by Osama bin Laden. Bin Laden, himself of Saudi origin, interpreted the US military presence in Saudi Arabia as a desecration of the holy lands of Islam. This was one of Al Qaeda's main grievances against the United States and was used as a justification for its terrorist attacks, including the attacks of 11 September 2001. Al Qaeda's reaction to the Gulf War and the US military presence in Saudi Arabia highlighted the growing tensions between Western values and certain radical Islamist groups. It also highlighted the challenges Saudi Arabia faced in balancing its strategic relationship with the US and managing conservative Islamic sentiments within its own population. The post-Gulf War period has been a time of change and instability in the region, marked by political and ideological conflicts, which continue to influence regional and international dynamics.
| | 美国在沙特阿拉伯的军事存在遭到了各种伊斯兰组织的强烈批评，其中包括乌萨马-本-拉丹领导的基地组织。本-拉登本人祖籍沙特，他认为美国在沙特阿拉伯的军事存在是对伊斯兰圣地的亵渎。这是基地组织对美国的主要不满之一，并以此为理由发动恐怖袭击，包括 2001 年 9 月 11 日的袭击。基地组织对海湾战争和美国在沙特阿拉伯军事存在的反应凸显了西方价值观与某些激进伊斯兰组织之间日益紧张的关系。这也凸显了沙特阿拉伯在平衡与美国的战略关系和管理本国民众中保守的伊斯兰情绪方面所面临的挑战。海湾战争后的时期是该地区充满变化和不稳定的时期，其特点是政治和意识形态冲突，这些冲突继续影响着地区和国际动态。 |
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| The incident at the Great Mosque in Mecca in 1979 is a landmark event in Saudi Arabia's contemporary history and illustrates the internal tensions linked to issues of religious and political identity. On 20 November 1979, a group of Islamic fundamentalists led by Juhayman al-Otaybi stormed the Great Mosque of Mecca, one of the holiest sites in Islam. Juhayman al-Otaybi and his supporters, mainly from conservative and religious backgrounds, criticised the Saudi royal family for its corruption, luxury and openness to Western influence. They considered these factors to be at odds with the Wahhabi principles on which the kingdom was founded. Al-Otaybi proclaimed his brother-in-law, Mohammed Abdullah al-Qahtani, as the Mahdi, a messianic figure in Islam.
| | 1979 年发生在麦加大清真寺的事件是沙特阿拉伯当代历史上的一个标志性事件，它说明了与宗教和政治身份问题有关的内部紧张关系。1979 年 11 月 20 日，由 Juhayman al-Otaybi 领导的一群伊斯兰原教旨主义者冲进了伊斯兰教最神圣的圣地之一麦加大清真寺。朱海曼-奥塔伊比及其支持者主要来自保守派和宗教背景，他们批评沙特王室腐败、奢华和向西方开放。他们认为这些因素与沙特王国赖以建立的瓦哈比原则相悖。奥泰比宣称他的妹夫穆罕默德-阿卜杜拉-卡赫塔尼是伊斯兰教的救世主马赫迪。 |
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| The siege of the Grand Mosque lasted two weeks, during which time the insurgents held thousands of pilgrims hostage. The situation posed a considerable challenge to the Saudi government, not only in terms of security, but also in terms of religious and political legitimacy. Saudi Arabia had to ask for a fatwa (religious decree) to allow military intervention in the mosque, normally a sanctuary of peace where violence is forbidden. The final assault to retake the mosque began on 4 December 1979 and was led by Saudi security forces with the help of French advisers. The battle was intense and deadly, leaving hundreds of insurgents, security forces and hostages dead.
| | 对大清真寺的围攻持续了两周，在此期间，叛乱分子劫持了数千名朝圣者作为人质。这一局势不仅在安全方面，而且在宗教和政治合法性方面都对沙特政府构成了巨大挑战。沙特阿拉伯不得不请求法特瓦（宗教法令）允许对清真寺进行军事干预，而清真寺通常是禁止暴力的和平圣地。夺回清真寺的最后一击始于 1979 年 12 月 4 日，由沙特安全部队在法国顾问的帮助下领导。战斗激烈而致命，数百名叛乱分子、安全部队和人质丧生。 |
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| The incident had far-reaching repercussions in Saudi Arabia and the Muslim world. It revealed fissures in Saudi society and highlighted the challenges facing the kingdom in terms of managing religious extremism. In response to the crisis, the Saudi government strengthened its conservative religious policies and increased its control over religious institutions, while continuing to repress Islamist opposition. The incident also highlighted the complexity of the relationship between religion, politics and power in Saudi Arabia.
| | 这次事件在沙特阿拉伯和穆斯林世界产生了深远的影响。它揭示了沙特社会的裂痕，凸显了沙特王国在管理宗教极端主义方面面临的挑战。为应对危机，沙特政府强化了保守的宗教政策，加强了对宗教机构的控制，同时继续镇压伊斯兰反对派。这一事件也凸显了沙特阿拉伯宗教、政治和权力之间关系的复杂性。 |
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| =Countries created by decree= | | =通过法令建立的国家= |
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| At the end of the First World War, the United States, under the presidency of Woodrow Wilson, had a different vision from that of the European powers regarding the future of the territories conquered during the war. Wilson, with his Fourteen Points, advocated the right of peoples to self-determination and opposed the acquisition of territory by conquest, a position that contrasted with the traditional colonial objectives of the European powers, notably Great Britain and France. The United States was also in favour of an open and equitable system of trade, which meant that territories should not be exclusively under the control of a single power, in order to allow wider commercial access, thus benefiting American interests. In practice, however, British and French interests prevailed, the latter having made significant territorial gains following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the defeat of Germany.
| | 第一次世界大战结束时，伍德罗-威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）担任总统的美国对战争期间征服的领土的未来有着与欧洲列强不同的看法。威尔逊的 "十四点 "主张人民享有自决权，反对通过征服获取领土，这一立场与欧洲列强，特别是英国和法国的传统殖民目标形成了鲜明对比。美国还赞成开放和公平的贸易制度，这意味着领土不应完全由一个大国控制，以便有更广泛的商业准入，从而有利于美国的利益。但实际上，英国和法国的利益占了上风，后者在奥斯曼帝国崩溃和德国战败后获得了大量领土。 |
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| To reconcile these different perspectives, a compromise was found through the League of Nations system of mandates. This system was supposed to be a form of international governance for the conquered territories, in preparation for their eventual independence. Setting up this system required a complex process of negotiations and treaties. The San Remo Conference in 1920 was a key moment in this process, during which the mandates for the territories of the former Ottoman Empire were awarded, mainly to Great Britain and France. Subsequently, the Cairo Conference in 1921 further defined the terms and limits of these mandates. The Treaties of Sèvres in 1920 and Lausanne in 1923 redrew the map of the Middle East and formalised the end of the Ottoman Empire. The Treaty of Sèvres, in particular, dismantled the Ottoman Empire and provided for the creation of a number of independent nation states. However, due to Turkish opposition and subsequent changes in the geopolitical situation, the Treaty of Sèvres was replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne, which redefined the borders of modern Turkey and annulled some of the provisions of the Treaty of Sèvres. This lengthy negotiation process reflected the complexities and tensions of the post-war world order, with established powers seeking to maintain their influence while confronting new international ideals and the emergence of the United States as a global power.
| | 为了调和这些不同的观点，人们通过国际联盟的委任统治制度找到了一个折中方案。这一制度本应成为被征服领土的一种国际治理形式，为其最终独立做好准备。建立这一制度需要复杂的谈判和条约过程。1920 年的圣雷莫会议是这一过程中的关键时刻，在这次会议上，主要是英国和法国获得了前奥斯曼帝国领土的委任统治权。随后，1921 年的开罗会议进一步确定了这些委任统治的条件和范围。1920 年的《塞夫尔条约》和 1923 年的《洛桑条约》重新绘制了中东地图，正式宣告了奥斯曼帝国的灭亡。尤其是《塞夫尔条约》解散了奥斯曼帝国，并规定建立若干独立的民族国家。然而，由于土耳其的反对以及随后地缘政治局势的变化，《塞夫尔条约》被《洛桑条约》取代，后者重新确定了现代土耳其的边界，并废除了《塞夫尔条约》的部分条款。这一漫长的谈判过程反映了战后世界秩序的复杂性和紧张局势，既有大国在寻求保持其影响力的同时，又要面对新的国际理想和美国作为全球大国的崛起。 |
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| After the First World War, the dismantling of the Ottoman and German empires led to the creation of the League of Nations system of mandates, an attempt to manage the territories of these former empires in a post-colonial context. This system, established by the post-war peace treaties, notably the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, was divided into three categories - A, B and C - reflecting the perceived degree of development and readiness for self-government of the territories concerned.
| | 一战后，奥斯曼帝国和德意志帝国解体，国际联盟委任统治制度应运而生，试图在后殖民背景下管理这些前帝国的领土。这一制度由战后和平条约，特别是 1919 年的《凡尔赛条约》建立，分为 A、B 和 C 三类，反映了有关领土的发展程度和自治准备情况。 |
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| Type A mandates, allocated to the territories of the former Ottoman Empire in the Middle East, were considered to be the most advanced towards self-determination. These territories, considered relatively "civilised" by the standards of the time, included Syria and Lebanon, under the French mandate, as well as Palestine (including present-day Jordan) and Iraq, under the British mandate. The notion of "civilisation" employed at the time reflected the prejudices and paternalistic attitudes of the colonial powers, assuming that these regions were closer to self-governance than others. The treatment of Type A mandates reflected the geopolitical interests of the mandating powers, notably Britain and France, who sought to extend their influence in the region. Their actions were often motivated by strategic and economic considerations, such as control of trade routes and access to oil resources, rather than a commitment to the autonomy of local populations. This was illustrated by the Balfour Declaration of 1917, in which Britain expressed its support for the creation of a "Jewish national home" in Palestine, a decision that had lasting and divisive consequences for the region. Type B and C mandates, mainly in Africa and certain Pacific islands, were considered to require a higher level of supervision. These territories, often underdeveloped and with little infrastructure, were managed more directly by the mandating powers. The system of mandates, although presented as a form of benevolent trusteeship, was in reality very close to colonialism and was widely perceived as such by the indigenous populations.
| | 分配给中东前奥斯曼帝国领土的 A 类委任统治被认为是最接近自决的。按照当时的标准，这些领土被认为相对 "文明"，包括法国委任统治下的叙利亚和黎巴嫩，以及英国委任统治下的巴勒斯坦（包括今天的约旦）和伊拉克。当时使用的 "文明 "概念反映了殖民国家的偏见和家长式态度，认为这些地区比其他地区更接近自治。对 A 类委任统治地的处理反映了委任统治国，特别是英国和法国的地缘政治利益，它们试图扩大在该地区的影响力。它们的行动往往是出于战略和经济考虑，如控制贸易路线和获取石油资源，而不是致力于当地居民的自治。1917 年的《贝尔福宣言》就说明了这一点，英国在宣言中表示支持在巴勒斯坦建立 "犹太民族家园"，这一决定对该地区产生了持久和分裂性的影响。B类和C类委任统治地主要在非洲和某些太平洋岛屿，被认为需要更高水平的监督。这些领土往往欠发达，基础设施匮乏，委任统治国对其进行更直接的管理。委任统治制度虽然被说成是一种仁慈的托管形式，但实际上与殖民主义非常接近，土著居民也普遍这样认为。 |
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| In short, the League of Nations system of mandates, despite its stated intention to prepare territories for independence, often served to perpetuate the influence and control of the European powers in the regions concerned. It also laid the foundations for many future political and territorial conflicts, particularly in the Middle East, where the borders and policies established during this period continue to have a significant impact on regional and international dynamics.
| | 简而言之，尽管国际联盟委任统治制度宣称其目的是为领土独立做好准备，但它往往起到了使欧洲列强在相关地区的影响和控制永久化的作用。它还为许多未来的政治和领土冲突奠定了基础，特别是在中东，在此期间确立的边界和政策继续对区域和国际动态产生重大影响。 |
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| [[Fichier:MOMCENC - Territories lost by the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East.png|centré|]] | | [[Fichier:MOMCENC - Territories lost by the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East.png|centré|]] |
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| This map shows the distribution of territories formerly controlled by the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East and North Africa after they were lost by the Empire, mainly as a result of the First World War. The different zones of influence and the territories controlled by the European powers are colour-coded. The territories are divided according to the power that controlled them or exercised influence over them. British-controlled territories are in purple, the French in yellow, the Italians in pink and the Spanish in blue. Independent territories are marked in pale yellow, the Ottoman Empire is in glass with its borders at their height highlighted, and areas of Russian and British influence are also shown.
| | 这幅地图显示了奥斯曼帝国主要因第一次世界大战而失去的中东和北非地区原控制领土的分布情况。不同的势力范围和欧洲列强控制的领土用颜色标示。这些领土根据控制它们或对它们施加影响的列强来划分。英国控制的领土为紫色，法国控制的领土为黄色，意大利控制的领土为粉色，西班牙控制的领土为蓝色。独立领土用淡黄色标注，奥斯曼帝国用玻璃标注，并突出显示了其最盛时期的边界，俄罗斯和英国的势力范围也在其中。 |
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| The map also shows the dates of initial occupation or control of certain territories by colonial powers, indicating the period of imperialist expansion in North Africa and the Middle East. For example, Algeria has been marked as French territory since 1830, Tunisia since 1881 and Morocco is divided between French (since 1912) and Spanish (since 1912) control. Libya, meanwhile, was under Italian control from 1911 to 1932. Egypt has been marked as British-controlled since 1882, although it was technically a British protectorate. Anglo-Egyptian Sudan is also shown, reflecting joint Egyptian and British control since 1899. As far as the Middle East is concerned, the map clearly shows the League of Nations mandates, with Syria and Lebanon under French mandate and Iraq and Palestine (including present-day Transjordan) under British mandate. The Hijaz, the region around Mecca and Medina, is also shown, reflecting the control of the Saud family, while Yemen and Oman are marked as British protectorates. This map is a useful tool for understanding the geopolitical changes that took place after the decline of the Ottoman Empire and how the Middle East and North Africa were reshaped by European colonial interests. It also shows the complexity of power relations in the region, which continue to affect regional and international politics today.
| | 地图还显示了殖民国家最初占领或控制某些领土的日期，表明帝国主义在北非和中东的扩张时期。例如，阿尔及利亚自 1830 年起被标为法国领土，突尼斯自 1881 年起被标为法国领土，摩洛哥则由法国（自 1912 年起）和西班牙（自 1912 年起）控制。而利比亚从 1911 年到 1932 年一直由意大利控制。埃及自 1882 年起被标注为英国控制，尽管从技术上讲它是英国的保护国。英埃苏丹也被标注为自 1899 年以来由埃及和英国共同控制。就中东而言，地图清楚地显示了国际联盟的委任统治，其中叙利亚和黎巴嫩由法国委任统治，伊拉克和巴勒斯坦（包括今天的外约旦）由英国委任统治。地图上还标出了希贾兹，即麦加和麦地那周边地区，反映了沙特家族的控制，而也门和阿曼则被标为英国保护国。这幅地图是了解奥斯曼帝国衰落后地缘政治变化以及欧洲殖民利益如何重塑中东和北非的有用工具。它还显示了该地区权力关系的复杂性，这种关系至今仍影响着地区和国际政治。 |
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| In 1919, following the First World War, the division of the territories of the former Ottoman Empire between the European powers was a controversial and divisive process. The local populations of these regions, having nurtured aspirations to self-determination and independence, often greeted the establishment of European-controlled mandates with hostility. This hostility was part of a wider context of dissatisfaction with Western influence and intervention in the region. The Arab nationalist movement, which had gained momentum during the war, aspired to the creation of a unified Arab state or several independent Arab states. These aspirations had been encouraged by British promises of support for Arab independence in return for support against the Ottomans, notably through the Hussein-McMahon correspondence and the Arab Revolt led by Sherif Hussein of Mecca. However, the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916, a secret arrangement between Britain and France, divided the region into zones of influence, betraying promises made to the Arabs.
| | 1919 年，第一次世界大战结束后，欧洲列强瓜分前奥斯曼帝国领土的过程充满争议和分歧。这些地区的当地居民一直怀有自决和独立的愿望，他们往往对建立由欧洲控制的委任统治充满敌意。这种敌意是对西方在该地区的影响和干预不满的大背景的一部分。阿拉伯民族主义运动在战争期间势头强劲，渴望建立一个统一的阿拉伯国家或几个独立的阿拉伯国家。英国承诺支持阿拉伯独立，以换取对奥斯曼帝国的支持，特别是通过侯赛因-麦克马洪通信和麦加侯赛因领导的阿拉伯起义，鼓励了这些愿望。然而，1916 年英国和法国秘密签订的《赛克斯-皮科协定》将该地区划分为多个势力范围，背叛了对阿拉伯人的承诺。 |
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| Anti-Western feelings were particularly strong because of the perception that the European powers were not honouring their commitments to the Arab populations and were manipulating the region for their own imperialist interests. By contrast, the United States was often viewed less critically by local populations. American policy under President Woodrow Wilson was seen as more supportive of self-determination and less inclined towards traditional imperialism. Moreover, the United States did not have the same colonial history as the European powers in the region, which made it less likely to arouse the hostility of local populations. The immediate post-war period was therefore one of profound uncertainty and tension in the Middle East, as local populations struggled for independence and autonomy in the face of foreign powers seeking to shape the region according to their own strategic and economic interests. The repercussions of these events shaped the political and social history of the Middle East throughout the 20th century and continue to influence international relations in the region.
| | 反西方情绪尤为强烈，因为人们认为欧洲列强没有履行对阿拉伯人民的承诺，而是为了自己的帝国主义利益操纵该地区。相比之下，当地民众对美国的看法往往没有那么严厉。伍德罗-威尔逊总统领导下的美国政策被认为更支持自决，较少倾向于传统帝国主义。此外，美国在该地区没有欧洲列强那样的殖民历史，因此不太可能引起当地民众的敌意。因此，战后不久的中东地区充满了极度的不确定性和紧张局势，面对外国列强试图按照自己的战略和经济利益塑造该地区，当地民众努力争取独立和自治。这些事件的影响塑造了整个 20 世纪中东的政治和社会历史，并继续影响着该地区的国际关系。 |
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| =Syria= | | =叙利亚= |
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| === The Dawn of Arab Nationalism: The Role of Faisal === | | === 阿拉伯民族主义的黎明：费萨尔的作用 === |
| Faisal, son of Sherif Hussein bin Ali of Mecca, played a leading role in the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire during the First World War and in subsequent attempts to form an independent Arab kingdom. After the war, he went to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, armed with British promises of independence for the Arabs in return for their support during the conflict. However, once in Paris, Faisal soon discovered the complex political realities and intrigues of post-war diplomacy. French interests in the Middle East, particularly in Syria and Lebanon, were in direct contradiction with aspirations for Arab independence. The French were resolutely opposed to the creation of a unified Arab kingdom under Faisal, envisaging instead placing these territories under their control as part of the League of Nations system of mandates. Faced with this opposition, and conscious of the need to strengthen his political position, Faisal negotiated an agreement with French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau. This agreement aimed to establish a French protectorate over Syria, which was at odds with the aspirations of the Arab nationalists. Faisal kept the agreement secret from his supporters, who continued to fight for full independence.
| | 费萨尔是麦加谢里夫-侯赛因-本-阿里（Sherif Hussein bin Ali）的儿子，他在第一次世界大战期间阿拉伯人反抗奥斯曼帝国的起义以及后来试图建立独立阿拉伯王国的努力中发挥了领导作用。战后，他参加了 1919 年的巴黎和会，并得到了英国关于阿拉伯人独立的承诺，以换取他们在冲突中的支持。然而，一到巴黎，费萨尔很快就发现了战后外交的复杂政治现实和阴谋诡计。法国在中东的利益，尤其是在叙利亚和黎巴嫩的利益，与阿拉伯独立的愿望直接矛盾。法国人坚决反对在费萨尔的领导下建立一个统一的阿拉伯王国，而是设想将这些领土作为国际联盟委任统治制度的一部分置于他们的控制之下。面对这种反对，费萨尔意识到有必要加强自己的政治地位，于是与法国总理乔治-克莱蒙梭谈判达成了一项协议。该协议旨在建立法国对叙利亚的保护国，这与阿拉伯民族主义者的愿望相悖。费萨尔对他的支持者们保密了该协议，他的支持者们继续为争取完全独立而斗争。 |
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| Meanwhile, a Syrian state was being formed. Under Faisal's leadership, efforts were made to lay the foundations of a modern state, with reforms in education, the creation of a public administration, the establishment of an army and the development of policies to strengthen national identity and sovereignty. Despite these developments, the situation in Syria remained precarious. The secret agreement with Clemenceau and the lack of British support put Faisal in a difficult position. Eventually, France took direct control of Syria in 1920 after the Battle of Maysaloun, ending Faisal's hopes of establishing an independent Arab kingdom. Faisal was expelled from Syria by the French, but would later become King of Iraq, another newly formed state under the British Mandate.
| | 与此同时，叙利亚国家正在形成。在费萨尔的领导下，叙利亚努力奠定现代国家的基础，进行教育改革，建立公共管理机构，组建军队，并制定政策加强民族认同和主权。尽管取得了这些进展，叙利亚的局势仍然岌岌可危。与克莱蒙梭达成的秘密协议以及缺乏英国的支持使费萨尔陷入困境。最终，法国在 1920 年迈萨伦战役后直接控制了叙利亚，费萨尔建立一个独立阿拉伯王国的希望破灭了。费萨尔被法国驱逐出叙利亚，但后来成为伊拉克国王，伊拉克是英国委任统治下的另一个新成立的国家。 |
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| === Syria under the French Mandate: The Sykes-Picot Agreements === | | === 法国委任统治下的叙利亚：《赛克斯-皮科协定》 === |
| The Sykes-Picot Accords, concluded in 1916 between Great Britain and France, established a division of influence and control over the territories of the former Ottoman Empire after the First World War. Under the terms of these agreements, France was to gain control of what is now Syria and Lebanon, while Great Britain was to control Iraq and Palestine. In July 1920, France sought to consolidate its control over the territories promised to it by the Sykes-Picot agreements. The Battle of Maysaloun was fought between French forces and troops from the short-lived Syrian Arab Kingdom under the command of King Faisal. The ill-equipped and ill-prepared Faisal forces were greatly outnumbered by the better-equipped and better-trained French army. The defeat at the Battle of Maysaloun was a devastating blow to Arab aspirations for independence and ended Faisal's reign in Syria. Following this defeat, he was forced into exile. This event marked the establishment of the French Mandate over Syria, which was officially recognised by the League of Nations despite the aspirations of the Syrian people for self-determination. The establishment of mandates was supposed to prepare territories for eventual autonomy and independence, but in practice it often functioned as colonial conquest and administration. Local populations largely viewed the mandates as a continuation of European colonialism, and the period of the French mandate in Syria was marked by significant rebellion and resistance. This period shaped many of Syria's political, social and national dynamics, influencing the country's history and identity to this day.
| | 1916 年，英国和法国签订了《赛克斯-皮科协定》，确定了第一次世界大战后对前奥斯曼帝国领土的影响力和控制权的划分。根据这些协议，法国将控制现在的叙利亚和黎巴嫩，而英国将控制伊拉克和巴勒斯坦。1920 年 7 月，法国试图巩固对《赛克斯-皮科协定》承诺的领土的控制。法军与费萨尔国王指挥下的短命的阿拉伯叙利亚王国军队之间爆发了迈萨伦战役。与装备精良、训练有素的法军相比，费萨尔军队装备差、准备不足，人数大大超过法军。迈萨伦战役的失败是对阿拉伯独立愿望的毁灭性打击，也结束了费萨尔在叙利亚的统治。战败后，他被迫流亡国外。这一事件标志着法国对叙利亚委任统治的建立，尽管叙利亚人民渴望自决，但这一委任统治仍得到了国际联盟的正式承认。建立委任统治的目的本应是为领土的最终自治和独立做好准备，但在实践中却往往起到殖民征服和行政管理的作用。当地居民大多将委任统治视为欧洲殖民主义的延续，法国在叙利亚的委任统治期间发生了大量叛乱和抵抗活动。这一时期塑造了叙利亚的许多政治、社会和民族动态，至今影响着该国的历史和身份认同。 |
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| === Fragmentation and the French Administration in Syria === | | === 分裂与法国在叙利亚的行政管理 === |
| After establishing control over the Syrian territories following the Battle of Maysaloun, France, under the authority of the mandate conferred by the League of Nations, set about restructuring the region according to its own administrative and political designs. This restructuring often involved the division of territories along sectarian or ethnic lines, a common practice of colonial policy aimed at fragmenting and weakening local nationalist movements.
| | 在迈萨伦战役后确立了对叙利亚领土的控制后，法国根据国际联盟授予的授权，开始按照自己的行政和政治计划对该地区进行重组。这种重组往往涉及按照教派或种族划分领土，这是殖民政策的常见做法，旨在分裂和削弱当地的民族主义运动。 |
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| In Syria, the French Mandatory authorities divided the territory into several entities, including the Aleppine State, the Damascene State, the Alawite State and Greater Lebanon, the latter becoming the modern Lebanese Republic. These divisions partly reflected the complex socio-cultural realities of the region, but they were also designed to prevent the emergence of an Arab unity that could challenge French domination, embodying the strategy of "divide and rule". Lebanon, in particular, was created with a distinct identity, largely to serve the interests of the Maronite Christian communities, which had historical links with France. The creation of these different states within Mandatory Syria led to a political fragmentation that complicated efforts for a unified national movement.
| | 在叙利亚，法国委任统治当局将领土划分为几个实体，包括阿勒颇国、大马士革国、阿拉维派国和大黎巴嫩，后者成为现代的黎巴嫩共和国。这些划分部分反映了该地区复杂的社会文化现实，但也是为了防止出现一个能够挑战法国统治的阿拉伯统一体，体现了 "分而治之 "的战略。特别是黎巴嫩，它的建立具有鲜明的特征，主要是为了满足与法国有历史渊源的马龙派基督教社区的利益。在受委任统治的叙利亚境内建立这些不同的国家导致了政治分裂，使统一民族运动的努力复杂化。 |
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| France administered these territories in a similar way to its metropolitan departments, imposing a centralised structure and placing high commissioners to govern the territories on behalf of the French government. This direct administration was accompanied by the rapid establishment of administrative and educational institutions with the aim of assimilating local populations into French culture and strengthening the French presence in the region. However, this policy exacerbated Arab frustrations, as many Syrians and Lebanese aspired to independence and the right to determine their own political future. France's policies were often seen as a continuation of Western interference and fuelled nationalist and anti-colonialist sentiment. Uprisings and revolts broke out in response to these measures, notably the Great Syrian Revolt of 1925-1927, which was violently suppressed by the French. The legacy of this period has left lasting marks on Syria and Lebanon, shaping their borders, political structures and national identities. The tensions and divisions established under the French mandate continued to influence the political and community dynamics of these countries long after their independence.
| | 法国以与其本土省份类似的方式管理这些领土，实行中央集权结构，并派遣高级专员代表法国政府管理这些领土。在实行直接管理的同时，法国还迅速建立了行政和教育机构，目的是使当地居民融入法国文化，并加强法国在该地区的存在。然而，这一政策加剧了阿拉伯人的不满情绪，因为许多叙利亚人和黎巴嫩人渴望独立，渴望有权决定自己的政治未来。法国的政策往往被视为西方干涉的延续，助长了民族主义和反殖民主义情绪。针对这些措施爆发了起义和叛乱，特别是 1925-1927 年的叙利亚大起义，法国人用暴力镇压了这次起义。这一时期的遗留问题给叙利亚和黎巴嫩留下了持久的印记，塑造了它们的边界、政治结构和民族身份。在法国统治下形成的紧张局势和分裂，在这两个国家独立后的很长一段时间里，继续影响着它们的政治和社会动态。 |
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| === The 1925-1927 Revolt and the French Repression === | | === 1925-1927 年起义和法国镇压 === |
| The Great Syrian Revolt, which broke out in 1925, was a key episode in the resistance against the French Mandate in Syria. It began among the Druze population of Jabal al-Druze (Mountain of the Druze) in southern Syria and quickly spread to other regions, including the capital, Damascus. The Druze, who had enjoyed a degree of autonomy and privilege under Ottoman rule, found themselves marginalised and their powers curtailed under the French Mandate. Their dissatisfaction with the loss of autonomy and the policies imposed by the French, who sought to centralise administration and weaken traditional local powers, was the spark that ignited the revolt. The revolt spread and grew, gaining support from various segments of Syrian society, including Arab nationalists who opposed foreign domination and the administrative divisions imposed by France. The reaction of the French proxy authorities was extremely harsh. They used aerial bombardments, mass executions and public displays of the bodies of insurgents to deter further resistance.
| | 1925 年爆发的叙利亚大起义是叙利亚反抗法国委任统治的关键事件。起义始于叙利亚南部德鲁兹山（Jabal al-Druze）的德鲁兹人，并迅速蔓延到其他地区，包括首都大马士革。德鲁兹人在奥斯曼帝国统治下享有一定程度的自治和特权，但在法国委任统治下，他们发现自己被边缘化了，权力也被削弱了。法国人试图实行中央集权管理，削弱传统的地方权力，德鲁兹人对丧失自治权和法国人强加的政策感到不满，他们的不满成为点燃起义的导火索。起义不断蔓延和发展，得到了叙利亚社会各阶层的支持，其中包括反对外国统治和法国强加的行政区划的阿拉伯民族主义者。法国傀儡当局的反应极为严厉。他们利用空中轰炸、大规模处决和公开展示起义者的尸体来阻止进一步的抵抗。 |
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| The repressive actions of the French, which included the destruction of villages and brutality towards civilians, were widely condemned and tarnished France's reputation both internationally and among the local population. Although the revolt was eventually crushed, it has remained engraved in the collective Syrian memory as a symbol of the struggle for independence and national dignity. The Great Syrian Uprising also had long-term implications for Syrian politics, strengthening anti-colonial sentiment and helping to forge a Syrian national identity. It also contributed to changes in French policy, which had to adjust its approach to the mandate in Syria, ultimately leading to increased Syrian autonomy in the years that followed.
| | 法国人的镇压行动，包括摧毁村庄和残暴对待平民，受到了广泛的谴责，并损害了法国在国际上和当地民众中的声誉。虽然起义最终被镇压，但它作为争取独立和民族尊严的象征，一直铭刻在叙利亚人的集体记忆中。叙利亚大起义还对叙利亚政治产生了长远影响，增强了反殖民情绪，有助于形成叙利亚的国家认同。起义还促使法国改变了政策，不得不调整其在叙利亚的委任统治方针，最终导致叙利亚在随后的岁月里获得了更多的自治权。 |
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| === The Road to Syrian Independence === | | === 叙利亚独立之路=== |
| The management of the French mandate in Syria was marked by policies that were more akin to colonial administration than to benevolent tutelage leading to self-determination, contrary to what the League of Nations system of mandates theoretically provided for. The repression of the Great Syrian Revolt and administrative centralisation strengthened nationalist and anti-colonial sentiments in Syria, which continued to grow despite oppression.
| | 法国在叙利亚的委任统治管理政策更像是殖民管理，而不是导致自决的善意监护，这与国际联盟委任统治制度的理论规定背道而驰。对叙利亚大起义的镇压和行政集权加强了叙利亚的民族主义和反殖民情绪，尽管受到压迫，这种情绪仍在继续增长。 |
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| The rise of Syrian nationalism, together with global geopolitical changes, eventually led to the country's independence. After the Second World War, in a world that was increasingly turning against colonialism, France was forced to recognise Syria's independence in 1946. However, this transition to independence was complicated by regional political manoeuvring and international alliances, particularly with Turkey. During the Second World War, Turkey maintained a neutral position throughout most of the conflict, but its relations with Nazi Germany caused concern among the Allies. In an effort to secure Turkish neutrality or to prevent Turkey from allying itself with the Axis powers, France made a diplomatic gesture by ceding the Hatay region (historically known as Antioch and Alexandrette) to Turkey.
| | 叙利亚民族主义的兴起，加上全球地缘政治的变化，最终导致了叙利亚的独立。第二次世界大战后，在世界日益反对殖民主义的背景下，法国被迫于 1946 年承认叙利亚独立。然而，由于地区政治操纵和国际联盟，特别是与土耳其的联盟，叙利亚向独立的过渡变得更加复杂。第二次世界大战期间，土耳其在大部分冲突中保持中立，但其与纳粹德国的关系引起了盟国的担忧。为了确保土耳其保持中立，或防止土耳其与轴心国结盟，法国做出了一个外交姿态，将哈塔伊地区（历史上称为安条克和亚历山大里特）割让给土耳其。 |
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| The Hatay region was of strategic importance and had a mixed population, with Turkish, Arab and Armenian communities. The question of its membership has been a bone of contention between Syria and Turkey since the break-up of the Ottoman Empire. In 1939, a plebiscite, the legitimacy of which was disputed by the Syrians, was held and led to the formal annexation of the region to Turkey. The cession of Hatay was a blow to Syrian national sentiment and left a scar on Turkish-Syrian relations that has endured. For Syria, the loss of Hatay is often seen as an act of betrayal by France and a painful example of territorial manipulation by colonial powers. For Turkey, the annexation of Hatay was seen as the rectification of an unjust division of the Turkish people and the recovery of a territory historically linked to the Ottoman Empire.
| | 哈塔伊地区具有重要的战略意义，该地区人口混杂，有土耳其人、阿拉伯人和亚美尼亚人。自奥斯曼帝国解体以来，该地区的归属问题一直是叙利亚和土耳其之间的争论焦点。1939 年，土耳其举行了一次全民公决，导致该地区正式并入土耳其，但叙利亚人对全民公决的合法性提出了质疑。哈塔伊地区的割让打击了叙利亚的民族情绪，也给土耳其和叙利亚的关系留下了一道伤疤，这道伤疤一直持续到现在。对叙利亚而言，失去哈塔伊通常被视为法国的背叛行为，也是殖民国家操纵领土的一个令人痛心的例子。对土耳其而言，吞并哈塔伊被视为纠正了土耳其人民不公正的分裂，收回了历史上与奥斯曼帝国相关的领土。 |
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| During the Second World War, when France was defeated and occupied by Nazi Germany in 1940, the Vichy government, a collaborationist regime led by Marshal Philippe Pétain, was established. This regime also took control of French overseas territories, including the French mandate in Lebanon. The Vichy government, aligned with the Axis powers, allowed German forces to use the military infrastructure in Lebanon, posing a security risk to the Allies, particularly the British, who were engaged in a military campaign in the Middle East. The Axis presence in Lebanon was seen as a direct threat to British interests, particularly with the proximity of oil fields and strategic transport routes. The British and the Free French Forces, led by General Charles de Gaulle and opposed to the Vichy regime, launched Operation Exporter in 1941. The aim of this military campaign was to take control of Lebanon and Syria and eliminate the presence of Axis forces in the region. After fierce fighting, British troops and the Free French Forces succeeded in taking control of Lebanon and Syria, and the Vichy regime was expelled.
| | 第二次世界大战期间，法国于 1940 年被纳粹德国打败并占领，成立了由菲利普-贝当元帅领导的合作主义政权--维希政府。该政权还控制了法国的海外领土，包括法国在黎巴嫩的委任统治地。维希政府与轴心国结盟，允许德国军队使用黎巴嫩的军事基础设施，这给盟国，尤其是在中东地区开展军事行动的英国带来了安全风险。轴心国在黎巴嫩的存在被视为对英国利益的直接威胁，特别是在油田和战略运输线附近。1941 年，英国和戴高乐将军领导的反对维希政权的自由法国部队发起了 "出口者行动"。这次军事行动的目的是控制黎巴嫩和叙利亚，消灭轴心国军队在该地区的存在。经过激烈战斗，英国军队和自由法国部队成功控制了黎巴嫩和叙利亚，维希政权被驱逐。 |
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| At the end of the war, British pressure and changing international attitudes towards colonialism forced France to reconsider its position in Lebanon. In 1943, Lebanese leaders negotiated with the French authorities to gain independence for the country. Although France initially tried to maintain its influence and even briefly arrested the new Lebanese government, international pressure and popular uprisings eventually led France to recognise Lebanon's independence. 22 November 1943 is celebrated as Lebanon's Independence Day, marking the official end of the French mandate and the birth of Lebanon as a sovereign state. This transition to independence was a key moment for Lebanon and laid the foundations for the country's future as an independent nation.
| | 战争结束后，英国的压力和国际社会对殖民主义态度的转变迫使法国重新考虑其在黎巴嫩的立场。1943 年，黎巴嫩领导人与法国当局谈判，以争取国家独立。尽管法国最初试图维持其影响力，甚至短暂逮捕了黎巴嫩新政府，但国际压力和民众起义最终促使法国承认黎巴嫩独立。1943 年 11 月 22 日被定为黎巴嫩独立日，标志着法国统治的正式结束和黎巴嫩作为一个主权国家的诞生。向独立的过渡是黎巴嫩的关键时刻，为该国未来成为一个独立国家奠定了基础。 |
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| After gaining independence, Syria moved towards a pan-Arab and nationalist policy, partly in reaction to the mandate era and the challenges posed by the formation of the State of Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Nationalist sentiment was exacerbated by frustration at internal divisions, foreign interference and a sense of humiliation at colonial experiences.
| | 独立后，叙利亚转向泛阿拉伯和民族主义政策，部分原因是为了应对委任统治时代以及以色列国的成立和阿以冲突带来的挑战。对内部分裂、外来干涉的不满以及对殖民经历的屈辱感加剧了民族主义情绪。 |
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| Syria's participation in the 1948 Arab-Israeli war against the newly formed state of Israel was motivated by these nationalist and pan-Arab sentiments, as well as by the pressure of Arab solidarity. However, the defeat of the Arab armies in this war had profound consequences for the region, including Syria. It gave rise to a period of internal political instability, marked by a series of military coups that characterised Syrian politics in the years that followed. The defeat in 1948 and the internal problems that followed exacerbated the Syrian public's distrust of civilian leaders and politicians, who were often perceived as corrupt or ineffective. The army became the most stable and powerful institution in the state, and was the main actor in the frequent changes of governance. Military coups became a common method of changing government, reflecting the country's deep political, ideological and social divisions.
| | 叙利亚参加 1948 年针对新成立的以色列国的阿以战争，就是出于这些民族主义和泛阿拉伯情绪，以及阿拉伯团结的压力。然而，阿拉伯军队在这场战争中的失败对包括叙利亚在内的该地区产生了深远影响。它导致了一段时期的国内政局动荡，其特点是在随后的岁月里，叙利亚政坛发生了一系列军事政变。1948 年的战败和随后出现的内部问题加剧了叙利亚公众对文职领导人和政治家的不信任，他们往往被视为腐败或碌碌无为。军队成为国家最稳定、最强大的机构，也是频繁更换政府的主要角色。军事政变成为政府更迭的常见手段，反映了该国深刻的政治、意识形态和社会分歧。 |
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| This cycle of instability paved the way for the rise of the Baath Party, which finally took power in 1963. The Ba'ath Party, with its pan-Arab socialist ideology, sought to reform Syrian society and strengthen the state, but also led to a more authoritarian and centralised government, dominated by the military and security apparatus. Syria's internal tensions, combined with its complex relations with its neighbours and regional dynamics, have made the country's contemporary history a period of political turbulence, which finally culminated in the Syrian civil war that began in 2011.
| | 这种不稳定的循环为复兴党的崛起铺平了道路，该党最终于 1963 年掌权。复兴党拥有泛阿拉伯社会主义意识形态，力图改革叙利亚社会和加强国家，但也导致政府更加专制和集权，由军队和安全机构主导。叙利亚国内的紧张局势，加上与邻国的复杂关系和地区动态，使该国的当代历史成为政治动荡的时期，最终导致了2011年开始的叙利亚内战。 |
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| === Political instability and the rise of the Baath Party === | | === 政治动荡和复兴党的崛起 === |
| Baathism, an Arab political ideology that advocates socialism, pan-Arabism and secularism, began to gain ground in the Arab world during the 1950s. In Syria, where pan-Arab sentiments were particularly strong after independence, the idea of Arab unity found favour, particularly following internal political instability. Syria's pan-Arab aspirations led it to seek closer union with Egypt, then led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, a charismatic leader whose popularity extended far beyond Egypt's borders, not least because of his nationalisation of the Suez Canal and his opposition to imperialism. Nasser was seen as the champion of pan-Arabism and had succeeded in promoting a vision of unity and cooperation between the Arab states. In 1958, this aspiration for unity led to the formation of the United Arab Republic (UAR), a political union between Egypt and Syria. This development was hailed as a major step towards Arab unity and raised high hopes for the political future of the Arab world.
| | 阿拉伯复兴社会党是一种阿拉伯政治意识形态，主张社会主义、泛阿拉伯主义和世俗主义。在叙利亚，泛阿拉伯情绪在独立后尤为强烈，特别是在国内政局不稳之后，阿拉伯统一的思想受到了青睐。叙利亚的泛阿拉伯愿望促使它寻求与当时由贾迈勒-阿卜杜勒-纳赛尔（Gamal Abdel Nasser）领导的埃及建立更紧密的联盟，纳赛尔是一位极具魅力的领导人，他的声望远远超出了埃及的国界，这主要是因为他将苏伊士运河国有化并反对帝国主义。纳赛尔被视为泛阿拉伯主义的拥护者，并成功地促进了阿拉伯国家之间的团结与合作。1958 年，这种团结的愿望促成了阿拉伯联合共和国（UAR）的成立，这是埃及和叙利亚之间的政治联盟。这一事态发展被誉为阿拉伯团结的重要一步，为阿拉伯世界的政治未来带来了厚望。 |
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| However, the union soon showed signs of strain. Although the UAR was presented as a union of equals, in practice the political leadership of Egypt and Nasser became predominant. The RAU's political and economic institutions were largely centralised in Cairo, and Syria began to feel that it was being reduced to the status of an Egyptian province rather than an equal partner in the union. These tensions were exacerbated by differences in the political, economic and social structures of the two countries. Egyptian domination and growing frustration in Syria eventually led to the dissolution of the RAU in 1961, when Syrian military officers led a coup that separated Syria from the union. The RAU experience left an ambivalent legacy: on the one hand, it showed the potential of Arab unity, but on the other, it revealed the practical and ideological challenges to be overcome in order to achieve true political integration between Arab states.
| | 然而，这个联盟很快就出现了紧张迹象。尽管阿拉伯联盟以平等联盟的面目出现，但实际上埃及和纳赛尔的政治领导力占据了主导地位。阿拉伯联盟的政治和经济机构主要集中在开罗，叙利亚开始感到自己沦为埃及的一个省，而不是联盟中的一个平等伙伴。两国在政治、经济和社会结构上的差异加剧了这种紧张关系。1961年，叙利亚军官发动政变，将叙利亚从联盟中分离出来，埃及的统治和叙利亚日益增长的挫败感最终导致了阿拉伯联盟的解体。阿拉伯联盟的经历留下了矛盾的遗产：一方面，它显示了阿拉伯团结的潜力，但另一方面，它也揭示了要实现阿拉伯国家之间真正的政治一体化，需要克服的实际和意识形态挑战。 |
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| On 28 September 1961, a group of Syrian military officers, dissatisfied with the excessive centralisation of power in Cairo and Egyptian domination within the United Arab Republic (UAR), led a coup d'état that marked the end of the union between Syria and Egypt. The uprising was mainly motivated by nationalist and regionalist sentiments in Syria, where many citizens and politicians felt marginalised and neglected by the RAU government led by Nasser. The dissolution of the RAU exacerbated the political instability already present in Syria, which had experienced a series of coups d'état since its independence in 1946. The separation from Egypt was greeted with relief by many Syrians who were concerned about the loss of their country's sovereignty and autonomy. However, it also created a political vacuum that various groups and factions, including the Baath Party, would seek to exploit. The 1961 coup therefore paved the way for a period of intense political conflict in Syria, which would see the Ba'ath party make its way to power in 1963. Under Baath leadership, Syria would adopt a series of socialist and pan-Arab reforms, while establishing an authoritarian regime that would dominate Syrian political life for several decades. The period following the 1961 coup was marked by tensions between Baathist factions and other political groups, each seeking to impose its vision for the future of Syria.
| | 1961 年 9 月 28 日，一群叙利亚军官不满开罗的过度集权和埃及在阿拉伯联合共和国（UAR）内的统治，领导了一场政变，标志着叙利亚和埃及联盟的终结。起义的主要动机是叙利亚的民族主义和地区主义情绪，叙利亚的许多公民和政治家认为自己被纳赛尔领导的阿盟政府边缘化和忽视了。叙利亚自 1946 年独立以来经历了一系列政变，阿盟的解散加剧了叙利亚本已存在的政治动荡。许多叙利亚人对脱离埃及感到如释重负，他们担心自己的国家失去主权和自治。然而，这也造成了政治真空，包括复兴党在内的各种团体和派别都试图加以利用。因此，1961 年的政变为叙利亚激烈的政治冲突时期铺平了道路，复兴党在 1963 年掌权。在复兴党的领导下，叙利亚进行了一系列社会主义和泛阿拉伯改革，同时建立了一个独裁政权，并在数十年间主导着叙利亚的政治生活。1961 年政变后，复兴党各派与其他政治团体之间关系紧张，每个派别都试图将自己对叙利亚未来的愿景强加于人。 |
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| After a period of political instability and successive coups d'état, Syria experienced a decisive turning point in 1963 when the Ba'ath party came to power. This movement, founded on the principles of pan-Arabism and socialism, aimed to transform Syrian society by promoting a unified Arab identity and implementing far-reaching social and economic reforms. The Baath Party, under the leadership of Michel Aflaq and Salah al-Din al-Bitar, had emerged as a major political force, advocating a vision of socialism adapted to the specific characteristics of the Arab world. Their ideology combined the promotion of a secular state with socialist policies, such as the nationalisation of key industries and land reform, aimed at redistributing land to peasants and modernising agriculture.
| | 经过一段时间的政治动荡和接连不断的政变，叙利亚在 1963 年经历了一个决定性的转折点，复兴党上台执政。这一运动建立在泛阿拉伯主义和社会主义的原则之上，旨在通过促进统一的阿拉伯身份认同和实施影响深远的社会经济改革来改造叙利亚社会。复兴党在米歇尔-阿夫拉克（Michel Aflaq）和萨拉赫丁-比塔尔（Salah al-Din al-Bitar）的领导下成为一支重要的政治力量，倡导适应阿拉伯世界具体特点的社会主义愿景。他们的意识形态将促进政教分离的国家与社会主义政策相结合，如关键行业国有化和土地改革，旨在将土地重新分配给农民并实现农业现代化。 |
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| In the field of education, the Ba'athist government initiated reforms aimed at increasing literacy and instilling socialist and pan-Arab values. These reforms aimed to forge a new national identity, focusing on Arab history and culture, while promoting science and technology as means of modernisation. At the same time, Syria underwent a period of accelerated secularisation. The Ba'ath party worked to reduce the role of religion in state affairs, striving to create a more ideologically homogenous society while managing the country's religious and ethnic diversity.
| | 在教育领域，复兴党政府发起了旨在提高识字率、灌输社会主义和泛阿拉伯价值观的改革。这些改革旨在塑造新的民族身份，以阿拉伯历史和文化为重点，同时将科学技术作为现代化的手段加以推广。与此同时，叙利亚经历了一个加速世俗化的时期。复兴党努力减少宗教在国家事务中的作用，在管理国家宗教和民族多样性的同时，努力创造一个意识形态更加统一的社会。 |
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| However, these reforms have also been accompanied by an increase in authoritarianism. The Ba'ath party consolidated its hold on power, limiting political freedoms and repressing all forms of opposition. Internal tensions within the party and within Syrian society continued to manifest themselves, culminating in the rise of Hafez al-Assad to power in 1970. Under Assad, Syria continued along the path of Arab socialism, but with an even stronger hold by the regime on society and politics. The Baathist period in Syria was thus characterised by a mixture of modernisation and authoritarianism, reflecting the complexities of implementing a socialist and pan-Arab ideology in a context of cultural diversity and internal and external political challenges. This era laid the foundations for Syria's political and social development over the following decades, profoundly influencing the country's contemporary history.
| | 然而，伴随这些改革而来的是专制主义的抬头。复兴党巩固了对权力的控制，限制政治自由，镇压一切形式的反对派。党内和叙利亚社会的内部矛盾不断显现，最终导致哈菲兹-阿萨德（Hafez al-Assad）于 1970 年上台执政。在阿萨德的领导下，叙利亚继续沿着阿拉伯社会主义的道路前进，但政权对社会和政治的控制更加强大。因此，叙利亚复兴党时期的特点是现代化与专制主义并存，反映了在文化多样性和内外政治挑战的背景下实施社会主义和泛阿拉伯意识形态的复杂性。这个时代为叙利亚此后几十年的政治和社会发展奠定了基础，深刻影响了叙利亚的当代历史。 |
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| === The era of Hafez al-Assad: Consolidation of power === | | === 哈菲兹-阿萨德时代：巩固政权 === |
| The evolution of the Baath Party in Syria was marked by internal power struggles and ideological divisions, culminating in a coup d'état in 1966. This coup was orchestrated by a more radically socialist faction within the party, which sought to impose a stricter political line more aligned with socialist and pan-Arab principles. This change led to a period of more dogmatic and ideologically rigid governance. The new Baath Party leadership continued to implement socialist reforms, while strengthening state control over the economy and accentuating pan-Arab rhetoric. However, the defeat of Syria and other Arab countries by Israel in the Six-Day War in 1967 dealt a severe blow to the legitimacy of the Ba'ath Party and to the pan-Arab vision in general. The loss of the Golan Heights to Israel and the failure to achieve the objectives of the war led to disillusionment and a questioning of the country's political direction. This period was marked by chaos and increased instability, exacerbating internal tensions in Syria.
| | 阿拉伯复兴社会党在叙利亚的发展历程充满了内部权力斗争和意识形态分歧，最终导致了 1966 年的政变。这场政变是由党内更激进的社会主义派别策划的，他们试图推行更严格的政治路线，使之更符合社会主义和泛阿拉伯原则。这一变化导致了一段更加教条和意识形态僵化的执政时期。新的复兴党领导层继续推行社会主义改革，同时加强国家对经济的控制，并突出泛阿拉伯言论。然而，叙利亚和其他阿拉伯国家在 1967 年的六日战争中被以色列击败，这对复兴党的合法性和整个泛阿拉伯愿景造成了沉重打击。戈兰高地落入以色列之手以及战争目标未能实现，导致人们对国家的政治方向产生失望和质疑。这一时期，叙利亚局势混乱，不稳定因素增多，加剧了国内紧张局势。 |
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| Against this backdrop, Hafez al-Assad, then Minister of Defence, seized the opportunity to consolidate his power. In 1970, he led a successful military coup, ousting the radical Baathist leadership and taking control of the government. Assad changed the direction of the Baath Party and the Syrian state, focusing more on stabilising the country and on Syrian nationalism rather than pan-Arabism. Under Assad's leadership, Syria experienced a period of relative stabilisation and consolidation of power. Assad established an authoritarian regime, tightly controlling all aspects of political and social life. He also sought to strengthen the army and the security services, establishing a regime focused on security and the survival of power. Hafez al-Assad's seizure of power in 1970 thus marked a turning point in Syria's modern history, ushering in an era of more centralised and authoritarian governance that would shape the country's future for decades to come.
| | 在此背景下，时任国防部长的哈菲兹-阿萨德抓住机会巩固了自己的权力。1970 年，他成功领导了一场军事政变，推翻了激进的复兴党领导层，控制了政府。阿萨德改变了复兴党和叙利亚国家的方向，更加注重国家的稳定和叙利亚民族主义，而不是泛阿拉伯主义。在阿萨德的领导下，叙利亚经历了一个相对稳定和巩固政权的时期。阿萨德建立了独裁政权，严格控制政治和社会生活的方方面面。他还试图加强军队和安全部门，建立一个以安全和权力生存为中心的政权。因此，哈菲兹-阿萨德在 1970 年夺取政权标志着叙利亚现代史上的一个转折点，开创了一个更加集权和独裁统治的时代，并将在今后数十年中塑造叙利亚的未来。 |
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| After taking power in Syria in 1970, Hafez al-Assad quickly realised that he needed a solid social base and a degree of legitimacy to maintain his regime. To consolidate his power, he relied on his home community, the Alawites, a minority sect of Shi'ism. Assad has strategically placed members of the Alawite community in key positions in the army, security services and government administration. This approach has ensured the loyalty of the most important institutions to his regime. While maintaining a pan-Arab rhetoric in official discourse, Assad has centred power around the Syrian nation, thus distancing Syrian politics from the wider ambition of pan-Arabism. He has adopted a pragmatic approach to domestic and foreign policy, seeking to stabilise the country and consolidate his power.
| | 哈菲兹-阿萨德于 1970 年在叙利亚掌权后，很快意识到他需要一个坚实的社会基础和一定程度的合法性来维持其政权。为了巩固政权，他依靠自己的家乡阿拉维派（什叶派的一个少数教派）。阿萨德战略性地安排阿拉维派成员在军队、安全部门和政府行政部门担任要职。这种做法确保了最重要的机构对其政权的忠诚。虽然阿萨德在官方言论中坚持泛阿拉伯言论，但他以叙利亚民族为权力中心，从而使叙利亚政治与更广泛的泛阿拉伯主义野心保持距离。他对内对外政策采取了务实的态度，力求稳定国家并巩固权力。 |
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| The Assad regime has used divide-and-conquer tactics, similar to those employed by the French during the Mandate, to manage Syria's ethnic and religious diversity. By fragmenting and manipulating different communities, the regime has sought to prevent the emergence of a unified opposition. Political repression has become a hallmark of the regime, with an extensive and effective security apparatus in place to monitor and control society. Despite the purge of many opposition factions, the Assad regime has faced a significant challenge from Islamist groups. These groups, which enjoy a strong social base, particularly among the more conservative Sunni populations, have represented persistent opposition to Assad's secular, Alawite regime. Tension between the government and Islamist groups culminated in the uprising in the city of Hamah in 1982, which was brutally suppressed by the regime. Hafez al-Assad's reign in Syria was therefore characterised by a centralisation of power, a policy of repression and a degree of stabilisation of the country, but also by complex and often conflicting management of the country's socio-political diversity.
| | 阿萨德政权采用分而治之的策略来管理叙利亚的民族和宗教多样性，这与法国在委任统治时期所采用的策略类似。通过分裂和操纵不同社区，该政权试图阻止统一反对派的出现。政治镇压已成为该政权的标志，其广泛而有效的安全机构负责监视和控制社会。尽管清除了许多反对派，阿萨德政权仍面临着来自伊斯兰团体的巨大挑战。这些团体拥有强大的社会基础，尤其是在较为保守的逊尼派民众中，他们一直是阿萨德的世俗阿拉维派政权的反对派。政府与伊斯兰团体之间的紧张关系在 1982 年哈马市的起义中达到了顶峰，起义遭到了政权的残酷镇压。因此，哈菲兹-阿萨德在叙利亚统治时期的特点是集权、镇压政策和一定程度上的国家稳定，但同时对国家社会政治多样性的管理也很复杂，而且经常相互冲突。 |
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| The massacre in Hamah in 1982 is one of the darkest and bloodiest episodes in modern Syrian history. This brutal repression was ordered by Hafez al-Assad in response to an insurrection led by the Muslim Brotherhood in the city of Hamah. Hamah, a city with a strong Islamist presence and a bastion of opposition to the secular and Alawite policies of the Assad regime, became the centre of an armed revolt against the government. In February 1982, the Syrian security forces, led by Assad's brother Rifaat al-Assad, surrounded the town and launched a massive military offensive to crush the rebellion. The repression was ruthless and disproportionate. Government forces used aerial bombardments, heavy artillery and ground troops to destroy large parts of the city and eliminate the insurgents. The exact number of casualties remains unclear, but estimates suggest that thousands of people, perhaps as many as 20,000 or more, have been killed. Many civilians lost their lives in what has been described as an act of collective punishment. The Hamah massacre was not just a military operation; it also had a strong symbolic dimension. It was intended to send a clear message to any potential opposition to the Assad regime: the rebellion would be met with overwhelming and ruthless force. The destruction of Hamah served as a stark warning and suppressed dissent in Syria for years. This repression also left deep scars on Syrian society and was a turning point in the way the Assad regime was perceived, both nationally and internationally. The Hamah massacre became a symbol of brutal oppression in Syria and contributed to the image of the Assad regime as one of the most repressive in the Middle East.
| | 1982 年在哈马发生的大屠杀是叙利亚现代史上最黑暗、最血腥的事件之一。哈菲兹-阿萨德下令对哈马市穆斯林兄弟会领导的叛乱进行残酷镇压。哈马市是伊斯兰教势力强大的城市，也是反对阿萨德政权世俗政策和阿拉维派政策的堡垒，它成为反政府武装起义的中心。1982 年 2 月，阿萨德的弟弟里法特-阿萨德领导的叙利亚安全部队包围了这座城市，并发动大规模军事攻势镇压叛乱。镇压是残酷无情和不相称的。政府军动用了空中轰炸、重型火炮和地面部队，摧毁了城市的大部分地区，消灭了叛乱分子。确切的伤亡人数仍不清楚，但估计有数千人丧生，可能多达 2 万人或更多。许多平民在这场被称为集体惩罚的行动中丧生。哈马屠杀不仅是一次军事行动，还具有强烈的象征意义。它旨在向阿萨德政权的任何潜在反对派发出一个明确的信息：叛乱将遭到压倒性的、无情的武力打击。哈马的毁灭是一个严酷的警告，并在叙利亚镇压了持不同政见者多年。这种镇压也给叙利亚社会留下了深深的伤痕，成为国内和国际社会对阿萨德政权看法的转折点。哈马大屠杀成为叙利亚残酷镇压的象征，并使阿萨德政权成为中东镇压最严重的政权之一。 |
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| Hafez al-Assad's rule in Syria had to navigate the complex waters of religious legitimacy, particularly because of his own membership of the Alawite community, a branch of Shi'ism often viewed with suspicion by the Sunni majority in Syria. To establish his legitimacy and that of his regime in the eyes of the Sunni majority, Assad has had to rely on Sunni religious figures for fatwa roles and other key positions in the religious sphere. These figures were responsible for interpreting Islamic law and providing religious justification for the regime's actions. The position of the Alawites as a religious minority in a predominantly Sunni country has always been a challenge for Assad, who has had to balance the interests and perceptions of the different communities in order to maintain his power. Although Alawites have been placed in key positions in the government and army, Assad has also sought to present himself as a leader of all Syrians, regardless of their religious affiliation.
| | 哈菲兹-阿萨德在叙利亚的统治必须在复杂的宗教合法性问题上游刃有余，尤其是因为他本人属于阿拉维派，而阿拉维派是什叶派的一个分支，叙利亚的逊尼派多数人往往对其持怀疑态度。为了确立自己及其政权在逊尼派多数人心目中的合法性，阿萨德不得不依靠逊尼派宗教人士担任法特瓦和宗教领域的其他重要职务。这些人负责解释伊斯兰法，并为政权的行动提供宗教理由。在一个以逊尼派为主的国家中，阿拉维派作为宗教少数派的地位一直是阿萨德面临的挑战，他必须平衡不同族群的利益和观念，以维持自己的权力。虽然阿拉维派在政府和军队中担任要职，但阿萨德也试图将自己塑造成所有叙利亚人的领袖，无论他们的宗教信仰如何。 |
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| === Contemporary Syria: From Hafez to Bashar al-Assad === | | === 当代叙利亚：从哈菲兹到巴沙尔-阿萨德 === |
| When Hafez al-Assad died in 2000, he was succeeded by his son, Bashar al-Assad. Bashar, initially seen as a potential reformer and agent of change, inherited a complex and authoritarian system of governance. Under his leadership, Syria has continued to navigate the challenges posed by its religious and ethnic diversity, as well as internal and external pressures. Bashar al-Assad's reign has been marked by attempts at reform and modernisation, but also by continuity in the consolidation of power and the maintenance of the authoritarian structure inherited from his father. The situation in Syria changed radically with the start of the popular uprising in 2011, which evolved into a complex and devastating civil war involving multiple internal and external actors and having profound repercussions on the region and beyond.
| | 2000 年哈菲兹-阿萨德去世后，他的儿子巴沙尔-阿萨德继位。巴沙尔最初被视为潜在的改革者和变革推动者，但他继承了一个复杂而专制的治理体系。在他的领导下，叙利亚继续应对宗教和民族多样性以及内外压力带来的挑战。巴沙尔-阿萨德在位期间曾尝试改革和现代化，但也继续巩固权力，维持从其父继承的专制结构。随着 2011 年人民起义的开始，叙利亚的局势发生了翻天覆地的变化，这场起义演变成了一场复杂的破坏性内战，涉及多个内部和外部行为体，并对该地区内外产生了深远影响。 |
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| =Lebanon= | | =黎巴嫩= |
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| === Ottoman Domination and Cultural Mosaic (16th Century - First World War) === | | ===奥斯曼帝国的统治与文化镶嵌（16 世纪--第一次世界大战）=== |
| Lebanon, with its rich and complex history, has been influenced by various powers and cultures over the centuries. From the 16th century until the end of the First World War, the territory that is now Lebanon was under the control of the Ottoman Empire. This period saw the development of a distinct cultural and religious mosaic, characterised by ethnic and denominational diversity.
| | 黎巴嫩拥有丰富而复杂的历史，几个世纪以来受到各种势力和文化的影响。从 16 世纪到第一次世界大战结束，现在的黎巴嫩领土一直在奥斯曼帝国的控制之下。这一时期形成了独特的文化和宗教马赛克，其特点是种族和教派的多样性。 |
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| Two groups in particular, the Druze and the Maronites (an Eastern Christian community), have played a central role in Lebanon's history. These two communities have often been at odds with each other, partly because of their religious differences and their struggle for political and social power in the region. The Druze, a religious minority that developed out of Shia Ismaili Islam, settled mainly in the mountains of Lebanon and Syria. They have maintained a distinct identity and have often exercised significant political and military power in their regions. The Maronites, on the other hand, are an Eastern Christian community in communion with the Roman Catholic Church. They have settled mainly in the mountains of Lebanon, where they have developed a strong cultural and religious identity. The Maronites have also established close links with European powers, particularly France, which has had a significant influence on Lebanese history and politics. The coexistence and sometimes confrontation between these communities, as well as with other groups such as the Sunnis, Shiites and Orthodox, have shaped Lebanon's socio-political history. These dynamics have played a key role in shaping the Lebanese identity and have influenced the political structure of modern Lebanon, notably the confessional power-sharing system, which seeks to balance the representation of its various religious groups.
| | 其中，德鲁兹教徒和马龙派教徒（东方基督教社区）这两个群体在黎巴嫩历史上发挥了核心作用。这两个群体之间经常发生冲突，部分原因是他们的宗教信仰不同，以及他们在该地区争夺政治和社会权力。德鲁兹教徒是由什叶派伊斯玛仪伊斯兰教发展而来的宗教少数派，主要定居在黎巴嫩和叙利亚的山区。他们一直保持着独特的身份，并经常在其所在地区行使重要的政治和军事权力。马龙派教徒则是与罗马天主教会共融的东方基督教群体。他们主要定居在黎巴嫩山区，在那里形成了强烈的文化和宗教特征。马龙派教徒还与欧洲列强，特别是法国建立了密切联系，法国对黎巴嫩的历史和政治产生了重大影响。这些社区之间以及与逊尼派、什叶派和东正教等其他群体之间的共存，有时甚至是对抗，塑造了黎巴嫩的社会政治历史。这些动态在塑造黎巴嫩人的身份方面发挥了关键作用，并影响了现代黎巴嫩的政治结构，特别是教派权力分享制度，该制度力求平衡各宗教团体的代表性。 |
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| === French Mandate and Administrative Restructuring (After the First World War - 1943) === | | === 法国委任统治和行政重组（第一次世界大战后-1943年）=== |
| During the French Mandate in Lebanon, France attempted to mediate between the country's different religious and ethnic communities, while at the same time putting in place an administrative structure that reflected and reinforced Lebanon's diversity. Prior to the establishment of the French mandate, Mount Lebanon had already enjoyed a degree of autonomy under the Ottoman Empire, particularly after the establishment of the Mutasarrifiyyah in 1861. The Mutasarrifiyyah of Mount Lebanon was an autonomous region with its own Christian governor, created in response to the conflicts between Christian Maronites and Muslim Druze that had broken out in the 1840s and 1860s. This structure was intended to ease tensions by providing more balanced governance and a degree of autonomy for the region.
| | 在法国委任统治黎巴嫩期间，法国试图在该国不同宗教和种族社区之间进行调解，同时建立一个反映和加强黎巴嫩多样性的行政结构。在法国委任统治之前，黎巴嫩山已经在奥斯曼帝国统治下享有一定程度的自治权，特别是在 1861 年成立 Mutasarrifiyyah 之后。黎巴嫩山穆塔萨里菲亚是一个自治地区，有自己的基督教总督，是为了应对 19 世纪 40 年代和 60 年代爆发的基督教马龙派教徒和穆斯林德鲁兹教徒之间的冲突而设立的。这一结构旨在通过为该地区提供更加平衡的治理和一定程度的自治来缓解紧张局势。 |
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| When France took control of Lebanon after the First World War, it inherited this complex structure and sought to maintain a balance between the different communities. The French Mandate expanded the borders of Mount Lebanon to include areas with large Muslim populations, forming Greater Lebanon in 1920. This expansion was aimed at creating a more economically viable Lebanese state, but it also introduced new demographic and political dynamics. The political system in Lebanon under the French mandate was based on a model of consociationalism, where power was shared between the different religious communities. This system aimed to ensure fair representation of Lebanon's main religious groups in administration and politics, and laid the foundations for the confessional political system that characterises modern Lebanon. However, the French mandate was not without controversy. French policies were sometimes seen as favouring some communities over others, and there was resistance to foreign domination. Nevertheless, the mandate played a significant role in the formation of the Lebanese state and the definition of its national identity.
| | 第一次世界大战后，法国控制了黎巴嫩，继承了这一复杂的结构，并试图维持不同社区之间的平衡。法国委任统治扩大了黎巴嫩山的边界，将穆斯林人口众多的地区纳入其中，于 1920 年形成了大黎巴嫩地区。这一扩张旨在建立一个经济上更可行的黎巴嫩国家，但也带来了新的人口和政治动态。在法国的授权下，黎巴嫩的政治体制以联合主义模式为基础，不同宗教团体分享权力。这一制度旨在确保黎巴嫩各主要宗教团体在行政和政治中的公平代表性，并为现代黎巴嫩的教派政治制度奠定了基础。然而，法国的授权并非没有争议。法国的政策有时被视为偏袒某些族群而非其他族群，外国统治也遭到抵制。尽管如此，法国的委任统治在黎巴嫩国家的形成及其民族身份的确定方面发挥了重要作用。 |
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| During the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, which followed the end of the First World War, France played a strategic role in influencing the decision-making process concerning the future of the territories of the Middle East, including Lebanon. The presence of two Lebanese delegations at this conference was a manoeuvre by France to counter the claims of Faisal, the leader of the Arab Kingdom of Syria, who sought to establish an independent Arab state including Lebanon.
| | 在第一次世界大战结束后的 1919 年巴黎和会期间，法国在影响包括黎巴嫩在内的中 东领土未来的决策过程中发挥了战略性作用。两个黎巴嫩代表团出席这次会议，是法国为了反击阿拉伯叙利亚王国领导人费萨尔的主张而采取的一种策略，费萨尔试图建立一个包括黎巴嫩在内的独立的阿拉伯国家。 |
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| Fayçal, supported by Arab nationalists, was calling for a large independent Arab state that would extend over a large part of the Levant, including Lebanon. These demands were in direct contradiction with French interests in the region, which included the establishment of a mandate over Lebanon and Syria. To counter Faisal's influence and justify their own mandate over the region, the French encouraged the formation of Lebanese delegations made up of Christian Maronite representatives and other groups who favoured the idea of a Lebanon under French mandate. These delegations were sent to Paris to plead for French protection and to emphasise Lebanon's distinct identity from Syria and Faisal's pan-Arab aspirations. By presenting these delegations as representative of the aspirations of the Lebanese people, France sought to legitimise its claim to a mandate over Lebanon and to demonstrate that a significant proportion of the Lebanese population preferred French protection to integration into a unified Arab state under Faisal. This manoeuvre helped shape the outcome of the conference and played an important role in the establishment of the French and British mandates in the Middle East, in accordance with the Sykes-Picot agreements.
| | 费萨尔在阿拉伯民族主义者的支持下，要求建立一个独立的阿拉伯大国，覆盖包括黎巴嫩在内的黎凡特大部分地区。这些要求直接违背了法国在该地区的利益，其中包括建立对黎巴嫩和叙利亚的委任统治。为了对抗费萨尔的影响并证明自己对该地区的委任统治是合理的，法国人鼓励组建由基督教马龙派代表和其他赞成黎巴嫩接受法国委任统治的团体组成的黎巴嫩代表团。这些代表团被派往巴黎，恳求法国的保护，并强调黎巴嫩有别于叙利亚的独特身份和费萨尔的泛阿拉伯愿望。法国将这些代表团说成是黎巴嫩人民愿望的代表，试图使其对黎巴嫩的委任统治合法化，并证明黎巴嫩相当一部分人宁愿接受法国的保护，也不愿并入费萨尔领导下的统一的阿拉伯国家。这一伎俩帮助塑造了会议的结果，并在根据《赛克斯-皮科协定》建立法国和英国在中东的委任统治方面发挥了重要作用。 |
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| === The Struggle for Independence and Confessionalism (1919 - 1943) === | | === 争取独立和教派斗争（1919-1943 年）=== |
| The creation of the modern Lebanese state in 1921, under the French mandate, was marked by the adoption of a single communal political system, known as "political confessionalism". This system aimed to manage Lebanon's religious and ethnic diversity by allocating political power and government posts according to the demographic distribution of the different confessional communities. Lebanese confessionalism was designed to ensure fair representation of all the country's main religious communities. Under this system, the main government posts, including the President, Prime Minister and Speaker of the National Assembly, were reserved for members of specific communities: the President had to be a Christian Maronite, the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim, and the Speaker of the Assembly a Shia Muslim. This distribution of posts was based on a population census carried out in 1932.
| | 1921 年，在法国的委任统治下，黎巴嫩建立了现代国家，其特点是采用了单一的社区政治制度，即所谓的 "政治教派主义"。这一制度旨在根据不同教派社区的人口分布情况分配政治权力和政府职位，从而管理黎巴嫩的宗教和种族多样性。黎巴嫩的教派制度旨在确保该国所有主要宗教社区的公平代表性。在这一制度下，包括总统、总理和国民议会议长在内的主要政府职位都是为特定教派成员保留的：总统必须是基督教马龙派教徒，总理必须是逊尼派穆斯林，国民议会议长必须是什叶派穆斯林。这种职位分配是以 1932 年进行的人口普查为依据的。 |
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| Although designed to promote peaceful coexistence and balance between the different communities, this system was criticised for institutionalising denominational divisions and encouraging politics based on communal identity rather than political programmes or ideologies. Moreover, the system was fragile, as it depended on demographics that could change over time. Political elites and community leaders, while initially supportive of the system as a guarantee of representation and influence, became increasingly frustrated by its limitations and weaknesses. The system was also put under pressure by external factors, notably the influx of Palestinian refugees after the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 and the ideals of pan-Arabism, which challenged Lebanon's confessional political order. These factors contributed to demographic imbalances and heightened political and confessional tensions within the country. The confessional system, although an attempt to manage Lebanon's diversity, was ultimately a key factor in the political instability that led to the Lebanese civil war of 1975-1990. This war left a profound mark on Lebanon and revealed the limitations and challenges of the confessional system in managing diversity and national cohesion.
| | 虽然这一制度旨在促进不同社区之间的和平共处与平衡，但却因将教派分歧制度化、鼓励基于社区认同而非政治纲领或意识形态的政治而受到批评。此外，这一制度也很脆弱，因为它依赖于人口统计，而人口统计会随着时间的推移而发生变化。政治精英和社区领袖起初支持这一制度，认为它能保证代表权和影响力，但后来却越来越对其局限性和弱点感到失望。该制度还受到外部因素的压力，特别是 1948 年以色列国成立后巴勒斯坦难民的涌入，以及泛阿拉伯主义理想对黎巴嫩教派政治秩序的挑战。这些因素造成了人口失衡，加剧了国内的政治和教派紧张关系。教派制度虽然试图管理黎巴嫩的多样性，但最终成为导致 1975-1990 年黎巴嫩内战的政治不稳定的关键因素。这场战争给黎巴嫩留下了深刻的烙印，揭示了教派制度在管理多样性和国家凝聚力方面的局限性和挑战。 |
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| === Lebanese Civil War: Causes and International Impact (1975 - 1990) === | | === 黎巴嫩内战：起因和国际影响（1975-1990 年）=== |
| The Lebanese Civil War, which began in 1975, was influenced by a number of internal and external factors, in particular the growing tensions linked to the Palestinian presence in Lebanon. The massive arrival of Palestinian refugees and fighters in Lebanon, particularly after the events of "Black September" in Jordan in 1970, was a major trigger for the civil war. In September 1970, King Hussein of Jordan launched a military campaign to expel the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and other Palestinian armed groups from Jordan, following increasing attempts by these groups to interfere in Jordan's internal affairs. This campaign, known as "Black September", led to a large influx of Palestinians into Lebanon, exacerbating existing tensions in the country. The growing presence of armed Palestinians and PLO activism against Israel from Lebanese soil added a new dimension to the Lebanese conflict, further complicating the already fragile political situation. Palestinian groups, particularly in southern Lebanon, have often clashed with local Lebanese communities and have been involved in cross-border attacks against Israel.
| | 1975 年爆发的黎巴嫩内战受到了一系列内部和外部因素的影响，尤其是与黎巴嫩境内巴勒斯坦人的存在有关的日益紧张的局势。巴勒斯坦难民和战士大量涌入黎巴嫩，尤其是在1970年约旦 "黑九月 "事件之后，成为内战的主要导火索。1970年9月，约旦国王侯赛因发动军事行动，将巴勒斯坦解放组织（巴解组织）和其他巴勒斯坦武装组织驱逐出约旦，因为这些组织越来越多地试图干涉约旦内政。这场被称为 "黑九月 "的行动导致大量巴勒斯坦人涌入黎巴嫩，加剧了该国现有的紧张局势。越来越多的巴勒斯坦武装人员和巴解组织在黎巴嫩境内开展反以色列活动，为黎巴嫩冲突增添了新的内容，使本已脆弱的政治局势进一步复杂化。巴勒斯坦团体，尤其是黎巴嫩南部的巴勒斯坦团体，经常与黎巴嫩当地社区发生冲突，并参与对以色列的跨境袭击。 |
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| In response to these attacks and the presence of the PLO, Israel launched several military operations in Lebanon, culminating in the invasion of Lebanon in 1982. The Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon was motivated by Israel's desire to secure its northern borders and dismantle the PLO's base of operations. The Lebanese civil war was therefore fuelled by a mixture of internal tensions, sectarian conflicts, demographic imbalances and external factors, including Israeli interventions and regional dynamics linked to the Arab-Israeli conflict. This war, which lasted until 1990, was devastating for Lebanon, resulting in enormous loss of life, massive displacement of populations and widespread destruction. It profoundly transformed Lebanese society and politics and left scars that continue to affect the country.
| | 为了应对这些袭击和巴解组织的存在，以色列在黎巴嫩发动了数次军事行动，最终于 1982 年入侵黎巴嫩。以色列占领黎巴嫩南部的动机是为了确保其北部边界的安全，并摧毁巴解组织的行动基地。因此，黎巴嫩内战是由内部紧张局势、教派冲突、人口失衡和外部因素（包括以色列的干预和与阿以冲突相关的地区动态）共同促成的。这场战争一直持续到 1990 年，对黎巴嫩造成了巨大的破坏，导致大量人员伤亡、大批居民流离失所和广泛的破坏。它深刻地改变了黎巴嫩的社会和政治，并留下了至今仍在影响黎巴嫩的伤痕。 |
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| === Syrian influence and the Taif Agreement (1976 - 2005) === | | === 叙利亚的影响和《塔伊夫协议》（1976 - 2005 年）=== |
| The Lebanese civil war and Syrian intervention in the conflict are key elements in understanding Lebanon's recent history. Syria, under the leadership of Hafez al-Assad, played a complex and sometimes contradictory role in the Lebanese civil war. Syria, with its own geopolitical interests in Lebanon, intervened in the conflict as early as 1976. Officially, this intervention was justified as an effort to stabilise Lebanon and prevent an escalation of the conflict. However, many observers noted that Syria also had ambitions for expansion and control over Lebanon, which was historically and culturally linked to Syria. During the war, Syria supported various Lebanese factions and communities, often according to its strategic interests at the time. This involvement was sometimes seen as an attempt by Syria to exert its influence and strengthen its position in Lebanon. The civil war finally came to an end with the Taif Accords in 1989, a peace agreement negotiated with the support of the Arab League and under Syrian supervision. The Taif Accords redefined the confessional political balance in Lebanon, changing the power-sharing system to better reflect the country's current demographics. They also provided for an end to the civil war and the establishment of a government of national reconciliation.
| | 黎巴嫩内战和叙利亚对冲突的干预是了解黎巴嫩近代史的关键因素。哈菲兹-阿萨德领导下的叙利亚在黎巴嫩内战中扮演了复杂、有时甚至是矛盾的角色。叙利亚出于自身在黎巴嫩的地缘政治利益，早在 1976 年就介入了冲突。从官方角度看，这种干预是为了稳定黎巴嫩局势，防止冲突升级。然而，许多观察家指出，叙利亚也有扩张和控制黎巴嫩的野心，因为黎巴嫩在历史上和文化上与叙利亚息息相关。战争期间，叙利亚往往根据其当时的战略利益，支持黎巴嫩的各个派别和社区。这种参与有时被视为叙利亚试图施加影响并加强其在黎巴嫩的地位。内战最终随着 1989 年《塔伊夫协议》的签订而结束，该协议是在阿拉伯联盟的支持和叙利亚的监督下谈判达成的和平协议。塔伊夫协议》重新确定了黎巴嫩的教派政治平衡，改变了权力分享制度，以更好地反映该国目前的人口状况。协议还规定结束内战，建立民族和解政府。 |
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| However, the agreements also consolidated Syrian influence in Lebanon. Syria maintained a considerable military presence and political influence in the country after the war, which was a source of tension and controversy in Lebanon and the region. The Syrian presence in Lebanon did not end until 2005, following the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, an event that triggered massive protests in Lebanon and increased international pressure on Syria. The decision not to carry out a population census in Lebanon after the civil war reflects the sensitivities surrounding the demographic issue in Lebanon's confessional political context. A census could potentially upset the delicate balance on which the Lebanese political system is built, by revealing demographic changes that could call into question the current distribution of power between the different communities.
| | 然而，这些协议也巩固了叙利亚在黎巴嫩的影响力。战后，叙利亚在黎巴嫩保持了相当大的军事存在和政治影响力，这也是黎巴嫩和该地区紧张局势和争议的根源。叙利亚在黎巴嫩的存在直到 2005 年黎巴嫩前总理拉菲克-哈里里被暗杀后才结束，这一事件在黎巴嫩引发了大规模抗议，并增加了国际社会对叙利亚的压力。黎巴嫩决定在内战后不进行人口普查，这反映了在黎巴嫩教派政治背景下围绕人口问题的敏感性。人口普查可能会破坏黎巴嫩政治体制赖以建立的微妙平衡，因为人口结构的变化可能会使目前不同社区之间的权力分配受到质疑。 |
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| === Assassination of Rafiq Hariri and the Cedar Revolution (2005) === | | === 拉菲克-哈里里遇刺和 "红柏革命"（2005年）=== |
| The assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri on 14 February 2005 was a decisive moment in Lebanon's recent history. Hariri was a popular figure, known for his policy of post-civil war reconstruction and his efforts to re-establish Beirut as a financial and cultural centre. His assassination sent shockwaves through the country and triggered accusations against Syria, which was suspected of involvement. The assassination triggered the "Cedar Revolution", a series of large-scale peaceful demonstrations demanding an end to Syrian influence in Lebanon and the truth about Hariri's assassination. These demonstrations, in which hundreds of thousands of Lebanese of all faiths took part, put considerable pressure on Syria. Under the weight of this popular pressure and international condemnation, Syria finally withdrew its troops from Lebanon in April 2005, putting an end to almost 30 years of military and political presence in the country.
| | 2005年2月14日，黎巴嫩总理拉菲克-哈里里遇刺，这是黎巴嫩近代史上的一个决定性时刻。哈里里因其内战后重建政策和重建贝鲁特成为金融和文化中心的努力而广受欢迎。他的遇刺在全国引起了震动，并引发了对叙利亚的指控，叙利亚被怀疑参与其中。暗杀引发了 "锡达革命"，这是一系列大规模的和平示威活动，要求结束叙利亚在黎巴嫩的影响并查明哈里里遇刺的真相。成千上万信仰各种宗教的黎巴嫩人参加了这些示威活动，给叙利亚造成了巨大压力。在民众的压力和国际社会的谴责下，叙利亚最终于2005年4月从黎巴嫩撤军，结束了在黎巴嫩近30年的军事和政治存在。 |
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| === Contemporary Lebanon: Political and Social Challenges (2005 - Present) === | | === 当代黎巴嫩：政治和社会挑战（2005 年至今）=== |
| At the same time, Hezbollah, a Shiite Islamist group and military organisation founded in 1982, has become a key player in Lebanese politics. Hezbollah was founded with Iranian support in the context of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and has grown to become both a political movement and a powerful militia. The party refused to disarm after the civil war, citing the need to defend Lebanon against Israel. The 2006 conflict between Israel and Hezbollah further strengthened Hezbollah's position as a major force in Arab resistance against Israel. The conflict began when Hezbollah captured two Israeli soldiers, triggering an intense Israeli military response in Lebanon. Despite the massive destruction and loss of life in Lebanon, Hezbollah emerged from the conflict with a strengthened image of resistance against Israel, gaining considerable support among parts of the Lebanese population and in the Arab world in general. These events have had a considerable influence on Lebanese political dynamics, revealing the deep divisions within the country and the persistent challenges to Lebanon's stability and sovereignty. The post-2005 period has been marked by ongoing political tensions, economic crises and security challenges, reflecting the complexity of Lebanon's political and confessional landscape.
| | 与此同时，成立于 1982 年的什叶派伊斯兰组织和军事组织真主党已成为黎巴嫩政治中的重要角色。真主党是在 1982 年以色列入侵黎巴嫩的背景下在伊朗的支持下成立的，现已发展成为一个政治运动和强大的民兵组织。内战结束后，该党拒绝解除武装，理由是需要抵御以色列，保卫黎巴嫩。2006 年以色列与真主党之间的冲突进一步巩固了真主党作为阿拉伯抵抗以色列主要力量的地位。冲突开始时，真主党俘虏了两名以色列士兵，引发了以色列在黎巴嫩的激烈军事反击。尽管黎巴嫩遭受了大规模的破坏和人员伤亡，但真主党在冲突中树立了抵抗以色列的新形象，赢得了黎巴嫩部分民众和整个阿拉伯世界的大力支持。这些事件对黎巴嫩的政治动态产生了相当大的影响，揭示了黎巴嫩国内的深刻分歧以及黎巴嫩的稳定和主权所面临的持续挑战。2005 年之后，政治紧张局势、经济危机和安全挑战持续不断，反映了黎巴嫩政治和教派格局的复杂性。 |
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| =Jordan= | | =约旦= |
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| === British Mandate and Territorial Division (Early 20th century - 1922) === | | === 英国委任统治和领土划分（20世纪初-1922年） === |
| To understand the formation of Jordan, it is essential to go back to the period of the British Mandate over Palestine after the First World War. When Great Britain obtained the Mandate over Palestine following the San Remo Conference in 1920, it found itself in charge of a complex and conflict-ridden territory. One of the first acts of the British was to divide the Mandate into two distinct zones at the Cairo Conference in 1922: Palestine on the one hand, and the Transjordan emirates on the other. This division reflected both geopolitical considerations and the desire to respond to the aspirations of the local populations. Abdallah, one of the sons of Sherif Hussein of Mecca, played an important role in the region, notably by leading revolts against the Ottomans. To appease and contain his influence, the British decided to appoint him Emir of Transjordan. This decision was partly motivated by the desire to stabilise the region and create a reliable ally for the British.
| | 要了解约旦的形成，必须回到第一次世界大战后英国对巴勒斯坦的委任统治时期。1920年圣雷莫会议后，英国获得了对巴勒斯坦的委任统治权。英国首先采取的行动之一是在 1922 年开罗会议上将委任统治地划分为两个不同的区域：巴勒斯坦为一方，外约旦酋长国为另一方。这种划分既反映了地缘政治的考虑，也反映了满足当地居民愿望的愿望。阿卜杜拉是麦加谢里夫-侯赛因（Sherif Hussein）的儿子之一，在该地区发挥了重要作用，尤其是领导了反抗奥斯曼帝国的起义。为了安抚和遏制他的影响，英国人决定任命他为外约旦的埃米尔。这一决定的部分动机是为了稳定该地区局势，并为英国建立一个可靠的盟友。 |
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| The issue of Jewish immigration to Palestine was a major source of tension during this period. Zionists, who aspired to the creation of a Jewish national home in Palestine, protested against the British policy of banning Jewish immigration to Transjordan, considering that this restricted the possibilities of Jewish settlement in part of the Mandate territory.
| | 犹太人移民巴勒斯坦的问题是这一时期紧张局势的主要根源。犹太复国主义者渴望在巴勒斯坦建立犹太民族家园，他们抗议英国禁止犹太人移民外约旦的政策，认为这限制了犹太人在部分委任统治地定居的可能性。 |
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| === Independence and formation of the Jordanian state (1946 - 1948) === | | === 独立和约旦国家的建立（1946-1948年） === |
| The Jordan River played a decisive role in the distinction between Transjordan (to the east of the Jordan) and the West Bank (to the west). These geographical terms were used to describe the regions on either side of the Jordan River. The formation of Jordan as an independent state was a gradual process. In 1946, Transjordan gained independence from Britain, and Abdallah became the first king of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Jordan, like Palestine, has been profoundly affected by regional developments, notably the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 and the Arab-Israeli conflicts that followed. These events had a considerable impact on Jordanian politics and society in the decades that followed.
| | 约旦河在区分外约旦（约旦河以东）和西岸（约旦河以西）方面起着决定性作用。这些地理术语被用来描述约旦河两岸的地区。约旦作为一个独立国家的形成是一个渐进的过程。1946 年，外约旦脱离英国获得独立，阿卜杜拉成为约旦哈希姆王国的第一任国王。与巴勒斯坦一样，约旦也受到了地区发展的深刻影响，尤其是1948年以色列国的建立以及随后的阿以冲突。在随后的几十年里，这些事件对约旦的政治和社会产生了相当大的影响。 |
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| The Arab Legion has played a significant role in Jordan's history and in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Founded in the 1920s under the British Mandate, the Arab Legion was a Jordanian military force that operated under the supervision of British military advisors. This force was crucial in maintaining order in the territory of Transjordan and served as the basis for the modern Jordanian army. At the end of the British Mandate in 1946, Transjordan, under the reign of King Abdullah, gained its independence, becoming the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Jordan's independence marked a turning point in the history of the Middle East, making the country a key player in the region.
| | 阿拉伯军团在约旦历史和阿以冲突中扮演了重要角色。阿拉伯军团成立于 20 世纪 20 年代英国委任统治时期，是一支在英国军事顾问监督下开展行动的约旦军事力量。这支部队对维持外约旦领土的秩序至关重要，也是现代约旦军队的基础。1946 年英国委任统治结束，外约旦在阿卜杜拉国王的统治下获得独立，成为约旦哈希姆王国。约旦的独立标志着中东历史的转折点，使该国成为该地区的重要一员。 |
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| === Israeli-Arab conflicts and their impact on Jordan (1948 - 1950) === | | === 以色列-阿拉伯冲突及其对约旦的影响（1948-1950） === |
| In 1948, Israel's declaration of independence triggered the first Arab-Israeli war. Neighbouring Arab states, including Jordan, refused to recognise Israel's legitimacy and committed military forces to oppose the newly formed state. The Jordanian Arab Legion, considered to be one of the most effective armed forces among Arab countries at the time, played a major role in this conflict. During the 1948 war, Jordan, under the command of King Abdullah, occupied the West Bank, a region west of the Jordan River that was part of the British Mandate over Palestine. At the end of the war, Jordan officially annexed the West Bank, a decision that was widely recognised in the Arab world but not by the international community. This annexation included East Jerusalem, which was proclaimed Jordan's capital alongside Amman. Jordan's annexation of the West Bank had important implications for Arab-Israeli relations and the Palestinian conflict. It also shaped Jordanian domestic politics, as the Palestinian population of the West Bank became an important part of Jordanian society. This period in Jordanian history continued to influence the country's politics and international relations in the decades that followed.
| | 1948年，以色列宣布独立，引发了第一次阿以战争。包括约旦在内的阿拉伯邻国拒绝承认以色列的合法性，并投入军队反对这个新成立的国家。约旦阿拉伯军团被认为是当时阿拉伯国家中最有效的武装部队之一，在这场冲突中发挥了重要作用。1948 年战争期间，约旦在阿卜杜拉国王的指挥下占领了约旦河以西的约旦河西岸地区，该地区是英国对巴勒斯坦委任统治的一部分。战争结束后，约旦正式吞并了约旦河西岸，这一决定得到了阿拉伯世界的广泛认可，但并未得到国际社会的认可。吞并包括东耶路撒冷，东耶路撒冷被宣布为约旦首都，与安曼并列。约旦吞并约旦河西岸对阿以关系和巴勒斯坦冲突产生了重要影响。它还影响了约旦国内政治，因为约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦人口成为约旦社会的重要组成部分。约旦历史上的这一时期在随后的几十年中继续影响着约旦的政治和国际关系。 |
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| The period following Jordan's annexation of the West Bank in 1948 was marked by significant political and social developments. In 1950, Jordan officially annexed the West Bank, a decision that had a lasting impact on the country's demographic and political make-up. Following this annexation, half of the seats in the Jordanian parliament were allocated to Palestinian deputies, reflecting the new demographic reality of a unified Jordan, which now included a large Palestinian population. This political integration of Palestinians into Jordan underlined the extent of the annexation of the West Bank and was seen by some as an effort to legitimise Jordanian control over the territory. However, the move also raised tensions, both within the Palestinian population and among Palestinian nationalists, who aspired to independence and the creation of a separate Palestinian state.
| | 1948 年约旦吞并约旦河西岸之后，政治和社会都发生了重大发展。1950 年，约旦正式吞并了约旦河西岸，这一决定对约旦的人口和政治构成产生了持久的影响。吞并之后，约旦议会一半的席位分配给了巴勒斯坦议员，这反映了统一后的约旦新的人口现实，其中现在包括了大量的巴勒斯坦人口。巴勒斯坦人在政治上融入约旦凸显了约旦吞并约旦河西岸的程度，也被一些人视为使约旦对该领土的控制合法化的努力。然而，此举也加剧了巴勒斯坦居民内部和巴勒斯坦民族主义者之间的紧张关系，他们渴望独立和建立一个独立的巴勒斯坦国。 |
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| Rumours of secret agreements between Jordan and Israel over issues of sovereignty and territory fuelled discontent among Palestinian nationalists. In 1951, King Abdullah, who had been a key player in the annexation of the West Bank and had sought to maintain good relations with the Israelis, was assassinated in Jerusalem by a Palestinian nationalist. This assassination underlined the deep divisions and political tensions surrounding the Palestinian question. The Six Day War in 1967 was another major turning point for Jordan and the region. Israel captured the West Bank, East Jerusalem and other territories during this conflict, ending Jordanian control over these areas. This loss had a profound impact on Jordan, both politically and demographically, and exacerbated the Palestinian question, which has remained a central issue in Jordan's domestic affairs and foreign policy. The 1967 war also contributed to the emergence of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) as the main representative of the Palestinians and influenced the trajectory of the Arab-Israeli conflict in the following years.
| | 关于约旦和以色列就主权和领土问题达成秘密协议的传言加剧了巴勒斯坦民族主义者的不满情绪。1951 年，约旦国王阿卜杜拉在吞并约旦河西岸的过程中发挥了关键作用，并努力与以色列保持良好关系，但却在耶路撒冷被一名巴勒斯坦民族主义者暗杀。这次暗杀凸显了围绕巴勒斯坦问题的深刻分歧和政治紧张局势。1967 年的六日战争是约旦和该地区的另一个重要转折点。以色列在这场冲突中占领了约旦河西岸、东耶路撒冷和其他领土，结束了约旦对这些地区的控制。这一损失对约旦的政治和人口产生了深远影响，并加剧了巴勒斯坦问题，该问题一直是约旦内政和外交政策的核心问题。1967年战争还促使巴勒斯坦解放组织（巴解组织）成为巴勒斯坦人的主要代表，并影响了随后几年阿以冲突的发展轨迹。 |
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| === Reign of King Hussein and Internal Challenges (1952 - 1999) === | | === 侯赛因国王的统治和国内挑战（1952-1999） === |
| King Hussein of Jordan, grandson of King Abdullah, ruled the country from 1952 until his death in 1999. His reign was marked by major challenges, including the issue of the Palestinian population in Jordan and the King's pan-Arab ambitions.
| | 约旦侯赛因国王，阿卜杜拉国王的孙子，从1952年开始统治约旦，直到1999年去世。他在位期间遇到了许多重大挑战，包括约旦境内的巴勒斯坦人口问题和国王的泛阿拉伯野心。 |
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| King Hussein inherited a complex situation with a large Palestinian population in Jordan, resulting from the annexation of the West Bank in 1948 and the influx of Palestinian refugees after the creation of Israel and the Six Day War in 1967. Managing the Palestinian question remained a major challenge throughout his reign, with growing internal political and social tensions. One of the most critical moments of his reign was the "Black September" crisis in 1970. Faced with the growing strength of Palestinian PLO fighters in Jordan, which threatened the sovereignty and stability of the kingdom, King Hussein ordered a brutal military intervention to regain control of the refugee camps and towns where the PLO had a strong presence. This intervention resulted in the expulsion of the PLO and its fighters from Jordanian territory, who then set up their headquarters in Lebanon.
| | 1948 年约旦吞并了约旦河西岸，1967 年以色列成立和六日战争后巴勒斯坦难民大量涌入，侯赛因国王继承了约旦境内大量巴勒斯坦人口的复杂局势。随着国内政治和社会紧张局势的加剧，处理巴勒斯坦问题仍然是他在位期间面临的一大挑战。1970 年的 "黑九月 "危机是他在位期间最关键的时刻之一。面对约旦境内巴勒斯坦解放组织（巴解组织）战士日益壮大的力量，约旦王国的主权和稳定受到威胁，侯赛因国王下令进行残酷的军事干预，以重新控制巴解组织势力强大的难民营和城镇。这次干预导致巴解组织及其战士被逐出约旦领土，随后他们在黎巴嫩设立了总部。 |
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| Despite his participation in the Arab-Israeli wars, notably the 1973 Yom Kippur War, King Hussein maintained discreet but significant relations with Israel. These relations, often at odds with the positions of other Arab states, were motivated by strategic and security considerations. Jordan and Israel shared common concerns, particularly with regard to regional stability and the Palestinian question. King Hussein eventually played a key role in Middle East peace efforts. In 1994, Jordan signed a peace treaty with Israel, becoming the second Arab country, after Egypt, to officially normalise relations with Israel. The treaty marked an important milestone in Arab-Israeli relations and reflected King Hussein's desire to seek a peaceful resolution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, despite the challenges and controversies involved.
| | 尽管参与了阿以战争，尤其是 1973 年的赎罪日战争，侯赛因国王仍与以色列保持着谨慎而重要的关系。这些关系往往与其他阿拉伯国家的立场相左，但都是出于战略和安全考虑。约旦和以色列有着共同的关切，尤其是在地区稳定和巴勒斯坦问题上。侯赛因国王最终在中东和平努力中发挥了关键作用。1994 年，约旦与以色列签署了和平条约，成为继埃及之后第二个与以色列正式实现关系正常化的阿拉伯国家。该条约标志着阿以关系中的一个重要里程碑，反映了侯赛因国王不顾挑战和争议，寻求和平解决阿以冲突的愿望。 |
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| === King Abdullah II and Modern Jordan (1999 - Present) === | | === 阿卜杜拉二世和现代约旦（1999年至今） === |
| When King Hussein of Jordan died in 1999, his son, Abdullah II, succeeded him to the throne. Abdullah II's accession to power marked the beginning of a new era for Jordan, although the new king inherited many of his father's political, economic and social challenges. Abdullah II, educated abroad and with military experience, has taken over a country facing complex internal challenges, including managing relations with the Palestinian population, balancing democratic pressures with the stability of the kingdom, and persistent economic problems. Internationally, under his reign, Jordan has continued to play an important role in regional issues, including the Arab-Israeli conflict and crises in neighbouring countries. King Abdullah II continued his father's efforts to modernise the country and improve the economy. He also sought to promote Jordan as an intermediary and mediator in regional conflicts, while maintaining close relations with Western countries, particularly the United States.
| | 1999年，约旦国王侯赛因去世，他的儿子阿卜杜拉二世继位。阿卜杜拉二世的掌权标志着约旦新时代的开始，尽管新国王继承了其父亲的许多政治、经济和社会挑战。阿卜杜拉二世曾在国外接受教育并拥有丰富的军事经验，他接手的国家面临着复杂的内部挑战，包括处理与巴勒斯坦人民的关系、平衡民主压力与王国稳定之间的关系以及持续的经济问题。在国际上，在他的统治下，约旦继续在地区问题上扮演重要角色，包括阿以冲突和邻国危机。阿卜杜拉二世国王继承了其父的遗志，努力实现国家现代化并改善经济。他还努力推动约旦成为地区冲突的中间人和调停者，同时与西方国家，尤其是美国保持密切关系。 |
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| Abdullah II's foreign policy was marked by a balance between maintaining solid relations with Western countries and navigating the complex dynamics of the Middle East. Under his reign, Jordan continued to play an active role in Middle East peace efforts and was confronted with the impact of crises in neighbouring countries, notably Iraq and Syria. Internally, Abdullah II faced calls for greater political and economic reform. The Arab Spring uprisings in 2011 also had an impact on Jordan, although the country managed to avoid the large-scale instability seen in other parts of the region. The King has responded to some of these challenges with progressive political reforms and efforts to improve the country's economy.
| | 阿卜杜拉二世外交政策的特点是在与西方国家保持稳固关系和驾驭中东复杂动态之间取得平衡。在他的统治下，约旦继续在中东和平努力中发挥积极作用，并面临着邻国危机的影响，尤其是伊拉克和叙利亚。在国内，阿卜杜拉二世面临着加强政治和经济改革的呼声。2011 年的 "阿拉伯之春 "起义也对约旦产生了影响，尽管该国设法避免了该地区其他地方出现的大规模动荡。国王以渐进的政治改革和改善国家经济的努力应对了其中的一些挑战。 |
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| The historical trajectory of the Hashemites, who played a crucial role in events in the Middle East in the early 20th century, is marked by broken promises and major political adjustments. The Hashemite family, originally from the Hijaz region of Arabia, was at the heart of Arab ambitions for independence and unity during and after the First World War. Their aspirations for a great unified Arab state were encouraged and then disappointed by the European powers, particularly Great Britain.
| | 哈希姆家族在 20 世纪初的中东事件中发挥了至关重要的作用，他们的历史轨迹以违背承诺和重大政治调整为标志。哈希姆家族最初来自阿拉伯的希贾兹地区，在第一次世界大战期间和战后是阿拉伯独立和统一野心的核心。他们建立一个伟大统一的阿拉伯国家的愿望得到了欧洲列强，特别是英国的鼓励，但随后又令他们失望。 |
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| King Hussein bin Ali, the patriarch of the Hashemites, had aspired to the creation of a great Arab kingdom extending over much of the Middle East. However, the Sykes-Picot Accords of 1916 and the Balfour Declaration of 1917, as well as other political developments, gradually curtailed these aspirations. Eventually, the Hashemites ruled only Transjordan (modern Jordan) and Iraq, where another of Hussein's sons, Faisal, became king. As far as Palestine is concerned, Jordan, under King Hussein, was heavily involved until the Oslo Accords in the 1990s. After the Six Day War in 1967 and Jordan's loss of the West Bank to Israel, King Hussein continued to claim sovereignty over Palestinian territory, despite the lack of effective control.
| | 哈希姆派的元老侯赛因-本-阿里国王曾渴望建立一个覆盖中东大部分地区的伟大的阿拉伯王国。然而，1916 年的《赛克斯-皮科协定》和 1917 年的《贝尔福宣言》以及其他政治事态的发展逐渐削弱了这一愿望。最终，哈希姆人只统治了外约旦（今约旦）和伊拉克，侯赛因的另一个儿子费萨尔成为了伊拉克国王。就巴勒斯坦而言，侯赛因国王统治下的约旦在 20 世纪 90 年代签署《奥斯陆协定》之前一直积极参与其中。1967 年六日战争后，约旦将约旦河西岸输给了以色列，尽管缺乏有效控制，侯赛因国王仍继续宣称对巴勒斯坦领土拥有主权。 |
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| However, with the Oslo Accords in 1993, which established mutual recognition between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and laid the foundations for Palestinian autonomy, Jordan was forced to reassess its position. In 1988, King Hussein had already officially renounced all Jordanian claims to the West Bank in favour of the PLO, recognising the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. The Oslo Accords consolidated this reality, confirming the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and further marginalising Jordan's role in Palestinian affairs. The Oslo Accords thus marked the end of Jordanian ambitions over Palestine, orienting the peace process towards direct negotiation between Israelis and Palestinians, with Jordan and other regional actors playing a supporting rather than a leading role.
| | 然而，随着1993年《奥斯陆协定》的签订，以色列和巴勒斯坦解放组织（巴解组织）相互承认，为巴勒斯坦自治奠定了基础，约旦被迫重新评估自己的立场。1988 年，侯赛因国王已经正式放弃了约旦对约旦河西岸的所有要求，转而支持巴解组织，承认巴勒斯坦人民的自决权。奥斯陆协定》巩固了这一现实，确认巴解组织是巴勒斯坦人民的合法代表，进一步边缘化了约旦在巴勒斯坦事务中的作用。因此，《奥斯陆协定》标志着约旦对巴勒斯坦野心的终结，和平进程走向了以色列人和巴勒斯坦人之间的直接谈判，约旦和其他地区行为体扮演的是辅助而非主导的角色。 |
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| === Jordan and International Relations: Strategic Alliance with the United States === | | === 约旦与国际关系与美国的战略联盟 === |
| Since its creation as an independent state in 1946, Jordan has played a strategic role in Middle Eastern politics, skilfully balancing international relations, particularly with the United States. This privileged relationship with Washington has been essential for Jordan, not only in terms of economic and military aid, but also as diplomatic support in a region often marked by instability and conflict. American economic and military aid has been a pillar of Jordan's development and security. The United States has provided substantial assistance to strengthen Jordan's defensive capabilities, support its economic development and help it manage humanitarian crises, such as the massive influx of Syrian and Iraqi refugees. This aid has enabled Jordan to maintain its internal stability and play an active role in promoting regional peace and security. On the military front, cooperation between Jordan and the United States has been close and fruitful. Joint military exercises and training programmes have strengthened ties between the two countries and enhanced Jordan's ability to contribute to regional security. This military cooperation is also a crucial element for Jordan in the context of the fight against terrorism and extremism. Diplomatically, Jordan has often acted as an intermediary in regional conflicts, a role that corresponds to US interests in the region. Jordan has been involved in Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts and has played a moderating role in the crises in Syria and Iraq. Jordan's geographic position, relative stability and relationship with the United States make it a key player in efforts to mediate and resolve conflicts in the region.
| | 自1946年独立以来，约旦在中东政治中一直扮演着战略角色，巧妙地平衡着国际关系，尤其是与美国的关系。这种与华盛顿的特殊关系对约旦至关重要，不仅提供经济和军事援助，还在这个经常充满不稳定和冲突的地区提供外交支持。美国的经济和军事援助一直是约旦发展和安全的支柱。美国提供了大量援助，以加强约旦的防御能力，支持其经济发展，并帮助其管理人道主义危机，如叙利亚和伊拉克难民的大量涌入。这些援助使约旦得以保持国内稳定，并在促进地区和平与安全方面发挥积极作用。在军事方面，约旦与美国之间的合作密切而富有成效。联合军事演习和培训计划加强了两国之间的联系，提高了约旦促进地区安全的能力。这种军事合作也是约旦打击恐怖主义和极端主义的关键因素。在外交上，约旦经常充当地区冲突的中间人，这一角色符合美国在该地区的利益。约旦参与了以巴和平努力，并在叙利亚和伊拉克危机中发挥了缓和作用。约旦的地理位置、相对稳定以及与美国的关系使其成为调停和解决地区冲突的关键角色。 |
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| The relationship between Jordan and the United States is not just a strategic alliance; it also reflects a shared understanding of the challenges facing the region. The two countries share common objectives in the fight against terrorism, the promotion of regional stability and the search for diplomatic solutions to conflicts. This relationship is therefore essential for Jordan, enabling it to navigate the complex challenges of the Middle East while benefiting from the support of a major world power.
| | 约旦和美国之间的关系不仅是战略联盟，还反映了对该地区所面临挑战的共同理解。两国在打击恐怖主义、促进地区稳定和寻求外交解决冲突方面有着共同的目标。因此，这种关系对约旦至关重要，它使约旦能够应对中东的复杂挑战，同时受益于一个世界大国的支持。 |
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| =Iraq= | | =伊拉克 |
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| === Formation of the Iraqi state (Post-First World War) === | | === 伊拉克国家的形成（第一次世界大战后） === |
| The formation of Iraq as a modern state was a direct consequence of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire following the First World War. Iraq, as we know it today, was born of the merger of three historic Ottoman provinces: Mosul, Baghdad and Basra. This merger, orchestrated by the colonial powers, in particular Great Britain, shaped not only Iraq's borders but also its complex internal dynamics.
| | 伊拉克作为一个现代国家的形成是第一次世界大战后奥斯曼帝国解体的直接结果。我们今天所知的伊拉克是由奥斯曼帝国历史上的三个省份合并而成的：摩苏尔、巴格达和巴士拉。在殖民国家，尤其是英国的精心策划下，这次合并不仅决定了伊拉克的边界，也决定了其复杂的内部动态。 |
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| The province of Mosul, in the north of present-day Iraq, was a strategic region, not least because of its rich oil reserves. The ethnic composition of Mosul, with a significant Kurdish presence, added a further dimension to the political complexity of Iraq. After the war, the status of Mosul was the subject of international debate, with the Turks and the British both laying claim to the region. In the end, the League of Nations ruled in favour of Iraq, integrating Mosul into the new state. The vilayet of Baghdad, in the centre, was the historical and cultural heart of the region. Baghdad, a city with a rich history dating back to the era of the caliphates, continued to play a central role in Iraq's political and cultural life. The ethnic and religious diversity of the province of Baghdad has been a key factor in the political dynamics of modern Iraq. As for the province of Basra, in the south, this region, which is mainly populated by Shiite Arabs, has been an important commercial and port centre. Basra's links with the Persian Gulf and the Arab world were crucial to the Iraqi economy and influenced Iraq's foreign relations.
| | 摩苏尔省位于今天伊拉克的北部，是一个具有战略意义的地区，尤其是因为它蕴藏着丰富的石油资源。摩苏尔的民族构成中库尔德人占很大比例，这进一步增加了伊拉克政治的复杂性。战后，摩苏尔的地位成为国际辩论的主题，土耳其人和英国人都对该地区提出了主权要求。最终，国际联盟做出了有利于伊拉克的裁决，将摩苏尔并入新的国家。位于中部的巴格达市是该地区的历史和文化中心。巴格达这座历史悠久的城市可以追溯到哈里发时代，在伊拉克的政治和文化生活中一直发挥着核心作用。巴格达省的民族和宗教多样性一直是现代伊拉克政治动态的关键因素。至于南部的巴士拉省，这个主要由什叶派阿拉伯人居住的地区一直是重要的商业和港口中心。巴士拉与波斯湾和阿拉伯世界的联系对伊拉克经济至关重要，并影响着伊拉克的对外关系。 |
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| The merger of these three distinct provinces into a single state under the British mandate was not without its difficulties. Managing ethnic, religious and tribal tensions has been a constant challenge for Iraqi leaders. Iraq's strategic importance was reinforced by the discovery of oil, attracting the attention of Western powers and profoundly influencing the country's political and economic development. The decisions taken during and after the British Mandate laid the foundations for Iraq's political and social complexities, which have continued to manifest themselves throughout its modern history, including the reign of Saddam Hussein and beyond. The formation of Iraq, a mixture of diverse regions and groups, was a key factor in the many challenges the country faced in the following century.
| | 在英国的授权下，将这三个不同的省份合并为一个国家并非没有困难。处理种族、宗教和部落紧张关系一直是伊拉克领导人面临的挑战。石油的发现加强了伊拉克的战略重要性，吸引了西方列强的注意，并深刻影响了该国的政治和经济发展。英国委任统治期间和之后所做的决定为伊拉克复杂的政治和社会状况奠定了基础，这些复杂状况在伊拉克现代历史上，包括萨达姆-侯赛因统治时期及之后，仍在不断显现。伊拉克由不同地区和群体组成，这是该国在下个世纪面临诸多挑战的关键因素。 |
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| === British Influence and Oil Interests (Early 20th Century) === | | === 英国的影响和石油利益（20 世纪初）=== |
| Britain's fascination with Iraq in the first half of the 20th century was part of a wider framework of British imperial policy, in which geostrategy and natural resources played a prominent role. Iraq, with its direct access to the Persian Gulf and proximity to oil-rich Persia, quickly became a territory of major interest to Britain as it sought to extend its influence in the Middle East. Iraq's strategic importance was linked to its geographical position, offering access to the Persian Gulf, a crucial waterway for trade and maritime communications. This control gave Britain an advantage in securing vital trade and shipping routes, particularly in relation to its colonial empire in India and beyond. Oil, which became a strategically vital resource in the early 20th century, heightened Britain's interest in Iraq and the surrounding region. The discovery of oil in Persia (modern-day Iran) by the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (later British Petroleum, or BP) highlighted the region's oil potential. Great Britain, anxious to secure oil supplies for its navy and industry, saw Iraq as a key territory for its energy interests.
| | 20 世纪上半叶，英国对伊拉克的迷恋是英帝国政策大框架的一部分，其中地缘战略和自然资源发挥了重要作用。伊拉克直通波斯湾，毗邻石油资源丰富的波斯，因此很快成为英国主要关注的领土，因为英国试图扩大其在中东的影响力。伊拉克的战略重要性与其所处的地理位置有关，它提供了通往波斯湾的通道，而波斯湾是贸易和海上交通的重要水道。这种控制权使英国在确保重要的贸易和航运路线方面占据优势，尤其是与其在印度和其他地区的殖民帝国相关的贸易和航运路线。20 世纪初，石油成为重要的战略资源，英国对伊拉克及周边地区的兴趣也随之增加。英国-波斯石油公司（后来的英国石油公司）在波斯（今伊朗）发现了石油，凸显了该地区的石油潜力。英国急于为其海军和工业确保石油供应，将伊拉克视为其能源利益的重要领土。 |
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| The British Mandate in Iraq, established by the League of Nations after the First World War, gave Britain considerable control over the formation of the Iraqi state. However, this period was marked by tensions and resistance, as evidenced by the Iraqi revolt of 1920, a significant reaction to British rule and attempts to implant foreign administrative and political structures. British actions in Iraq were guided by a combination of imperial objectives and practical necessity. As the 20th century progressed, Iraq became an increasingly complex issue in British politics, especially with the emergence of Arab nationalism and the rise of demands for independence. Britain's role in Iraq, and more widely in the Middle East, has therefore been a mixture of imperial strategy, natural resource management and responding to the ever-changing political dynamics of the region.
| | 第一次世界大战后，国际联盟建立了英国在伊拉克的委任统治，使英国对伊拉克国家的形成拥有相当大的控制权。然而，这一时期却充满了紧张和反抗，1920 年的伊拉克起义就是证明，起义是对英国统治的重大反击，并试图植入外国的行政和政治结构。英国在伊拉克的行动以帝国目标和实际需要为指导。随着 20 世纪的发展，伊拉克成为英国政治中一个日益复杂的问题，特别是随着阿拉伯民族主义的兴起和独立要求的上升。因此，英国在伊拉克以及更广泛的中东地区所扮演的角色是帝国战略、自然资源管理和应对该地区不断变化的政治动态的混合体。 |
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| === Role of Mosul and Ethnic Diversity (Early 20th century) === | | === 摩苏尔的作用和民族多样性（20 世纪初）=== |
| The Mosul region of northern Iraq has always been of crucial importance in the historical and political context of the Middle East. Its significance is due to several key factors that have made it a coveted territory over the centuries, particularly by Great Britain during the colonial era. The discovery of oil in the Mosul region was a major turning point. In the early 20th century, as the importance of oil as a global strategic resource became increasingly apparent, Mosul emerged as a territory of immense economic value. The region's substantial oil reserves attracted the attention of imperial powers, particularly Great Britain, which sought to secure sources of oil for its industrial and military needs. This hydrocarbon wealth not only stimulated international interest in Mosul, but also played a key role in shaping Iraqi politics and economy over the next century. In addition, Mosul's geographical position, close to the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, gives it particular strategic importance. The control of water sources in this arid region is vital for agriculture, the economy and daily life. This geographical importance has made Mosul an issue in international relations and regional dynamics, particularly in the context of tensions over the distribution of water in the region. Control of Mosul was also seen as essential to the stability of Iraq as a whole. Because of its ethnic and cultural diversity, with a population made up of Kurds, Arabs, Turkmen, Assyrians and other groups, the region has been an important cultural and political crossroads. Managing this diversity and integrating Mosul into the Iraqi state have been constant challenges for successive Iraqi governments. Maintaining stability in the northern region was crucial to Iraq's national cohesion and unity.
| | 伊拉克北部的摩苏尔地区在中东的历史和政治背景下一直具有至关重要的地位。几个世纪以来，特别是在殖民时代，摩苏尔一直是英国梦寐以求的领土。摩苏尔地区石油的发现是一个重要的转折点。20 世纪初，随着石油作为全球战略资源的重要性日益明显，摩苏尔成为一块具有巨大经济价值的领土。该地区丰富的石油储量吸引了帝国列强的注意，尤其是英国，英国试图确保石油来源以满足其工业和军事需求。这种油气财富不仅激发了国际社会对摩苏尔的兴趣，而且在下个世纪伊拉克政治和经济的形成过程中发挥了关键作用。此外，摩苏尔靠近底格里斯河和幼发拉底河源头的地理位置也赋予了其特殊的战略重要性。控制这一干旱地区的水源对农业、经济和日常生活至关重要。这种地理上的重要性使摩苏尔成为国际关系和地区动态中的一个问题，尤其是在该地区水资源分配紧张的背景下。对摩苏尔的控制也被视为对整个伊拉克的稳定至关重要。由于其民族和文化的多样性，该地区的人口由库尔德人、阿拉伯人、土库曼人、亚述人和其他群体组成，因此一直是一个重要的文化和政治十字路口。管理这种多样性并将摩苏尔融入伊拉克国家一直是伊拉克历届政府面临的挑战。保持北部地区的稳定对伊拉克的民族凝聚力和统一至关重要。 |
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| === Gertrude Bell's Contribution and Foundations of Modern Iraq (Early 20th Century) === | | === 格特鲁德-贝尔的贡献和现代伊拉克的奠基（20 世纪初）=== |
| Gertrude Bell's contribution to the formation of modern Iraq is an eloquent example of Western influence in the redefinition of borders and national identities in the Middle East in the early 20th century. Bell, a British archaeologist and colonial administrator, played a crucial role in the creation of the Iraqi state, notably by advocating the use of the term "Iraq", a name of Arabic origin, instead of "Mesopotamia", of Greek origin. This choice symbolised recognition of the region's Arab identity, as opposed to a designation imposed by foreign powers. However, as Pierre-Jean Luisard pointed out in his analysis of the Iraqi question, the foundations of modern Iraq were also the cradle of future problems. The structure of Iraq, conceived and implemented by colonial powers, brought together diverse ethnic and religious groups under a single state, creating a breeding ground for persistent tension and conflict. The domination of Sunnis, who are often in the minority, over Shiites, who are in the majority, has given rise to sectarian tensions and conflicts, exacerbated by discriminatory policies and ideological differences. In addition, the marginalisation of the Kurds, a large ethnic group in northern Iraq, has fuelled demands for autonomy and recognition, often repressed by the central government.
| | 格特鲁德-贝尔对现代伊拉克的形成所做的贡献是 20 世纪初西方影响中东地区重新确定边界和国家身份的一个有力例证。贝尔是英国考古学家和殖民地管理者，在伊拉克国家的建立过程中发挥了至关重要的作用，特别是她主张使用源自阿拉伯语的 "伊拉克 "一词，而不是源自希腊语的 "美索不达米亚"。这一选择象征着对该地区阿拉伯特性的承认，而不是外国强权强加的名称。然而，正如皮埃尔-让-路易萨德在分析伊拉克问题时所指出的，现代伊拉克的基础也是未来问题的摇篮。由殖民国家构想并实施的伊拉克结构将不同的种族和宗教团体集中在一个单一的国家之下，为持续的紧张局势和冲突创造了温床。逊尼派往往占少数，而什叶派占多数，这就造成了教派紧张局势和冲突，而歧视性政策和意识形态分歧又加剧了这种紧张局势和冲突。此外，伊拉克北部的一个大族群--库尔德人被边缘化，这也助长了他们要求自治和获得承认的呼声，而这些呼声往往遭到中央政府的压制。 |
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| These internal tensions were exacerbated under the regime of Saddam Hussein, who ruled Iraq with an iron fist, exacerbating sectarian and ethnic divisions. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988), the Anfal campaign against the Kurds, and the invasion of Kuwait in 1990 are examples of how Iraq's internal and external policies were influenced by these power dynamics. The invasion of Iraq in 2003 by a US-led coalition and the fall of Saddam Hussein ushered in a new period of conflict and instability, revealing the fragility of the foundations on which the Iraqi state had been built. The years that followed were marked by increased sectarian violence, internal power struggles and the emergence of extremist groups such as the Islamic State, which took advantage of the political vacuum and the disintegration of the state order. The story of Iraq is one of a state shaped by foreign influences and facing complex internal challenges. Gertrude Bell's contribution, while significant in the formation of Iraq, was part of a wider context of nation-building and conflict that continued to shape the country well beyond its founding.
| | 萨达姆-侯赛因政权铁腕统治伊拉克，加剧了教派和种族分裂，这些国内紧张局势也因此加剧。两伊战争（1980-1988 年）、针对库尔德人的安法尔运动以及 1990 年入侵科威特都是伊拉克的内外政策如何受到这些权力动态影响的例子。2003 年，以美国为首的联军入侵伊拉克，萨达姆-侯赛因下台，伊拉克进入了一个新的冲突和不稳定时期，暴露出伊拉克国家基础的脆弱性。在随后的岁月里，教派暴力、内部权力斗争愈演愈烈，伊斯兰国等极端组织趁政治真空和国家秩序瓦解之机异军突起。伊拉克是一个受外来影响而形成的国家，面临着复杂的内部挑战。格特鲁德-贝尔的贡献虽然对伊拉克的形成具有重要意义，但也是国家建设和冲突大背景的一部分，而国家建设和冲突在伊拉克建国后仍在继续。 |
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| === Divide and rule and Sunni domination (early 20th century) === | | === 分而治之和逊尼派统治（20 世纪初）=== |
| Britain's colonial approach to the creation and management of Iraq is a classic example of the 'divide and rule' strategy, which had a profound impact on Iraq's political and social structure. According to this approach, colonial powers often favoured a minority within society in order to keep it in power, thereby ensuring its dependence and loyalty to the metropolis, while at the same time weakening national unity. In the case of Iraq, the British installed the Sunni minority in power, despite the fact that Shiites made up the majority of the population. In 1920, Faisal I, a member of the Hashemite royal family, was installed as ruler of the newly formed Iraq. Faisal, despite having roots in the Arabian Peninsula, was chosen by the British for his pan-Arab legitimacy and his presumed ability to unify the various ethnic and religious groups under his rule. However, this decision exacerbated sectarian and ethnic tensions in the country. Shiites and Kurds, feeling marginalised and excluded from political power, were quick to express their discontent. As early as 1925, Shiite and Kurdish uprisings broke out in response to this marginalisation and to the policies implemented by the Sunni-dominated government. These protests were violently suppressed, sometimes with the help of the British Royal Air Force, with the aim of stabilising the state and maintaining colonial control. The use of force to quell the Shiite and Kurdish revolts laid the foundations for continuing instability in Iraq. British-backed Sunni domination engendered long-lasting resentment among Shia and Kurdish populations, contributing to cycles of rebellion and repression that marked Iraqi history throughout the 20th century. This dynamic also fuelled nationalist sentiment among Shiites and Kurds, reinforcing their aspirations for greater autonomy and even independence, particularly in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq.
| | 英国殖民时期建立和管理伊拉克的方式是 "分而治之 "战略的典型范例，对伊拉克的政治和社会结构产生了深远影响。根据这种方法，殖民国家往往偏袒社会中的少数群体，使其继续掌权，从而确保其对大都市的依赖和忠诚，同时削弱民族团结。在伊拉克，尽管什叶派占人口的大多数，英国人还是扶持逊尼派少数派掌权。1920 年，哈希姆王室成员费萨尔一世成为新成立的伊拉克的统治者。尽管费萨尔的祖籍在阿拉伯半岛，但英国人还是选择了他，因为他具有泛阿拉伯的合法性，而且英国人认为他有能力将不同的民族和宗教团体统一在自己的统治之下。然而，这一决定却加剧了该国的教派和种族紧张关系。什叶派和库尔德人感到自己被边缘化，并被排除在政治权力之外，他们很快就表达了不满。早在 1925 年，什叶派和库尔德人就针对这种边缘化和逊尼派主导的政府所实施的政策爆发了起义。这些抗议活动遭到了暴力镇压，有时还得到了英国皇家空军的帮助，目的是稳定国家局势和维持殖民控制。使用武力镇压什叶派和库尔德人的起义为伊拉克的持续不稳定奠定了基础。英国支持的逊尼派统治引起了什叶派和库尔德人的长期不满，导致了伊拉克整个20世纪历史上的叛乱和镇压循环。这种态势也助长了什叶派和库尔德人的民族主义情绪，加强了他们对更大自治权甚至独立的渴望，尤其是在伊拉克北部的库尔德地区。 |
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| === Independence and Continued British Influence (1932) === | | === 独立和英国的持续影响（1932 年）=== |
| Iraq's accession to independence in 1932 represented a pivotal moment in the history of the Middle East, highlighting the complexity of decolonisation and the continuing influence of the colonial powers. Iraq became the first state, created from scratch by a League of Nations mandate following the First World War, to formally achieve independence. This event marked an important stage in Iraq's evolution from a British protectorate to a sovereign state. Iraq's membership of the League of Nations in 1932 was hailed as a sign of its status as an independent and sovereign nation. However, this independence was in practice hampered by the maintenance of considerable British influence over Iraq's internal affairs. Although Iraq formally gained sovereignty, the British continued to exercise indirect control over the country.
| | 伊拉克于 1932 年获得独立，这是中东历史上的关键时刻，凸显了非殖民化的复杂性和殖民国家的持续影响。伊拉克是第一次世界大战后根据国际联盟授权从零开始建立的第一个正式实现独立的国家。这一事件标志着伊拉克从英国保护国发展成为主权国家的重要阶段。伊拉克于 1932 年加入国际联盟，这标志着伊拉克成为一个独立的主权国家。然而，由于英国对伊拉克内政仍有相当大的影响力，这种独立实际上受到了阻碍。虽然伊拉克正式获得了主权，但英国继续对该国实施间接控制。 |
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| This control was expressed in particular in the Iraqi government administration, where each Iraqi minister had a British assistant. These assistants, often experienced administrators, had an advisory role, but their presence also symbolised British control over Iraqi politics. This situation created an environment where Iraqi sovereignty was in part hampered by British influence and interests. This period in Iraqi history was also marked by internal tensions and political challenges. The Iraqi government, while sovereign, had to navigate a complex landscape of ethnic and religious divisions, while managing the expectations and pressures of the former colonial powers. These dynamics contributed to periods of instability and internal conflict, reflecting the difficulties inherent in Iraq's transition from mandate to independent nation. Iraq's independence in 1932, although an important milestone, did not put an end to foreign influence in the country. On the contrary, it marked the beginning of a new phase of international relations and domestic challenges for Iraq, shaping its political and social development in the decades that followed.
| | 这种控制尤其体现在伊拉克政府的行政管理上，每个伊拉克部长都有一名英国助理。这些助理通常是经验丰富的行政官员，他们的作用是提供咨询，但他们的存在也象征着英国对伊拉克政治的控制。在这种情况下，伊拉克的主权在一定程度上受到了英国影响和利益的阻碍。伊拉克历史上的这一时期也充满了内部紧张局势和政治挑战。伊拉克政府虽然是主权国家，但必须应对复杂的种族和宗教分歧，同时还要应对前殖民国家的期望和压力。这些动态因素导致了一些时期的不稳定和内部冲突，反映了伊拉克从委任统治国过渡到独立国家过程中固有的困难。1932 年伊拉克独立虽然是一个重要的里程碑，但并没有结束外国对伊拉克的影响。相反，它标志着伊拉克国际关系和国内挑战新阶段的开始，并影响了其后几十年的政治和社会发展。 |
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| === 1941 Coup and British Intervention (1941) === | | === 1941 年政变和英国干预（1941 年）=== |
| In 1941, Iraq was the scene of a critical event that illustrated the fragility of its independence and the persistence of British influence in the country. It was the year of the coup d'état led by Rashid Ali al-Gaylani, which triggered a series of events culminating in British military intervention. Rashid Ali, who had previously served as Prime Minister, led a coup against the pro-British government in place. The coup was motivated by a variety of factors, including Arab nationalism, opposition to the British presence and influence in Iraq, and growing anti-colonial sentiments among certain factions of the Iraqi political and military elite.
| | 1941 年，伊拉克发生了一起关键事件，表明伊拉克独立的脆弱性和英国在该国的持续影响。这一年发生了由拉希德-阿里-盖拉尼（Rashid Ali al-Gaylani）领导的政变，引发了一系列事件，最终导致英国的军事干预。拉希德-阿里曾担任过首相，他领导了一场针对亲英现政府的政变。政变的动机是多方面的，包括阿拉伯民族主义、反对英国在伊拉克的存在和影响，以及伊拉克政治和军事精英中某些派别日益高涨的反殖民情绪。 |
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| Rashid Ali's seizure of power was seen as a direct threat to Britain, not least because of Iraq's strategic position during the Second World War. Iraq, with its access to oil and its geographical position, was crucial to British interests in the region, particularly in the context of the war against the Axis powers. In response to the coup, Britain quickly intervened militarily. Fearing that Iraq would fall under Axis influence or disrupt oil and supply routes, British forces launched a campaign to overthrow Rashid Ali and restore a British-friendly government. The operation was swift and decisive, ending Rashid Ali's brief reign. Following this intervention, Britain placed a new king in power, reasserting its influence over Iraqi politics. This period underlined Iraq's vulnerability to foreign intervention and highlighted the limits of its sovereign independence. The British intervention of 1941 also had a lasting impact on Iraqi politics, fuelling an anti-British and anti-colonial sentiment that continued to influence future political events in the country.
| | 拉希德-阿里夺取政权被视为对英国的直接威胁，尤其是因为伊拉克在第二次世界大战期间的战略地位。伊拉克的石油资源和地理位置对英国在该地区的利益至关重要，尤其是在与轴心国的战争中。作为对政变的回应，英国迅速进行了军事干预。由于担心伊拉克会受到轴心国的影响或破坏石油和供应路线，英国军队发动了一场推翻拉希德-阿里、恢复英国友好政府的战役。行动迅速而果断，结束了拉希德-阿里短暂的统治。这次干预之后，英国扶植新国王上台，重新确立了对伊拉克政治的影响力。这一时期凸显了伊拉克在外国干预面前的脆弱性，也突出了其主权独立的局限性。1941 年英国的干预也对伊拉克政治产生了持久影响，助长了反英和反殖民情绪，这种情绪继续影响着伊拉克未来的政治事件。 |
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| === Iraq during the Cold War and the Baghdad Pact (1955) === | | === 冷战时期的伊拉克和《巴格达条约》（1955 年）=== |
| Iraq's history during the Cold War is an example of how the geopolitical interests of the superpowers continued to influence and shape the internal and external politics of the countries in the region. During this period, Iraq became a key player in the containment strategies pursued by the United States against the Soviet Union.
| | 伊拉克在冷战时期的历史是超级大国的地缘政治利益如何继续影响和塑造该地区国家内外政治的一个例子。在此期间，伊拉克成为美国对苏联实施遏制战略的关键角色。 |
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| In 1955, Iraq played a major role in the formation of the Baghdad Pact, a military and political alliance initiated by the United States. This pact, also known as the Middle East Pact, aimed to establish a security cordon in the region to counter the influence and expansion of the Soviet Union. In addition to Iraq, the pact included Turkey, Iran, Pakistan and the UK, forming a united front against communism in a strategically important region. The Baghdad Pact was in line with the United States' policy of "containment", which sought to limit Soviet expansion around the world. This policy was motivated by the perception of a growing Soviet threat and the desire to prevent the spread of communism, particularly in strategic areas such as the oil-rich Middle East.
| | 1955 年，伊拉克在美国发起的军事和政治联盟《巴格达条约》的形成过程中发挥了重要作用。该条约也被称为 "中东条约"，旨在该地区建立安全警戒线，以对抗苏联的影响和扩张。除伊拉克外，该条约还包括土耳其、伊朗、巴基斯坦和英国，在这一具有重要战略意义的地区形成了反对共产主义的统一战线。巴格达条约》符合美国的 "遏制 "政策，即试图限制苏联在全球的扩张。这一政策的动机是认为苏联的威胁日益严重，并希望防止共产主义的扩散，尤其是在中东等石油资源丰富的战略地区。 |
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| However, Iraq's involvement in the Baghdad Pact had internal implications. This alliance with the Western powers was controversial within the Iraqi population and exacerbated internal political tensions. The pact was seen by many as a continuation of foreign interference in Iraqi affairs and fuelled nationalist and anti-Western sentiment among certain factions. In 1958, Iraq experienced a coup that overthrew the monarchy and established the Republic of Iraq. The coup was largely motivated by anti-Western sentiments and opposition to the monarchy's pro-Western foreign policy. After the coup, Iraq withdrew from the Baghdad Pact, marking a significant change in its foreign policy and underlining the complexity of its geopolitical position during the Cold War.
| | 然而，伊拉克参与《巴格达条约》对内产生了影响。与西方列强结盟在伊拉克民众中引起争议，加剧了国内政治紧张局势。许多人认为该条约是外国干涉伊拉克事务的延续，并助长了某些派别的民族主义和反西方情绪。1958 年，伊拉克发生政变，推翻了君主制，建立了伊拉克共和国。政变的主要动机是反西方情绪和反对君主制的亲西方外交政策。政变后，伊拉克退出了《巴格达条约》，标志着其外交政策发生了重大变化，凸显了冷战时期伊拉克地缘政治地位的复杂性。 |
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| === 1958 Revolution and Rise of Baathism (1958) === | | === 1958 年革命和复兴党的崛起（1958 年）=== |
| The 1958 revolution in Iraq was a decisive turning point in the country's modern history, marking the end of the monarchy and the establishment of the Republic. This period of profound political and social change in Iraq coincided with major political developments in other parts of the Arab world, in particular the formation of the United Arab Republic (UAR) by Egypt and Syria. Abdel Karim Kassem, an Iraqi army officer, played a key role in the 1958 coup that overthrew the Hashemite monarchy in Iraq. After the revolution, Kassem became the first Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq. His seizure of power was met with widespread popular support, as many saw him as a leader capable of leading Iraq into an era of reform and greater independence from foreign influence. Meanwhile, in 1958, Egypt and Syria merged to form the United Arab Republic, a pan-Arab unification effort led by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. The UAR represented an attempt at political unity between Arab nations, based on Arab nationalism and anti-imperialism. However, Abdel Karim Kassem chose not to join the RAU. He had his own visions for Iraq, which differed from Nasser's model.
| | 1958 年的伊拉克革命是伊拉克现代史上的一个决定性转折点，标志着君主制的终结和共和国的建立。伊拉克在这一时期发生了深刻的政治和社会变革，与此同时，阿拉伯世界其他地区也出现了重大政治发展，特别是埃及和叙利亚成立了阿拉伯联合共和国（UAR）。伊拉克军官阿卜杜勒-卡里姆-卡西姆在 1958 年推翻伊拉克哈希姆君主制的政变中发挥了关键作用。革命后，卡西姆成为伊拉克共和国首任总理。他的夺权得到了民众的广泛支持，因为许多人认为他是一位有能力带领伊拉克进入改革和更加独立、不受外国影响的时代的领导人。与此同时，1958 年，埃及和叙利亚合并成立了阿拉伯联合共和国，这是由埃及总统贾迈勒-阿卜杜勒-纳赛尔领导的泛阿拉伯统一努力。阿拉伯联合共和国代表了阿拉伯国家在阿拉伯民族主义和反帝国主义基础上实现政治统一的尝试。然而，阿卜杜勒-卡里姆-卡西姆没有加入阿拉伯团结联盟。他对伊拉克有自己的看法，与纳赛尔的模式不同。 |
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| Kassem focused on consolidating power in Iraq and sought to strengthen his internal support by reaching out to groups that were often marginalised in Iraqi society, notably the Kurds and Shiites. Under his regime, Iraq underwent a period of social and economic reform. In particular, Kassem enacted land reforms and worked to modernise the Iraqi economy. However, his government was also marked by political tensions and conflicts. Kassem's policies towards the Kurds and the Shiites, although aimed at inclusion, also gave rise to tensions with other groups and regional powers. In addition, his regime faced stability challenges and internal opposition, including coup attempts and conflicts with rival political factions.
| | 卡西姆专注于巩固伊拉克的政权，并试图通过接触伊拉克社会中经常被边缘化的群体，特别是库尔德人和什叶派来加强内部支持。在他执政期间，伊拉克经历了一段社会和经济改革时期。特别是，卡西姆颁布了土地改革法案，并努力实现伊拉克经济的现代化。然而，他的政府也充满了政治矛盾和冲突。卡西姆对库尔德人和什叶派的政策虽然旨在包容，但也引发了与其他团体和地区势力的紧张关系。此外，他的政权还面临着稳定挑战和内部反对，包括政变企图和与敌对政治派别的冲突。 |
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| The post-revolutionary period in Iraq in the early 1960s was marked by rapid and often violent political change, with the emergence of Baathism as a significant political force. Abdel Karim Kassem, who had ruled Iraq since the 1958 revolution, was overthrown and killed in a coup d'état in 1963. The coup was orchestrated by a group of Arab nationalists and members of the Baath Party, a pan-Arab socialist political organisation. The Baath Party, founded in Syria, had gained influence in several Arab countries, including Iraq, and advocated Arab unity, socialism and secularism. Abdel Salam Aref, who replaced Kassem at the head of Iraq, was a member of the Ba'ath party and held different political views to those of his predecessor. Unlike Kassem, Aref favoured the idea of a United Arab Republic and supported the concept of pan-Arab unity. His accession to power marked a significant change in Iraqi politics, with a move towards policies more aligned with Baathist ideals.
| | 20 世纪 60 年代初，伊拉克革命后时期的特点是政治变革迅速，而且往往是暴力变革，复兴党成为一支重要的政治力量。自 1958 年革命以来一直统治伊拉克的阿卜杜勒-卡里姆-卡西姆在 1963 年的政变中被推翻并杀害。这场政变是由一群阿拉伯民族主义者和泛阿拉伯社会主义政治组织复兴党成员策划的。复兴党成立于叙利亚，在包括伊拉克在内的多个阿拉伯国家都有影响力，主张阿拉伯统一、社会主义和世俗主义。接替卡西姆担任伊拉克首脑的阿卜杜勒-萨拉姆-阿雷夫是复兴党成员，他的政治观点与前任不同。与卡西姆不同，阿雷夫赞成建立阿拉伯联合共和国，支持泛阿拉伯统一的理念。他的上台标志着伊拉克政治发生了重大变化，伊拉克的政策更加符合复兴党的理想。 |
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| The death of Abdel Salam Aref in a helicopter crash in 1966 led to another transition of power. His brother, Abdul Rahman Aref, succeeded him as President. The Aref brothers' period of governance was a time when Baathism began to gain a foothold in Iraq, although their regime was also marked by instability and internal power struggles. Baathism in Iraq, although having common origins with Syrian Baathism, developed its own characteristics and dynamics. The governments of Abdel Salam Aref and Abdul Rahman Aref faced various challenges, including internal tensions within the Baath Party and opposition from different social and political groups. These tensions eventually led to another coup in 1968, led by the Iraqi sector of the Baath Party, which saw the rise of figures such as Saddam Hussein into the ranks of the Iraqi leadership.
| | 1966 年，阿卜杜勒-萨拉姆-阿雷夫在一次直升机坠毁事故中丧生，导致了另一次权力交接。他的弟弟阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼-阿雷夫继任总统。阿雷夫兄弟执政期间，复兴党开始在伊拉克站稳脚跟，但他们的政权也充满了不稳定和内部权力斗争。伊拉克的复兴主义虽然与叙利亚的复兴主义有着共同的起源，但也形成了自己的特点和动力。阿卜杜勒-萨拉姆-阿雷夫和阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼-阿雷夫的政府面临着各种挑战，包括复兴党内部的紧张关系以及来自不同社会和政治团体的反对。这些紧张局势最终导致了 1968 年由复兴党伊拉克派领导的另一场政变，萨达姆-侯赛因等人在这场政变中崛起，进入伊拉克领导层。 |
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| === Saddam Hussein's reign and the Iran-Iraq War (1979 - 1988) === | | === 萨达姆-侯赛因的统治和两伊战争（1979-1988 年）=== |
| Saddam Hussein's rise to power in 1979 marked a new era in Iraq's political and social history. As the dominant figure in the Ba'ath Party, Saddam Hussein undertook a series of reforms and policies aimed at strengthening state control and modernising Iraqi society, while consolidating his own power. One of the key aspects of Saddam Hussein's governance was the process of tribal statehood, a strategy aimed at integrating traditional tribal structures into the state apparatus. The aim of this approach was to win the support of the tribes, particularly the Tiplit, by involving them in government structures and granting them certain privileges. In return, these tribes provided crucial support to Saddam Hussein, thereby strengthening his regime.
| | 萨达姆-侯赛因于 1979 年掌权，标志着伊拉克政治和社会历史进入了一个新时代。作为复兴党的主导人物，萨达姆-侯赛因推行了一系列改革和政策，旨在加强国家控制和伊拉克社会现代化，同时巩固自己的权力。萨达姆-侯赛因施政的一个重要方面是部落建国进程，这是一项旨在将传统部落结构纳入国家机器的战略。这种做法的目的是通过让部落，特别是提普利特部落参与政府机构并给予他们某些特权，来赢得他们的支持。作为回报，这些部落为萨达姆-侯赛因提供了重要支持，从而加强了他的政权。 |
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| In parallel with this tribal policy, Saddam Hussein launched ambitious modernisation programmes in various sectors such as education, the economy and housing. These programmes aimed to transform Iraq into a modern, developed nation. A major element of this modernisation was the nationalisation of Iraq's oil industry, which allowed the government to control a vital resource and fund its development initiatives. However, despite these modernisation efforts, the Iraqi economy under Saddam Hussein was largely based on a clientelist system. This clientelist system involved the distribution of favours, resources and government positions to individuals and groups in exchange for their political support. This approach created a dependency on the regime and contributed to the maintenance of a network of loyalty to Saddam Hussein. Although Saddam Hussein's initiatives led to certain economic and social developments, they were also accompanied by political repression and human rights violations. Saddam Hussein's consolidation of power has often been at the expense of political freedom and opposition, leading to internal tensions and conflict.
| | 在推行部落政策的同时，萨达姆-侯赛因还在教育、经济和住房等多个领域推出了雄心勃勃的现代化计划。这些计划旨在将伊拉克改造成一个现代化的发达国家。现代化的一个重要因素是伊拉克石油工业的国有化，这使得政府能够控制重要资源，并为其发展计划提供资金。然而，尽管进行了这些现代化努力，萨达姆-侯赛因统治下的伊拉克经济在很大程度上还是建立在贿赂主义制度的基础上。这种裙带关系制度涉及向个人和团体分配恩惠、资源和政府职位，以换取他们的政治支持。这种做法造成了对该政权的依赖，有助于维持一个效忠萨达姆-侯赛因的网络。尽管萨达姆-侯赛因的举措带来了某些经济和社会发展，但也伴随着政治压迫和侵犯人权行为。萨达姆-侯赛因对权力的巩固往往以牺牲政治自由和反对派为代价，从而导致内部紧张和冲突。 |
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| The Iran-Iraq war, which began in 1980 and continued until 1988, is one of the bloodiest and most destructive conflicts of the 20th century. Initiated by Saddam Hussein, the war had far-reaching consequences for both Iraq and Iran, as well as for the region as a whole. Saddam Hussein, seeking to exploit Iran's apparent vulnerability in the wake of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, launched an offensive against Iran. He feared that the revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini would spread to Iraq, particularly among the country's Shiite majority, and destabilise his predominantly Sunni Baathist regime. In addition, Saddam Hussein aimed to establish Iraq's regional dominance and control over oil-rich territories, particularly in the border region of Shatt al-Arab. The war quickly escalated into a protracted and costly conflict, characterised by trench fighting, chemical attacks and massive human suffering. More than half a million soldiers were killed on both sides, and millions of people were affected by the destruction and displacement.
| | 两伊战争始于 1980 年，一直持续到 1988 年，是 20 世纪最血腥、最具破坏性的冲突之一。战争由萨达姆-侯赛因发起，对伊拉克和伊朗乃至整个地区都产生了深远影响。萨达姆-侯赛因试图利用伊朗在 1979 年伊斯兰革命后的明显弱势，对伊朗发起进攻。他担心阿亚图拉-霍梅尼领导的革命会蔓延到伊拉克，特别是在该国占多数的什叶派中，并破坏他的以逊尼派为主的复兴党政权的稳定。此外，萨达姆-侯赛因的目标是建立伊拉克的地区主导地位，控制石油资源丰富的领土，尤其是阿拉伯河边境地区。战争迅速升级为一场旷日持久、代价高昂的冲突，其特点是堑壕战、化学武器袭击和巨大的人类苦难。双方有 50 多万士兵丧生，数百万人受到破坏和流离失所的影响。 |
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| Regionally, the war has led to complex alliances. Syria, led by Hafez al-Assad, chose to support Iran, despite ideological differences, partly because of the Syrian-Iraqi rivalry. Iran also received support from Hezbollah, a Shiite militant organisation based in Lebanon. These alliances reflected the growing political and sectarian divisions in the region. The war finally ended in 1988, with no clear winner. The ceasefire, negotiated under the auspices of the United Nations, left the borders largely unchanged and no significant reparations were made. The conflict left both countries severely weakened and in debt, and laid the foundations for future conflicts in the region, including Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990 and subsequent interventions in the region by the United States and its allies.
| | 就地区而言，战争导致了复杂的联盟。哈菲兹-阿萨德领导的叙利亚选择支持伊朗，尽管双方在意识形态上存在分歧，部分原因是叙利亚和伊拉克之间的竞争。伊朗还得到了总部设在黎巴嫩的什叶派激进组织真主党的支持。这些联盟反映了该地区日益加剧的政治和教派分歧。战争最终于 1988 年结束，没有明显的赢家。在联合国主持下谈判达成的停火协议基本没有改变边界，也没有做出重大赔偿。这场冲突使两国国力严重削弱，债台高筑，并为该地区未来的冲突奠定了基础，包括 1990 年伊拉克入侵科威特以及美国及其盟国随后对该地区的干预。 |
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| The end of the Iran-Iraq war in 1988 was a crucial moment, marking the end of eight years of bitter conflict and considerable human suffering. Iran, under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini, finally accepted United Nations Security Council Resolution 598, which called for an immediate ceasefire and an end to hostilities between the two countries. Iran's decision to accept the ceasefire came against a backdrop of growing difficulties on the home front and an increasingly unfavourable military situation. Despite initial efforts to resist Iraqi aggression and make territorial gains, Iran has been under enormous economic and military pressure, exacerbated by international isolation and the human and material costs of the protracted conflict.
| | 1988 年两伊战争的结束是一个关键时刻，标志着长达八年的激烈冲突和巨大的人类苦难的结束。在阿亚图拉-霍梅尼的领导下，伊朗最终接受了联合国安理会第 598 号决议，该决议呼吁两国立即停火并结束敌对行动。伊朗决定接受停火的背景是后方的困难日益增加，军事形势日益不利。尽管伊朗最初努力抵抗伊拉克的侵略并取得了领土，但它一直承受着巨大的经济和军事压力，而国际孤立以及旷日持久的冲突所造成的人员和物质损失又加剧了这种压力。 |
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| A particularly disturbing element of the war was Iraq's use of chemical weapons, a tactic that marked a dramatic escalation in the violence of the conflict. Iraqi forces used chemical weapons on several occasions against Iranian forces and even against their own Kurdish population, as in the infamous Halabja massacre in 1988, when thousands of Kurdish civilians were killed by poison gas. Iraq's use of chemical weapons was widely condemned internationally and contributed to the diplomatic isolation of Saddam Hussein's regime. The 1988 ceasefire ended one of the bloodiest conflicts of the second half of the 20th century, but it left behind devastated countries and a region deeply scarred by the aftermath of war. Neither Iran nor Iraq succeeded in achieving the ambitious goals they had set themselves at the start of the conflict, and the war was ultimately characterised by its tragic futility and enormous human cost.
| | 战争中一个特别令人不安的因素是伊拉克使用化学武器，这一战术标志着冲突暴力的急剧升级。伊拉克军队曾多次对伊朗军队甚至本国库尔德人使用化学武器，例如在 1988 年臭名昭著的哈拉布贾大屠杀中，数以千计的库尔德平民被毒气毒死。伊拉克使用化学武器受到国际社会的广泛谴责，并导致萨达姆-侯赛因政权在外交上陷入孤立。1988 年的停火结束了 20 世纪下半叶最血腥的冲突之一，但却留下了满目疮痍的国家和饱受战争创伤的地区。伊朗和伊拉克都未能实现他们在冲突开始时为自己设定的宏伟目标，战争最终以其悲剧性的徒劳和巨大的人员伤亡为特征。 |
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| === Invasion of Kuwait and Gulf War (1990 - 1991) === | | === 入侵科威特和海湾战争（1990-1991 年）=== |
| Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990, under the command of Saddam Hussein, triggered a series of major events on the international stage, leading to the Gulf War of 1991. The invasion was motivated by a number of factors, including territorial claims, disputes over oil production and economic tensions. Saddam Hussein justified the invasion by claiming that Kuwait was historically part of Iraq. He also voiced grievances about Kuwait's oil production, which he accused of exceeding OPEC quotas, thereby contributing to the fall in oil prices and affecting the Iraqi economy, already weakened by the long war with Iran. The international response to the invasion was swift and firm. The United Nations Security Council condemned the invasion and imposed a strict economic embargo against Iraq. Subsequently, a coalition of international forces, led by the United States, was formed to liberate Kuwait. Although the operation was sanctioned by the UN, it was widely perceived as being dominated by the US, due to its leadership role and significant military contribution.
| | 1990 年，伊拉克在萨达姆-侯赛因的指挥下入侵科威特，在国际舞台上引发了一系列重大事件，导致了 1991 年的海湾战争。入侵科威特的动机是多方面的，包括领土要求、石油生产争端和经济紧张局势。萨达姆-侯赛因声称科威特在历史上是伊拉克的一部分，以此作为入侵的理由。他还对科威特的石油生产表示不满，指责科威特的石油生产超过了欧佩克的配额，从而导致油价下跌，影响了已经因与伊朗的长期战争而疲软的伊拉克经济。国际社会对入侵作出了迅速而坚决的反应。联合国安理会谴责了入侵行为，并对伊拉克实施了严厉的经济禁运。随后，以美国为首的国际部队组成联军，解放了科威特。虽然这次行动得到了联合国的批准，但由于美国的领导作用和重大军事贡献，人们普遍认为这次行动是由美国主导的。 |
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| The Gulf War, which began in January 1991, was brief but intense. The massive air campaign and subsequent ground operation quickly expelled Iraqi forces from Kuwait. However, the embargo imposed on Iraq had devastating consequences for the Iraqi civilian population. The economic sanctions, combined with the destruction of infrastructure during the war, led to a serious humanitarian crisis in Iraq, with shortages of food, medicine and other essential supplies. Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent Gulf War had a major impact on the region and on international relations. Iraq found itself isolated on the international stage, and Saddam Hussein faced increased internal and external challenges. This period also marked a turning point in US policy in the Middle East, strengthening its military and political presence in the region.
| | 1991 年 1 月开始的海湾战争短暂而激烈。大规模空袭和随后的地面行动迅速将伊拉克军队赶出了科威特。然而，对伊拉克实施的禁运给伊拉克平民造成了毁灭性后果。经济制裁加上战争期间对基础设施的破坏，导致伊拉克出现严重的人道主义危机，食品、药品和其他必需品短缺。伊拉克入侵科威特和随后的海湾战争对该地区和国际关系产生了重大影响。伊拉克发现自己在国际舞台上孤立无援，萨达姆-侯赛因面临着越来越多的内部和外部挑战。这一时期也是美国中东政策的转折点，美国加强了在该地区的军事和政治存在。 |
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| === Impact of the September 11th Attack and the American Invasion (2003) === | | === 9.11 袭击和美国入侵的影响（2003 年）=== |
| The period after 11 September 2001 marked a significant turning point in US foreign policy, particularly with regard to Iraq. Under President George W. Bush, Iraq was increasingly seen as part of what Bush described as the "Axis of Evil", an expression that fuelled the American public and political imagination in the context of the fight against international terrorism. Although Iraq was not directly involved in the 11 September attacks, the Bush administration put forward the theory that Saddam Hussein's Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and represented a threat to global security. This perception was used to justify the invasion of Iraq in 2003, a decision that was widely controversial, particularly after it was revealed that Iraq did not possess weapons of mass destruction.
| | 2001 年 9 月 11 日之后是美国外交政策的一个重要转折点，尤其是在伊拉克问题上。在乔治-W-布什总统的领导下，伊拉克日益被视为布什所说的 "邪恶轴心 "的一部分，这种说法在打击国际恐怖主义的背景下激发了美国公众和政治想象力。尽管伊拉克没有直接参与 "9-11 "袭击事件，但布什政府提出了萨达姆-侯赛因的伊拉克拥有大规模杀伤性武器并对全球安全构成威胁的理论。这一观点被用来作为 2003 年入侵伊拉克的理由，这一决定引起了广泛争议，尤其是在伊拉克被揭露并不拥有大规模杀伤性武器之后。 |
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| The invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq by US-led forces resulted in the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, but also led to unforeseen consequences and long-term instability. One of the most criticised policies of the US administration in Iraq was "de-Baathification", which aimed to eradicate the influence of Saddam Hussein's Baath Party. This policy included the disbanding of the Iraqi army and the dismantling of many administrative and governmental structures. However, de-Baathification created a power vacuum and exacerbated sectarian and ethnic tensions in Iraq. Many former members of the army and the Ba'ath party, suddenly deprived of their jobs and status, found themselves marginalised and in some cases joined insurgent groups. This situation contributed to the emergence and rise to power of jihadist groups such as Al-Qaeda in Iraq, which later became the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (EIIL), known as Daesh. The chaos and instability that followed the US invasion were key factors in the rise of the new jihadism represented by Daesh, which exploited the political vacuum, sectarian tensions and insecurity to extend its influence. The US intervention in Iraq, although initially presented as an effort to bring democracy and stability, has had profound and lasting consequences, plunging the country into a period of conflict, violence and instability that has persisted for many years.
| | 以美国为首的军队入侵并随后占领伊拉克，推翻了萨达姆-侯赛因，但也导致了不可预见的后果和长期的不稳定。美国政府在伊拉克最令人诟病的政策之一是 "去复兴党化"，旨在消除萨达姆-侯赛因领导的复兴党的影响力。这项政策包括解散伊拉克军队，拆除许多行政和政府机构。然而，去复兴党化造成了权力真空，加剧了伊拉克的教派和种族紧张关系。许多前军队和复兴党成员突然被剥夺了工作和地位，发现自己被边缘化了，在某些情况下还加入了叛乱组织。这种情况促使伊拉克基地组织等圣战组织出现并崛起，后来成为伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国（EIIL），又称 "达伊什"（Daesh）。美国入侵后的混乱和不稳定是达伊什所代表的新圣战主义崛起的关键因素，它利用政治真空、教派紧张关系和不安全局势扩大其影响力。美国对伊拉克的干预虽然最初是为了实现民主和稳定，但却产生了深远而持久的影响，使伊拉克陷入了持续多年的冲突、暴力和不稳定时期。 |
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| The withdrawal of US troops from Iraq in 2009 marked a new phase in the country's political history, characterised by the rise of Shiite groups and changes in power dynamics. After decades of marginalisation under the Sunni-dominated Baathist regime, Iraq's Shiite majority gained political influence following the fall of Saddam Hussein and the process of political reconstruction that followed the US invasion in 2003. With the establishment of a more representative government and the organisation of democratic elections, Shiite political parties, which had been repressed under Saddam Hussein's regime, have gained a prominent role in the new Iraqi political landscape. Shiite political figures, often supported by Iran, began to occupy key positions within the government, reflecting the demographic and political change in the country.
| | 2009 年美国从伊拉克撤军标志着该国政治历史进入了一个新阶段，其特点是什叶派团体的崛起和权力格局的变化。在逊尼派占主导地位的复兴党政权统治下，伊拉克的什叶派多数被边缘化了数十年，萨达姆-侯赛因倒台后，随着 2003 年美国入侵伊拉克，什叶派在政治重建进程中获得了影响力。随着更具代表性的政府的建立和民主选举的组织，在萨达姆-侯赛因政权下受到压制的什叶派政党在伊拉克新的政治格局中占据了重要地位。往往得到伊朗支持的什叶派政治人物开始在政府中担任要职，这反映了伊拉克的人口和政治变化。 |
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| However, this shift in power has also led to tension and conflict. Sunni and Kurdish communities, who had held positions of power under Saddam Hussein's regime or had sought autonomy, as in the case of Iraqi Kurdistan, found themselves marginalised in the new political order. This marginalisation, combined with the disbanding of the Iraqi army and other policies implemented after the invasion, created a sense of alienation and frustration among these groups. The marginalisation of Sunnis, in particular, has contributed to a climate of insecurity and discontent, creating fertile ground for insurgency and terrorism. Groups such as Al-Qaeda in Iraq, and later the Islamic State (Daesh), took advantage of these divisions to recruit members and extend their influence, leading to a period of intense sectarian violence and conflict.
| | 然而，权力的转移也导致了紧张和冲突。曾在萨达姆-侯赛因政权下掌权或寻求自治（如伊拉克库尔德斯坦）的逊尼派和库尔德社区发现自己在新的政治秩序中被边缘化了。这种边缘化，再加上伊拉克军队的解散和入侵后实施的其他政策，在这些群体中造成了一种疏离感和挫败感。逊尼派的边缘化尤其造成了不安全和不满的气氛，为叛乱和恐怖主义提供了肥沃的土壤。伊拉克基地组织以及后来的 "伊斯兰国"（Daesh）等组织利用这些分歧招募成员并扩大其影响力，导致了一段时期激烈的教派暴力和冲突。 |
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| =Israel= | | =以色列= |
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| === The beginnings of Zionism and the Balfour Declaration === | | === 犹太复国主义的开端和《贝尔福宣言》 === |
| The creation of the State of Israel in 1948 is a major historical event that has been interpreted in different ways, reflecting the complexities and tensions inherent in this period of history. On the one hand, it can be seen as the culmination of diplomatic and political efforts, marked by key decisions at international level. On the other, it is seen as the culmination of a national struggle, driven by the Zionist movement and the aspirations of the Jewish people for self-determination.
| | 1948 年以色列国的建立是一个重大历史事件，对这一事件有不同的解释，反映了这一历史时期固有的复杂性和紧张关系。一方面，它可以被视为外交和政治努力的顶点，以国际层面的关键决定为标志。另一方面，它也被视为犹太复国主义运动和犹太人民自决愿望所推动的民族斗争的顶峰。 |
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| The Balfour Declaration of 1917, in which the British government supported the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, laid the foundations for the creation of Israel. Although this declaration was a promise rather than a legally binding commitment, it was a key moment in the international recognition of Zionist aspirations. The British Mandate over Palestine, established after the First World War, then served as the administrative framework for the region, although tensions between the Jewish and Arab communities increased during this period. The partition plan for Palestine proposed by the UN in 1947, which envisaged the creation of two independent states, Jewish and Arab, with Jerusalem under international control, was another decisive moment. Although this plan was accepted by Jewish leaders, it was rejected by Arab parties, leading to open conflict after the British withdrawal from the region.
| | 1917 年的《贝尔福宣言》中，英国政府支持在巴勒斯坦为犹太人建立一个民族家园，这为以色列的建立奠定了基础。尽管该宣言只是一个承诺，而非具有法律约束力的承诺，但它却是国际社会承认犹太复国主义愿望的关键时刻。第一次世界大战后建立的英国对巴勒斯坦的委任统治成为该地区的行政管理框架，尽管在此期间犹太人和阿拉伯人社区之间的紧张关系加剧。1947 年联合国提出的巴勒斯坦分治计划是另一个决定性时刻，该计划设想建立两个独立的国家，即犹太国和阿拉伯国，耶路撒冷由国际社会控制。尽管犹太领导人接受了这一计划，但却遭到阿拉伯各方的反对，导致英国从该地区撤军后发生公开冲突。 |
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| Israel's War of Independence, which followed the proclamation of the State of Israel in May 1948 by David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first Prime Minister, was marked by fierce fighting against the armies of several neighbouring Arab countries. This war was a struggle for existence and sovereignty for the Israelis and a tragic moment of loss and displacement for the Palestinians, an event known as the Nakba (the catastrophe). The founding of Israel was thus greeted with jubilation by many Jews around the world, particularly in the context of persecution during the Second World War and the Holocaust. For Palestinians and many in the Arab world, however, 1948 was synonymous with loss and the beginning of a long conflict. The creation of Israel was therefore a pivotal event, not only for the people of the region, but also in the wider context of international relations, profoundly influencing Middle East politics in the decades that followed.
| | 1948 年 5 月，以色列首任总理戴维-本-古里安（David Ben-Gurion）宣布成立以色列国，随后爆发了以色列独立战争，与几个阿拉伯邻国的军队展开了激烈的战斗。这场战争对以色列人来说是一场争取生存和主权的斗争，对巴勒斯坦人来说则是一个丧失家园、流离失所的悲惨时刻，这一事件被称为 "大灾难"（Nakba）。因此，世界各地的许多犹太人欢欣鼓舞地迎接以色列的成立，尤其是在第二次世界大战和大屠杀期间遭受迫害的背景下。然而，对于巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界的许多人来说，1948 年是损失的代名词，是长期冲突的开端。因此，以色列的建立不仅对该地区的人民来说是一个关键事件，在更广泛的国际关系背景下也是如此，在随后的几十年里深刻影响了中东政治。 |
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| The Balfour Declaration, written on 2 November 1917, is a crucial document for understanding the origins of the State of Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Drafted by Arthur James Balfour, the British Foreign Secretary at the time, the Declaration was sent to Lord Rothschild, a leader of the British Jewish community, for transmission to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland. The text of the Balfour Declaration pledged the British government's support for the establishment in Palestine of a "national home for the Jewish people", while stipulating that this should not prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in the country, nor the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country. However, the non-Jewish populations of Palestine were not explicitly named in the document, which has been interpreted as a significant omission. The reasons behind the Balfour Declaration were multiple and complex, involving both British diplomatic and strategic considerations during the First World War. These included the desire to win Jewish support for Allied war efforts, particularly in Russia where the Bolshevik Revolution had created uncertainties, and the strategic interest in Palestine as a key region close to the Suez Canal, vital to the British Empire. The issue of the Balfour Declaration marked a turning point in the history of the region, as it was interpreted by the Zionists as international support for their aspiration to a national home in Palestine. For the Arab Palestinians, on the other hand, it was seen as a betrayal and a threat to their territorial and national claims. This dichotomy of perceptions laid the foundations for the tensions and conflict that followed in the region.
| | 写于 1917 年 11 月 2 日的《贝尔福宣言》是了解以色列国起源和以巴冲突的重要文件。宣言》由当时的英国外交大臣阿瑟-詹姆斯-贝尔福起草，并送交英国犹太社区领袖罗斯柴尔德勋爵，由其转交给大不列颠及爱尔兰犹太复国主义联合会。贝尔福宣言》的文本承诺英国政府支持在巴勒斯坦建立 "犹太人的民族家园"，同时规定这不应损害该国现有非犹太人社区的公民权利和宗教权利，也不应损害犹太人在任何其他国家享有的权利和政治地位。然而，文件中并未明确提及巴勒斯坦的非犹太人口，这被解释为一个重大遗漏。贝尔福宣言》背后的原因是多重而复杂的，涉及英国在第一次世界大战期间的外交和战略考虑。其中包括希望为盟军的战争努力争取犹太人的支持，特别是在布尔什维克革命带来不确定性的俄国，以及巴勒斯坦作为靠近苏伊士运河的关键地区对大英帝国的战略利益。贝尔福宣言》的发表标志着该地区历史的转折点，因为犹太复国主义者将其解释为国际社会支持他们在巴勒斯坦建立民族家园的愿望。另一方面，对于阿拉伯巴勒斯坦人来说，《贝尔福宣言》被视为对其领土和民族诉求的背叛和威胁。这种认识上的对立为该地区后来的紧张局势和冲突奠定了基础。 |
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| The historical context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is complex and extends well before the Balfour Declaration of 1917. The Jewish presence in Jerusalem and other parts of historic Palestine dates back millennia, although the demographics and composition of the population have fluctuated over time as a result of various historical events, including periods of exile and diaspora. During the 1800s and particularly in the 1830s, a significant migration of Jews to Palestine began, partly in response to persecution and pogroms in the Russian Empire and other parts of Europe. This migration, often seen as part of the first Aliyahs (ascents) within the nascent Zionist movement, was motivated by the desire to return to the Jewish ancestral homeland and to rebuild a Jewish presence in Palestine.
| | 以巴冲突的历史背景错综复杂，远在 1917 年《贝尔福宣言》之前就已存在。犹太人在耶路撒冷和历史上的巴勒斯坦其他地区的存在可以追溯到几千年前，尽管由于各种历史事件，包括流亡和散居时期，犹太人的人口和组成随着时间的推移而不断变化。19 世纪，特别是 19 世纪 30 年代，犹太人开始向巴勒斯坦大量迁移，部分原因是为了应对俄罗斯帝国和欧洲其他地区的迫害和大屠杀。这次迁徙通常被视为新生犹太复国主义运动中第一批 "阿利亚"（迁徙）的一部分，其动机是希望返回犹太祖先的家园，并在巴勒斯坦重建犹太人的存在。 |
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| An important aspect of this Jewish revival was the Askala or Haskala (Jewish Renaissance), a movement among European Jews, particularly Ashkenazim, to modernise Jewish culture and integrate into European society. This movement encouraged education, the adoption of local languages and customs, while promoting a renewed and dynamic Jewish identity. Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, often cited as the father of modern Hebrew, played a crucial role in the revival of Hebrew as a living language. His work was essential to Jewish cultural and national renewal, giving the Jewish community in Palestine a unifying means of communication and strengthening their distinct cultural identity.
| | 犹太复兴的一个重要方面是 "阿斯卡拉 "或 "哈斯卡拉"（犹太文艺复兴），这是欧洲犹太人，特别是阿什肯纳兹犹太人中的一场运动，旨在使犹太文化现代化并融入欧洲社会。这场运动鼓励教育、采用当地语言和习俗，同时促进犹太身份的更新和活力。埃利泽-本-耶胡达（Eliezer Ben-Yehuda）经常被誉为现代希伯来语之父，他在希伯来语作为一种活的语言的复兴过程中发挥了至关重要的作用。他的工作对犹太文化和民族复兴至关重要，为巴勒斯坦的犹太社区提供了统一的交流手段，并加强了他们独特的文化身份。 |
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| These cultural and migratory developments helped lay the foundations for political Zionism, a nationalist movement aimed at establishing a Jewish national home in Palestine. Zionism gained popularity in the late 19th century, partly in response to anti-Semitic persecution in Europe and the aspiration for self-determination. Jewish migration to Palestine in the 19th and early 20th centuries coincided with the long-standing presence of Palestinian Arab communities, leading to demographic changes and growing tensions in the region. These tensions, exacerbated by the policies of the British Mandate and international events, eventually led to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict we know today.
| | 这些文化和移民的发展为政治犹太复国主义奠定了基础，犹太复国主义是一场旨在巴勒斯坦建立犹太民族家园的民族主义运动。犹太复国主义在 19 世纪末开始流行，部分原因是为了应对欧洲的反犹太迫害和实现自决的愿望。19 世纪和 20 世纪初，犹太人向巴勒斯坦移民，与此同时，巴勒斯坦阿拉伯社区长期存在，导致该地区人口结构发生变化，紧张局势日益加剧。英国委任统治的政策和国际事件加剧了这些紧张局势，最终导致了我们今天所知的以巴冲突。 |
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| The history of the Zionist movement and the emergence of the idea of a Jewish national home is closely linked to the Jewish diaspora in Europe and the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This period was marked by a renewal of Jewish thought and a growing awareness of the challenges facing the Jewish community in Europe, particularly anti-Semitism. Leon Pinsker, a Russian Jewish physician and intellectual, was a key figure in the early stages of Zionism. Influenced by pogroms and anti-Semitic persecution in Russia, Pinsker wrote "Self-Emancipation" in 1882, a pamphlet that argued for the need for a national homeland for Jews. Pinsker believed that anti-Semitism was a permanent and inevitable phenomenon in Europe and that the only solution for the Jewish people was autonomy in their own territory. Theodore Herzl, an Austro-Hungarian journalist and writer, is often regarded as the father of modern political Zionism. Deeply affected by the Dreyfus Affair in France, where a Jewish officer, Alfred Dreyfus, was falsely accused of espionage in a climate of blatant anti-Semitism, Herzl came to the conclusion that assimilation would not protect Jews from discrimination and persecution. This case was a catalyst for Herzl, leading him to write "The State of the Jews" in 1896, in which he argued for the creation of a Jewish state. Contrary to popular belief, Herzl did not specifically envisage founding the Jewish national home in France, but rather in Palestine or, failing that, in another territory offered by a colonial power. Herzl's idea was to find a place where Jews could establish themselves as a sovereign nation and live freely, away from European anti-Semitism. Herzl was the driving force behind the First Zionist Congress in Basel in 1897, which laid the foundations of the Zionist movement as a political organisation. This congress brought together Jewish delegates from diverse backgrounds to discuss the creation of a Jewish national home in Palestine.
| | 犹太复国主义运动的历史和犹太民族家园理念的出现与 19 世纪末 20 世纪初散居在欧洲和美国的犹太人密切相关。这一时期的特点是犹太思想的复兴和对欧洲犹太社区面临的挑战（尤其是反犹太主义）的认识不断提高。俄罗斯犹太医生和知识分子莱昂-平斯克是犹太复国主义早期阶段的关键人物。受俄国大屠杀和反犹太迫害的影响，平斯克于 1882 年撰写了《自我解放》这本小册子，主张需要为犹太人建立一个民族家园。平斯克认为，反犹主义是欧洲长期存在且不可避免的现象，犹太人唯一的解决办法就是在自己的领土上自治。奥匈帝国记者和作家西奥多-赫茨尔通常被视为现代政治犹太复国主义之父。在法国发生的德雷福斯事件中，犹太军官阿尔弗雷德-德雷福斯被诬陷为间谍，当时反犹主义盛行，赫茨尔深受影响，他得出结论认为，同化并不能保护犹太人免受歧视和迫害。这件事对赫茨尔起到了催化剂的作用，促使他在 1896 年撰写了《犹太人的国家》一书，在书中他主张建立一个犹太国家。与人们普遍认为的相反，赫茨尔并没有明确设想在法国建立犹太民族家园，而是在巴勒斯坦，或者如果做不到，在殖民国家提供的另一块领土上。赫茨尔的想法是找到一个地方，让犹太人在那里建立自己的主权国家并自由生活，远离欧洲的反犹太主义。赫茨尔是 1897 年在巴塞尔召开的第一届犹太复国主义大会的推动者，这次大会奠定了犹太复国主义运动作为一个政治组织的基础。这次大会聚集了来自不同背景的犹太代表，讨论在巴勒斯坦建立犹太民族家园的问题。 |
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| == Antisemitism and Jewish Migration == | | == 反犹太主义和犹太人移民 == |
| Anti-Semitism has a long and complex history, deeply rooted in European religious and socio-economic beliefs, particularly during the Middle Ages. One of the most prominent aspects of historical anti-Semitism is the notion of the "deicidal people", an accusation that the Jews were collectively responsible for the death of Jesus Christ. This idea was widely promulgated in European Christendom and served as a justification for various forms of persecution and discrimination against Jews over the centuries. This belief contributed to the marginalisation of Jews and their portrayal as 'other' or foreign within Christian society.
| | 反犹太主义有着悠久而复杂的历史，深深植根于欧洲的宗教和社会经济信仰，尤其是在中世纪。历史上最突出的反犹主义之一是 "亡国者 "的概念，即指责犹太人对耶稣基督的死负有集体责任。这一观念在欧洲基督教中广为流传，几个世纪以来成为对犹太人进行各种形式迫害和歧视的理由。这种观念导致犹太人被边缘化，在基督教社会中被描绘成 "异类 "或异国人。 |
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| In the Middle Ages, the restrictions imposed on Jews in the professional and social spheres had a significant impact on their place in society. As a result of Church laws and restrictions, Jews were often prevented from owning land or practising certain professions. For example, in many areas, they could not be members of guilds, which limited their opportunities in trade and crafts. These restrictions led many Jews to turn to trades such as money-lending, an activity often forbidden to Christians because of the Church's ban on usury. Although this activity provided a necessary economic niche, it also reinforced certain negative stereotypes and contributed to economic anti-Semitism. Jews were sometimes perceived as usurers and associated with avarice, which exacerbated mistrust and hostility towards them. In addition, Jews were often confined to specific neighbourhoods, known as ghettos, which limited their interaction with the Christian population and reinforced their isolation. This segregation, combined with religious and economic anti-Semitism, created an environment in which persecution, such as pogroms, could occur. Medieval anti-Semitism, rooted in religious beliefs and reinforced by socio-economic structures, thus laid the foundations for centuries of discrimination and persecution against Jews in Europe. This painful history was one of the factors that fuelled Zionist aspirations for a secure and sovereign national home.
| | 在中世纪，犹太人在职业和社会领域受到的限制对他们的社会地位产生了重大影响。由于教会的法律和限制，犹太人往往无法拥有土地或从事某些职业。例如，在许多地区，他们不能成为行会成员，这限制了他们从事贸易和手工业的机会。这些限制导致许多犹太人转而从事放贷等行业，由于教会禁止高利贷，基督徒通常禁止从事放贷活动。虽然这种活动提供了一个必要的经济领域，但也强化了某些负面的成见，助长了经济上的反犹主义。犹太人有时被视为高利贷者，与贪婪联系在一起，这加剧了对他们的不信任和敌意。此外，犹太人往往被限制在特定的街区，即所谓的贫民区，这限制了他们与基督徒的交往，加剧了他们的孤立。这种隔离与宗教和经济上的反犹太主义相结合，创造了一种可能发生大屠杀等迫害行为的环境。中世纪的反犹太主义植根于宗教信仰，并得到社会经济结构的强化，从而为欧洲几个世纪以来对犹太人的歧视和迫害奠定了基础。这段痛苦的历史是激发犹太复国主义渴望建立一个安全的主权国家家园的因素之一。 |
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| The evolution of anti-Semitism in the 19th century represents a significant turning point, when prejudice and discrimination against Jews began to be based more on racial notions than on religious or cultural differences. This change marked the birth of what is known as 'modern' anti-Semitism, which laid the ideological foundations for 20th century anti-Semitism, including the Holocaust. In the pre-modern period, anti-Semitism was mainly rooted in religious differences, with accusations of deicide and negative stereotypes associated with Jews as a religious group. However, with the Enlightenment and the emancipation of Jews in many European countries in the 19th century, antisemitism began to take on a new form. This 'modern' form of anti-Semitism was characterised by the belief in the existence of distinct races with inherent biological and moral characteristics. Jews were seen not only as a distinct religious community, but also as a separate 'race', with hereditary traits and presumed behaviours that made them different and, in the eyes of anti-Semites, inferior or dangerous to society.
| | 19 世纪反犹太主义的演变是一个重要的转折点，当时对犹太人的偏见和歧视开始更多地基于种族观念，而不是宗教或文化差异。这一变化标志着所谓 "现代 "反犹太主义的诞生，为 20 世纪的反犹太主义（包括大屠杀）奠定了思想基础。在前现代时期，反犹主义主要源于宗教差异，对犹太人作为一个宗教团体的弑神指控和负面刻板印象。然而，随着 19 世纪启蒙运动的兴起和许多欧洲国家犹太人的解放，反犹太主义开始以一种新的形式出现。这种 "现代 "形式的反犹太主义的特点是相信存在着具有固有生物和道德特征的独特种族。犹太人不仅被视为一个独特的宗教群体，也被视为一个独立的 "种族"，他们的遗传特征和假定行为使他们与众不同，在反犹主义者眼中，他们是劣等人或对社会构成威胁的人。 |
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| This racial ideology was reinforced by various pseudoscientific theories and writings, including those of figures such as Houston Stewart Chamberlain, an influential racial theorist whose ideas contributed to Nazi racial theory. Racial anti-Semitism found its most extreme expression in Nazi ideology, which used racist theories to justify the systematic persecution and extermination of Jews during the Holocaust. The transition from religious anti-Semitism to racial anti-Semitism in the 19th century was therefore a crucial development, fuelling more intense and systematic forms of discrimination and persecution against Jews. This development also contributed to the urgency felt by the Zionist movement for the creation of a Jewish nation-state where Jews could live in security and be free from such persecution.
| | 各种伪科学理论和著作，包括休斯顿-斯图尔特-张伯伦（Houston Stewart Chamberlain）等人的著作强化了这种种族意识形态，张伯伦是一位颇具影响力的种族理论家，他的思想为纳粹的种族理论做出了贡献。种族反犹主义在纳粹意识形态中得到了最极端的体现，纳粹利用种族主义理论为大屠杀期间对犹太人的系统迫害和灭绝进行辩护。因此，19 世纪从宗教反犹太主义到种族反犹太主义的转变是一个关键的发展，它助长了对犹太人更强烈、更系统的歧视和迫害。这一发展也促使犹太复国主义运动迫切希望建立一个犹太民族国家，使犹太人能够安全地生活，免受迫害。 |
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| == The Zionist Movement and Settlement in Palestine == | | == 犹太复国主义运动和定居巴勒斯坦 == |
| The end of the 19th century was a crucial period for the Jewish people and marked a decisive turning point in the history of Zionism, a movement that would eventually lead to the creation of the State of Israel. This period was characterised by a combination of response to anti-Semitic persecution in Europe and a growing desire for self-determination and a return to their ancestral homeland. The Hovevei Zion (Lovers of Zion) movement played a fundamental role in the early stages of Zionism. Formed by Jews mainly from Eastern Europe, this movement aimed to encourage Jewish immigration to Palestine and to establish a base for the Jewish community in the region. Inspired by the pogroms and discrimination in Russia and elsewhere, members of Hovevei Zion implemented agricultural and settlement projects, laying the foundations for Jewish renewal in Palestine. However, it was the first Zionist Congress, organised by Theodor Herzl in 1897 in Basel, Switzerland, that marked a historic milestone. Herzl, an Austro-Hungarian journalist deeply affected by the anti-Semitism he had observed, particularly during the Dreyfus affair in France, understood the need for a Jewish national home. The Basel Congress brought together Jewish delegates from various countries and served as a platform for articulating and propagating the Zionist idea. The most notable outcome of the Congress was the formulation of the Basel Programme, which called for the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. The Congress also led to the creation of the World Zionist Organisation, charged with promoting the Zionist goal. Under Herzl's leadership, the Zionist movement gained legitimacy and international support, despite challenges and controversies. Herzl's vision, although largely symbolic at the time, provided a framework and direction for Jewish aspirations, transforming an idea into a tangible political movement. The period at the end of the 19th century was pivotal in the formation of the Zionist movement and set the stage for future events that would lead to the creation of the State of Israel. It reflects a period when the historical challenges faced by Jews in Europe converged with a renewed desire for self-determination, shaping the course of Jewish and Middle Eastern history.
| | 19世纪末是犹太人的一个关键时期，标志着犹太复国主义历史上的一个决定性转折点，这一运动最终导致了以色列国的建立。这一时期的特点是对欧洲反犹太迫害的回应，以及对自决和返回祖先家园的日益强烈的渴望。Hovevei Zion（锡安爱好者）运动在犹太复国主义的早期阶段发挥了重要作用。该运动由主要来自东欧的犹太人组成，旨在鼓励犹太人移民到巴勒斯坦，并在该地区建立犹太社区基地。Hovevei Zion 的成员受到俄罗斯和其他地方的大屠杀和歧视的启发，实施了农业和定居项目，为犹太人在巴勒斯坦的复兴奠定了基础。然而，1897 年由西奥多-赫茨尔在瑞士巴塞尔组织召开的第一届犹太复国主义大会才是历史性的里程碑。赫茨尔是一名奥匈帝国记者，他深受反犹主义的影响，尤其是在法国德雷福斯事件期间，他深知建立犹太民族家园的必要性。巴塞尔大会汇聚了来自不同国家的犹太代表，成为阐述和宣传犹太复国主义思想的平台。大会最显著的成果是制定了《巴塞尔纲领》，呼吁在巴勒斯坦建立犹太人的民族家园。大会还促成了世界犹太复国主义组织的成立，该组织负责推动犹太复国主义目标的实现。在赫茨尔的领导下，尽管面临挑战和争议，犹太复国主义运动还是获得了合法性和国际支持。赫茨尔的愿景虽然在当时主要是象征性的，但却为犹太人的愿望提供了一个框架和方向，将一个想法转化为实实在在的政治运动。19 世纪末的这段时期是犹太复国主义运动形成的关键时期，为日后导致以色列国建立的事件奠定了基础。这一时期，欧洲犹太人面临的历史挑战与对自决的新渴望交织在一起，影响了犹太人和中东地区的历史进程。 |
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| The early 20th century was a significant period of development and transformation for the Jewish community in Palestine, marked by an increase in Jewish immigration and the creation of new social and urban structures. Between 1903 and 1914, a period known as the "Second Aliyah", around 30,000 Jews, mainly from the Russian Empire, immigrated to Palestine. This wave of immigration was motivated by a combination of factors, including anti-Semitic persecution in the Russian Empire and the Zionist aspiration to establish a Jewish national home. This period saw the creation of the city of Tel Aviv in 1909, which became a symbol of Jewish renewal and Zionism. Tel Aviv was conceived as a modern city, planned from the outset to be an urban centre for the growing Jewish community. One of the most innovative developments of this period was the creation of Kibbutzim. Kibbutzim were agricultural communities based on principles of collective ownership and communal work. They played a crucial role in Jewish settlement in Palestine, providing not only a means of subsistence, but also contributing to the defence and security of Jewish communities. Their importance went beyond agriculture, as they served as centres for culture, education and social Zionism.
| | 20 世纪初是巴勒斯坦犹太社区发展和变革的重要时期，其标志是犹太人移民的增加以及新的社会和城市结构的建立。1903 年至 1914 年间，约有 3 万名犹太人（主要来自俄罗斯帝国）移民到巴勒斯坦，这一时期被称为 "第二次大迁徙"。这一移民潮是由多种因素共同推动的，包括俄罗斯帝国的反犹太迫害和犹太复国主义建立犹太民族家园的愿望。在这一时期，特拉维夫市于 1909 年建立，成为犹太人复兴和犹太复国主义的象征。特拉维夫是一座现代化城市，从一开始就被规划为不断发展壮大的犹太社区的城市中心。这一时期最具创新性的发展之一是基布兹的建立。基布兹是建立在集体所有制和集体劳动原则基础上的农业社区。它们在犹太人定居巴勒斯坦的过程中发挥了至关重要的作用，不仅提供了生存手段，还为犹太人社区的防卫和安全做出了贡献。它们的重要性超出了农业的范畴，因为它们是文化、教育和社会犹太复国主义的中心。 |
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| The period between 1921 and 1931 saw a new wave of immigration, known as the "Third Aliyah", during which around 150,000 Jews arrived in Palestine. This significant increase in the Jewish population was partly stimulated by the rise of anti-Semitism in Europe, particularly in Poland and Russia, and by British policies in Palestine. These immigrants brought with them a variety of skills, contributing to the economic and social development of the region. Jewish immigration during this period was a key factor in the demographic configuration of Palestine, leading to substantial social and economic changes. It also exacerbated tensions with Palestinian Arab communities, who saw this growing immigration as a threat to their territorial and demographic claims. These tensions eventually escalated, leading to conflict and unrest in the following years and decades.
| | 1921 年至 1931 年期间，出现了新一轮移民潮，被称为 "第三次阿利亚"，在此期间，约有 15 万犹太人抵达巴勒斯坦。犹太人口大幅增加的部分原因是欧洲（尤其是波兰和俄罗斯）反犹太主义抬头，以及英国在巴勒斯坦的政策。这些移民带来了各种技能，促进了该地区的经济和社会发展。这一时期的犹太移民是巴勒斯坦人口结构的关键因素，导致了社会和经济的巨大变化。这也加剧了与巴勒斯坦阿拉伯社区的紧张关系，他们认为不断增加的移民对其领土和人口要求构成了威胁。这些紧张局势最终升级，导致了随后几年和几十年的冲突和动乱。 |
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| The period following the Balfour Declaration in 1917 was marked by a significant increase in tensions and conflicts between the Jewish and Arab communities in Palestine. The Declaration, which expressed the British government's support for the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, was enthusiastically welcomed by many Jews but provoked opposition and animosity among the Palestinian Arab population. These tensions manifested themselves in a series of confrontations and violence between the two communities. The 1920s and 1930s witnessed several episodes of violence, including riots and massacres, in which both sides suffered casualties. These incidents reflected rising nationalist tensions on both sides and the struggle for control and the future of Palestine.
| | 1917 年《贝尔福宣言》发表后，巴勒斯坦犹太社区和阿拉伯社区之间的紧张局势和冲突显著加剧。宣言》表达了英国政府对在巴勒斯坦为犹太人建立民族家园的支持，受到了许多犹太人的热烈欢迎，但却激起了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的反对和敌意。这些紧张关系表现为两个社区之间的一系列对抗和暴力。20 世纪 20 年代和 30 年代发生了多起暴力事件，包括暴乱和屠杀，双方都有人员伤亡。这些事件反映了双方民族主义紧张局势的加剧以及对巴勒斯坦控制权和未来的争夺。 |
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| In response to these rising tensions and the perceived need to defend themselves against attack, the Jewish community in Palestine formed the Haganah in 1920. The Haganah, which means "defence" in Hebrew, was initially a clandestine defence organisation designed to protect Jewish communities from Arab attack. It was founded by a group of representatives of Jewish settlements and Zionist organisations in response to the Jerusalem riots of 1920. The Haganah evolved over time from a local defence force into a more structured military organisation. Although primarily defensive in its early years, the Haganah developed a more robust military capability, including the training of elite forces and the acquisition of weapons, in anticipation of wider conflict with Arab communities and neighbouring countries. The formation of the Haganah was a crucial development in the history of the Zionist movement and played an important role in the events that led to the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. The Haganah formed the nucleus of what would later become the Israel Defence Forces (IDF), the official army of the State of Israel.
| | 为了应对日益加剧的紧张局势以及自卫反击的需要，巴勒斯坦的犹太社区于 1920 年成立了哈加纳（Haganah）组织。哈加纳在希伯来语中意为 "防卫"，最初是一个秘密防卫组织，旨在保护犹太人社区免受阿拉伯人的攻击。它是由一群犹太定居点和犹太复国主义组织的代表为应对 1920 年耶路撒冷暴乱而成立的。随着时间的推移，哈加纳从一支地方防卫部队发展成为一个结构更加严密的军事组织。虽然早年以防御为主，但哈加纳发展了更强大的军事能力，包括训练精锐部队和购置武器，以应对与阿拉伯社区和邻国的更广泛冲突。哈加纳的成立是犹太复国主义运动史上的一个重要发展，在导致 1948 年以色列国成立的事件中发挥了重要作用。哈加纳组建了后来成为以色列国防军（IDF）的核心，即以色列国的正式军队。 |
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| The collaboration of Zionist circles with the proxy powers, in particular Great Britain, which had received the mandate from the League of Nations to govern Palestine after the First World War, played an important role in the development of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This cooperation was crucial to the progress of the Zionist movement, but it also fuelled tensions and anger among the Palestinian Arab population. The relationship between the Zionists and the British proxy authorities was complex and at times conflictual, but the Zionists sought to use this relationship to further their aims in Palestine. Zionist efforts to establish a Jewish national home were often seen by Palestinian Arabs as being supported, or at least tolerated, by the British, exacerbating tensions and mistrust.
| | 犹太复国主义团体与傀儡列强的合作在以巴冲突的发展中发挥了重要作用，特别是英国，它在第一次世界大战后从国际联盟获得了管理巴勒斯坦的授权。这种合作对犹太复国主义运动的发展至关重要，但也加剧了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的紧张和愤怒。犹太复国主义者与英国代理当局之间的关系错综复杂，有时甚至相互冲突，但犹太复国主义者试图利用这种关系来推进他们在巴勒斯坦的目标。在巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人看来，犹太复国主义者建立犹太民族家园的努力往往得到了英国的支持，或至少得到了英国的容忍，这加剧了紧张局势和不信任。 |
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| An important aspect of Zionist strategy during the Mandate period was the purchase of land in Palestine. The Jewish Agency, established in 1929, played a key role in this strategy. The Jewish Agency was an organisation that represented the Jewish community to the British authorities and coordinated the various aspects of the Zionist project in Palestine, including immigration, settlement building, education and, crucially, land acquisition. The acquisition of land by Jews in Palestine was a major source of conflict, as it often led to the displacement of local Arab populations. Palestinian Arabs saw the purchase of land and Jewish immigration as a threat to their presence and future in the region. These land deals not only changed the demographic composition and landscape of Palestine, but also contributed to the intensification of nationalist sentiment among Palestinian Arabs.
| | 委任统治时期犹太复国主义战略的一个重要方面是在巴勒斯坦购买土地。1929 年成立的犹太机构在这一战略中发挥了关键作用。犹太人机构是一个向英国当局代表犹太社区的组织，负责协调巴勒斯坦犹太复国主义项目的各个方面，包括移民、定居点建设、教育以及至关重要的土地购买。犹太人在巴勒斯坦购置土地是冲突的主要根源，因为这往往导致当地阿拉伯人流离失所。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人将购买土地和犹太人移民视为对他们在该地区的存在和未来的威胁。这些土地交易不仅改变了巴勒斯坦的人口构成和地貌，还加剧了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的民族主义情绪。 |
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| The year 1937 marked a turning point in the British management of the Mandate of Palestine and revealed the first signs of British disengagement in the face of escalating tensions and violence between the Jewish and Arab communities. The complexity and intensity of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict challenged British efforts to maintain peace and order, leading to a growing recognition of the impossibility of satisfying both Zionist aspirations and Palestinian Arab demands.
| | 1937 年是英国管理巴勒斯坦委任统治地的转折点，面对犹太人和阿拉伯人社区之间不断升级的紧张局势和暴力，英国撤离的迹象初露端倪。以巴冲突的复杂性和激烈性对英国维护和平与秩序的努力提出了挑战，导致英国日益认识到不可能同时满足犹太复国主义的愿望和巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的要求。 |
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| In 1937, the Peel Commission, a British commission of enquiry, published its report recommending for the first time the partition of Palestine into two separate states, one Jewish and one Arab, with Jerusalem under international control. This proposal was a response to escalating violence, particularly during the Great Arab Revolt of 1936-1939, a mass insurrection by Palestinian Arabs against British rule and Jewish immigration. The partition plan proposed by the Peel Commission was rejected by both sides for various reasons. The Palestinian Arab leaders rejected the plan because it implied the recognition of a Jewish state in Palestine. On the other hand, although some Zionist leaders saw the plan as a step towards a larger Jewish state, others rejected it because it did not meet their territorial expectations.
| | 1937 年，英国调查委员会皮尔委员会发表报告，首次建议将巴勒斯坦分为两个独立的国家，一个犹太国家，一个阿拉伯国家，耶路撒冷由国际社会控制。这一建议是对暴力升级的回应，特别是在 1936-1939 年阿拉伯大起义期间，巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人为反对英国统治和犹太人移民而发动的大规模起义。由于种种原因，双方都拒绝了皮尔委员会提出的分治计划。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯领导人拒绝该计划，因为它意味着承认在巴勒斯坦建立一个犹太国家。另一方面，尽管一些犹太复国主义领导人认为该计划是朝着建立一个更大的犹太国迈出的一步，但其他领导人则拒绝接受该计划，因为该计划没有满足他们对领土的期望。 |
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| This period was also marked by the emergence of extremist groups on both sides. On the Jewish side, groups such as the Irgun and the Lehi (also known as the Stern Gang) began to carry out military operations against Palestinian Arabs and the British, including bombings. These groups adopted a more militant approach than the Haganah, the Jewish community's main defence organisation, in pursuit of the Zionist goal. On the Arab side, violence also intensified, with attacks on Jews and British interests. The Arab revolt was a sign of growing opposition to both British policy and Jewish immigration. Britain's inability to resolve the conflict and extremist responses on both sides created an increasingly unstable and violent climate, laying the foundations for future conflict and further complicating efforts to find a peaceful and lasting solution to the Palestine question.
| | 这一时期，双方都出现了极端主义团体。在犹太人方面，伊尔贡和莱希（又称斯特恩帮）等组织开始对巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人和英国人采取军事行动，包括爆炸袭击。与犹太社区的主要防卫组织哈加纳相比，这些组织采取了更加激进的方式来实现犹太复国主义的目标。在阿拉伯方面，暴力活动也愈演愈烈，对犹太人和英国利益发动了袭击。阿拉伯人的反抗表明，反对英国政策和犹太人移民的呼声日益高涨。英国无力解决冲突，双方的极端主义反应造成了日益不稳定和暴力的气氛，为未来的冲突奠定了基础，并使寻求和平、持久地解决巴勒斯坦问题的努力更加复杂化。 |
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| == The UN Partition Plan and the War of Independence == | | == 联合国分治计划和独立战争 == |
| In 1947, faced with the continuing escalation of tensions and violence in Mandatory Palestine, the United Nations proposed a new partition plan in an attempt to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This plan, recommended by UN General Assembly Resolution 181, envisaged the division of Palestine into two independent states, one Jewish and the other Arab, with Jerusalem placed under a special international regime. Under the UN partition plan, Palestine would be divided in such a way as to give each state a majority of its respective population. The Jerusalem area, including Bethlehem, would be established as a corpus separatum under international administration, because of its religious and historical importance to Jews, Christians and Muslims. However, the UN partition plan was rejected by the majority of Arab leaders and peoples. Palestinian Arabs and neighbouring Arab states felt that the plan did not respect their national and territorial claims, and that it was unfair in terms of land distribution, given that the Jewish population was then a minority in Palestine. They saw the plan as a continuation of the pro-Zionist policy of the Western powers and as a violation of their right to self-determination.
| | 1947年，面对托管巴勒斯坦紧张局势和暴力的持续升级，联合国提出了一个新的分治计划，试图解决以巴冲突。联合国大会第181号决议建议的这一计划设想将巴勒斯坦划分为两个独立的国家，一个是犹太国家，另一个是阿拉伯国家，耶路撒冷则置于一个特殊的国际制度之下。根据联合国的分治计划，巴勒斯坦的划分方式将使两个国家的人口各占多数。耶路撒冷地区，包括伯利恒，将被确立为国际管理下的分离体，因为它对犹太人、基督徒和穆斯林都具有重要的宗教和历史意义。然而，联合国的分治计划遭到了大多数阿拉伯领导人和人民的反对。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人和阿拉伯邻国认为，该计划没有尊重他们的民族和领土要求，在土地分配方面也不公平，因为当时犹太人在巴勒斯坦只是少数。他们认为该计划是西方列强亲犹太复国主义政策的延续，侵犯了他们的自决权。 |
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| The Jewish community in Palestine, represented by the Jewish Agency, accepted the plan, seeing it as a historic opportunity for the creation of a Jewish state. For the Jews, the plan represented international recognition of their national aspirations and a crucial step towards independence. The rejection of the partition plan by the Arabs led to an intensification of conflicts and confrontations in the region. The period that followed was marked by an escalation of violence, culminating in the 1948 war, also known as Israel's War of Independence or the Nakba (catastrophe) for the Palestinians. This war led to the creation of the State of Israel in May 1948 and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, marking the start of a protracted conflict that continues to this day.
| | 以犹太机构为代表的巴勒斯坦犹太社区接受了该计划，将其视为建立犹太国家的历史机遇。对犹太人来说，该计划代表了国际社会对其民族愿望的承认，是迈向独立的关键一步。阿拉伯人拒绝分治计划导致该地区冲突和对抗加剧。随后，暴力不断升级，最终导致了 1948 年的战争，也被称为以色列独立战争或巴勒斯坦人的大灾难（Nakba）。这场战争导致以色列国于 1948 年 5 月成立，数十万巴勒斯坦人流离失所，标志着一场延续至今的旷日持久冲突的开始。 |
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| The declaration of independence of the State of Israel in May 1948 and the events that followed represent a crucial chapter in the history of the Middle East, with major political, social and military repercussions. The expiry of the British Mandate in Palestine created a political vacuum that Jewish leaders, led by David Ben-Gurion, sought to fill by proclaiming Israel's independence. This declaration, made in response to the 1947 United Nations partition plan, marked the realisation of Zionist aspirations but was also the catalyst for a major armed conflict in the region. The military intervention of neighbouring Arab countries, including Transjordan, Egypt and Syria, was aimed at thwarting the creation of the Jewish state and supporting the demands of the Arab Palestinians. These countries, united by their opposition to the creation of Israel, planned to eliminate the nascent state and redefine the political geography of Palestine. However, despite their initial numerical superiority, the Arab forces were gradually pushed back by an increasingly organised and effective Israeli army.
| | 1948 年 5 月以色列国宣布独立以及随后发生的事件是中东历史上至关重要的一章，产生了重大的政治、社会和军事影响。英国在巴勒斯坦的委任统治期满后出现了政治真空，以大卫-本-古里安为首的犹太领导人试图通过宣布以色列独立来填补这一真空。这一宣言是对 1947 年联合国分治计划的回应，标志着犹太复国主义愿望的实现，但同时也是该地区重大武装冲突的催化剂。外约旦、埃及和叙利亚等阿拉伯邻国的军事干预旨在阻挠犹太国家的建立，支持阿拉伯巴勒斯坦人的要求。这些国家联合起来反对建立以色列，计划消灭这个新生的国家，重新确定巴勒斯坦的政治地理格局。然而，尽管阿拉伯军队最初在数量上占据优势，但却逐渐被组织日益严密、战斗力日益强大的以色列军队击退。 |
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| The Soviet Union's indirect support for Israel, mainly in the form of arms deliveries via the satellite countries of Eastern Europe, played a role in reversing the balance of power on the ground. This Soviet support was motivated less by affection for Israel than by a desire to diminish British influence in the region, in the context of the growing rivalry of the Cold War. The series of ceasefire agreements that ended the war in 1949 left Israel with substantially more territory than that allocated by the UN partition plan. The war had profoundly tragic consequences, including the mass displacement of Arab Palestinians, which gave rise to refugee and rights issues that continue to haunt the peace process. The War of Independence also solidified Israel's position as a central player in the region, marking the beginning of an Arab-Israeli conflict that persists to this day.
| | 苏联对以色列的间接支持，主要是通过东欧卫星国提供武器，在扭转当地力量对比方面发挥了作用。在冷战对抗日益加剧的背景下，苏联的这种支持与其说是出于对以色列的好感，不如说是为了削弱英国在该地区的影响力。1949 年结束战争的一系列停火协议为以色列留下了比联合国分治计划多得多的领土。战争造成了深远的悲剧性后果，包括大批阿拉伯巴勒斯坦人流离失所，由此产生的难民和权利问题一直困扰着和平进程。独立战争还巩固了以色列在该地区的核心地位，标志着持续至今的阿以冲突的开始。 |
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| The Six-Day War, which took place in June 1967, was another decisive moment in the history of the Israeli-Arab conflict. This conflict, which pitted Israel against Egypt, Jordan, Syria and, to a lesser extent, Lebanon, led to major geopolitical changes in the region. The war began on 5 June 1967 when Israel, faced with what it perceived as an imminent threat from Arab armies aligned on its borders, launched a series of pre-emptive air strikes against Egypt. These strikes quickly destroyed most of the Egyptian air force on the ground, giving Israel a crucial air advantage. In the days that followed, Israel extended its military operations against Jordan and Syria. The conflict unfolded rapidly, with Israeli victories on several fronts. In six days of intense fighting, Israel succeeded in capturing the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria. These territorial gains tripled the size of the territory under Israeli control. The Six Day War had profound and lasting consequences for the region. It marked a turning point in the Arab-Israeli conflict, strengthening Israel's military and strategic position while exacerbating tensions with its Arab neighbours. The war also had significant implications for the Palestinian population, as the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza posed new dynamics and challenges for the Palestinian question. In addition, the loss of the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and the Golan Heights was a major blow to the Arab countries concerned, in particular Egypt and Syria, and contributed to an atmosphere of disillusionment and despair among the Arabs. The war also laid the foundations for future conflicts and negotiations, including efforts for a lasting peace process between Israel and its neighbours.
| | 1967 年 6 月发生的 "六日战争 "是以阿冲突历史上的另一个决定性时刻。这场冲突使以色列与埃及、约旦、叙利亚以及黎巴嫩（其次是黎巴嫩）对峙，导致该地区地缘政治发生重大变化。战争开始于 1967 年 6 月 5 日，当时以色列认为其边界上的阿拉伯军队威胁迫在眉睫，于是对埃及发动了一系列先发制人的空袭。这些空袭迅速摧毁了地面上的大部分埃及空军，使以色列获得了至关重要的空中优势。在随后的日子里，以色列扩大了对约旦和叙利亚的军事行动。冲突迅速展开，以色列在多条战线上取得了胜利。在六天的激战中，以色列成功地从埃及手中夺取了加沙地带和西奈半岛，从约旦手中夺取了约旦河西岸（包括东耶路撒冷），从叙利亚手中夺取了戈兰高地。这些领土成果使以色列控制的领土面积扩大了两倍。六日战争对该地区产生了深远而持久的影响。它标志着阿以冲突的转折点，加强了以色列的军事和战略地位，同时加剧了以色列与阿拉伯邻国的紧张关系。战争还对巴勒斯坦人民产生了重大影响，因为以色列对西岸和加沙的占领给巴勒斯坦问题带来了新的动力和挑战。此外，加沙地带、约旦河西岸和戈兰高地的丧失对有关阿拉伯国家，特别是埃及和叙利亚是一个重大打击，并在阿拉伯人中造成了幻灭和绝望的气氛。战争还为今后的冲突和谈判，包括以色列与其邻国之间的持久和平进程奠定了基础。 |
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| == The Yom Kippur War and the Camp David Accords == | | == 赎罪日战争和戴维营协议 == |
| The Yom Kippur War, which broke out in October 1973, was a crucial milestone in the history of Israeli-Arab conflict. The war, triggered by a surprise joint attack on Israel by Egypt and Syria, took place on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in the Jewish calendar, which accentuated its psychological impact on the Israeli population. The Egyptian and Syrian attack was an attempt to recapture the territories lost in the Six Day War in 1967, in particular the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights. The war began with significant successes for the Egyptian and Syrian forces, challenging the perception of Israeli military supremacy. However, Israel, under the leadership of Prime Minister Golda Meir and Defence Minister Moshe Dayan, quickly mobilised its forces for an effective counter-offensive.
| | 1973 年 10 月爆发的赎罪日战争是以色列-阿拉伯冲突史上的一个重要里程碑。这场战争是由埃及和叙利亚对以色列的联合突然袭击引发的，战争发生在犹太历中最神圣的赎罪日，这加剧了战争对以色列民众的心理影响。埃及和叙利亚的进攻是为了夺回在 1967 年六日战争中失去的领土，特别是西奈半岛和戈兰高地。战争一开始，埃及和叙利亚军队就取得了重大胜利，挑战了以色列军事优势的观念。然而，以色列在总理果尔达-梅厄和国防部长摩西-达扬的领导下，迅速调集部队进行有效反击。 |
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| This war had major repercussions. The Yom Kippur War forced Israel to reassess its military and security strategies. The initial surprise of the attack highlighted shortcomings in Israeli military intelligence and led to significant changes in Israel's preparation and defence doctrine. Diplomatically, the war acted as a catalyst for future peace negotiations. The losses suffered by both sides paved the way for the Camp David Accords in 1978, under the aegis of US President Jimmy Carter, leading to the first Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty in 1979. This treaty was a turning point, marking the first recognition of Israel by a neighbouring Arab country. The war also had an international impact, notably by triggering the 1973 oil crisis. Arab oil-producing countries used oil as an economic weapon to protest against US support for Israel, leading to significant increases in oil prices and global economic repercussions. The Yom Kippur War therefore not only redefined Arab-Israeli relations, but also had global consequences, influencing energy policies, international relations and the Middle East peace process. The war marked an important step in the recognition of the complexity of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the need for a balanced approach to its resolution.
| | 这场战争产生了重大影响。赎罪日战争迫使以色列重新评估其军事和安全战略。最初出其不意的攻击凸显了以色列军事情报的不足，并导致以色列的准备和防御理论发生重大变化。在外交上，这场战争成为未来和平谈判的催化剂。双方遭受的损失为 1978 年在美国总统吉米-卡特的主持下达成《戴维营协议》铺平了道路，并促成了 1979 年以色列与埃及的第一份和平条约。该条约是一个转折点，标志着以色列首次得到阿拉伯邻国的承认。这场战争还产生了国际影响，尤其是引发了 1973 年的石油危机。阿拉伯产油国利用石油作为经济武器，抗议美国对以色列的支持，导致石油价格大幅上涨，全球经济受到影响。因此，赎罪日战争不仅重新定义了阿以关系，还产生了全球性后果，影响了能源政策、国际关系和中东和平进程。这场战争标志着人们认识到阿以冲突的复杂性以及采取平衡方法解决冲突的必要性方面迈出了重要一步。 |
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| In 1979, an historic event marked a major milestone in the Middle East peace process with the signing of the Camp David Accords, which led to the first peace treaty between Israel and one of its Arab neighbours, Egypt. These agreements, negotiated under the aegis of US President Jimmy Carter, were the fruit of difficult and daring negotiations between Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. The initiative for these negotiations came in the wake of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, which had highlighted the urgent need for a peaceful resolution to the protracted Arab-Israeli conflict. Anwar Sadat's courageous decision to visit Jerusalem in 1977 broke down many political and psychological barriers, paving the way for direct dialogue between Israel and Egypt.
| | 1979 年，《戴维营协议》的签署标志着中东和平进程中的一个重要里程碑。这些协议是在美国总统吉米-卡特的主持下谈判达成的，是以色列总理梅纳赫姆-贝京和埃及总统安瓦尔-萨达特之间艰难而大胆谈判的成果。这些谈判的倡议是在 1973 年赎罪日战争之后提出的，这场战争凸显了和平解决旷日持久的阿以冲突的迫切需要。1977 年，安瓦尔-萨达特勇敢地决定访问耶路撒冷，打破了许多政治和心理障碍，为以色列和埃及之间的直接对话铺平了道路。 |
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| The peace talks, held at Camp David, the presidential retreat in Maryland, were marked by periods of intense negotiation, reflecting the deep historical divisions between Israel and Egypt. Jimmy Carter's personal intervention was instrumental in keeping both parties engaged in the process and overcoming impasses. The resulting agreements comprised two distinct frameworks. The first agreement laid the foundations for Palestinian autonomy in the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, while the second agreement led directly to a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. Signed in March 1979, this treaty led to Israel withdrawing from the Sinai Peninsula, which it had occupied since 1967, in exchange for Egypt's recognition of the State of Israel and the establishment of normal diplomatic relations.
| | 和谈在马里兰州的戴维营（Camp David）总统撤退地举行，期间进行了激烈的谈判，反映了以色列和埃及之间深刻的历史分歧。吉米-卡特的亲自干预对双方保持接触、克服僵局起到了重要作用。最终达成的协议包括两个不同的框架。第一份协议为巴勒斯坦在约旦河西岸和加沙地带被占领土上的自治奠定了基础，而第二份协议则直接促成了埃及和以色列之间的和平条约。该条约于 1979 年 3 月签署，导致以色列撤出自 1967 年以来占领的西奈半岛，以换取埃及承认以色列国并建立正常的外交关系。 |
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| The Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty was a revolutionary breakthrough, changing the political landscape of the Middle East. It signified the end of the state of war between the two nations and set a precedent for future peace efforts in the region. However, the treaty also provoked fierce opposition in the Arab world, and Sadat was assassinated in 1981, an act widely seen as a direct response to his policy of rapprochement with Israel. Ultimately, the Camp David Accords and the peace treaty that followed demonstrated the possibility of peaceful negotiations in a region marked by protracted conflict, while highlighting the challenges inherent in achieving a lasting peace in the Middle East. These events had a profound impact not only on Israeli-Egyptian relations, but also on regional and international dynamics.
| | 以埃和平条约是一次革命性的突破，改变了中东的政治格局。它标志着两国战争状态的结束，为该地区未来的和平努力开创了先例。然而，该条约也激起了阿拉伯世界的激烈反对，萨达特于 1981 年遇刺身亡，人们普遍认为这是对他与以色列和解政策的直接回应。最终，《戴维营协议》和随后的和平条约表明，在一个冲突旷日持久的地区，和平谈判是可能的，同时也凸显了实现中东持久和平所固有的挑战。这些事件不仅对以埃关系，而且对地区和国际动态都产生了深远影响。 |
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| == The Right of Return of Palestinian Refugees == | | == 巴勒斯坦难民返回家园的权利 == |
| The right of return of Palestinian refugees remains a complex and controversial issue in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This right refers to the possibility for Palestinian refugees and their descendants to return to the lands they left or from which they were displaced in 1948 when the State of Israel was created. Resolution 194 of the United Nations General Assembly, adopted on 11 December 1948, states that refugees wishing to return to their homes should be allowed to do so and live in peace with their neighbours. However, this resolution, like other General Assembly resolutions, does not have the capacity to determine laws or establish rights. Rather, it is recommendatory in nature. Consequently, although it has been confirmed on several occasions by the United Nations, it has not been implemented to date.
| | 巴勒斯坦难民返回家园的权利仍然是以巴冲突中一个复杂而有争议的问题。这项权利是指巴勒斯坦难民及其后裔返回他们在 1948 年以色列国成立时离开或流离失所的土地的可能性。1948 年 12 月 11 日通过的联合国大会第 194 号决议指出，应允许希望返回家园的难民返回家园，并与邻国和平共处。然而，该决议与联大其他决议一样，并不具有确定法律或确立权利的能力。相反，它具有建议性质。因此，尽管联合国已多次确认该决议，但迄今为止该决议尚未得到执行。 |
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| The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), established in 1949, supports over five million registered Palestinian refugees. Unlike the 1951 Convention on refugees in general, UNRWA also includes the descendants of the 1948 refugees, which significantly increases the number of people concerned. Peace agreements such as those negotiated at Camp David in 1978 or the Oslo Accords of 1993 recognise the question of Palestinian refugees as a subject for negotiation within the framework of the peace process. However, they do not explicitly mention a "right of return" for Palestinian refugees. The resolution of the refugee problem is generally considered to be a matter to be settled by bilateral agreements between Israel and its neighbours.
| | 联合国近东巴勒斯坦难民救济和工程处（近东救济工程处）成立于 1949 年，为 500 多万已登记的巴勒斯坦难民提供支助。与 1951 年关于一般难民的公约不同，近东救济工程处还包括 1948 年难民的后代，这大大增加了相关人数。1978 年在戴维营谈判达成的和平协定或 1993 年的《奥斯陆协定》等都承认巴勒 斯坦难民问题是和平进程框架内的一个谈判议题。然而，这些协定并没有明确提及巴勒斯坦难民的 "返回权"。难民问题的解决一般被认为是以色列与其邻国通过双边协议解决的问题。 |
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| = Annexes = | | = 附录 = |
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| = References = | | = 参考资料 = |
| <references/> | | <references/> |
根据 Yilmaz Özcan 的课程改编。[1][2]
中东是古代文明的摇篮，也是文化和商业交流的十字路口，在世界历史上，尤其是在中世纪，一直扮演着核心角色。在这个充满活力和多样性的时期，见证了无数帝国和国家的兴衰，每个帝国和国家都在该地区的政治、文化和社会版图上留下了不可磨灭的印记。从伊斯兰哈里发的扩张及其文化和科学的顶峰，到拜占庭帝国的长期影响，再到十字军的入侵和蒙古人的征服，中世纪的中东是一个不断演变的大国马赛克。这一时期不仅塑造了该地区的特征，还对世界历史的发展产生了深远影响，在东西方之间架起了桥梁。因此，对中世纪中东帝国和国家的研究为了解人类历史的关键时期提供了一个迷人的窗口，揭示了征服、复原、创新和文化互动的故事。
奥斯曼帝国建立于 13 世纪末，是一个帝国强国的精彩范例，对三大洲的历史产生了深远影响：它对亚洲、非洲和欧洲三大洲的历史产生了深远的影响。奥斯曼帝国的建立一般归功于安纳托利亚地区一个土耳其部落的首领奥斯曼一世。这个帝国的成功在于它能够迅速扩张，并在广袤的领土上建立起高效的管理机构。从 14 世纪中叶开始，奥斯曼人开始在欧洲扩张领土，逐渐征服了巴尔干半岛的部分地区。这一扩张标志着地中海和东欧均势的一个重要转折点。然而，与普遍的看法相反，奥斯曼帝国并没有摧毁罗马。事实上，奥斯曼人围攻了拜占庭帝国的首都君士坦丁堡，并于 1453 年征服了君士坦丁堡，终结了这个帝国。这次征服是一个重大历史事件，标志着欧洲中世纪的结束和现代的开始。
奥斯曼帝国以其复杂的行政结构和宗教宽容而著称，尤其是允许非穆斯林社区享有一定自治权的小米制度。其鼎盛时期从 15 世纪延续到 17 世纪，在此期间，它对贸易、文化、科学、艺术和建筑产生了相当大的影响。奥斯曼人引进了许多创新，是东西方之间的重要调解人。然而，从 18 世纪起，面对欧洲列强的崛起和内部问题，奥斯曼帝国开始衰落。这种衰落在 19 世纪加速，最终导致帝国在第一次世界大战后解体。奥斯曼帝国的遗产仍然深深扎根于它所统治的地区，至今影响着这些社会的文化、政治和社会方面。
奥斯曼帝国是奥斯曼一世于 13 世纪末建立的一个杰出的政治和军事实体，对欧亚大陆的历史产生了深远的影响。在安纳托利亚政治四分五裂、诸侯争霸的背景下，这个帝国迅速展现出扩大影响力的非凡能力，成为该地区的霸主。14 世纪中叶是奥斯曼帝国的决定性转折点，尤其是 1354 年对加利波利的征服。这场胜利绝非单纯的军事胜利，它标志着奥斯曼帝国在欧洲建立了第一个永久定居点，并为在巴尔干地区的一系列征服铺平了道路。这些军事胜利加上娴熟的外交技巧，使奥斯曼人得以巩固其对战略领土的控制，并干涉欧洲事务。
在以 1453 年征服君士坦丁堡而闻名的穆罕默德二世等统治者的领导下，奥斯曼帝国不仅重塑了东地中海的政治版图，还开启了一段深刻的文化和经济变革时期。攻占君士坦丁堡终结了拜占庭帝国，是世界历史上的关键时刻，标志着中世纪的结束和现代的开始。拜占庭帝国在战争艺术方面的卓越成就往往归功于其纪律严明、勇于创新的军队，但同时也得益于其务实的治理方式，即在中央集权的行政体系下整合不同的民族和宗教团体。这种文化多样性加上政治稳定，促进了艺术、科学和商业的繁荣。
纵观奥斯曼帝国的历史，它经历了一系列壮观的征服和重大挫折，这些都决定了它及其统治地区的命运。奥斯曼帝国的扩张以重大胜利为标志，但也有战略失败。奥斯曼帝国对巴尔干半岛的入侵是其欧洲扩张的第一步。这次征服不仅扩大了他们的领土，还巩固了他们在该地区的霸主地位。1453 年，被称为征服者的穆罕默德二世攻占伊斯坦布尔，这是一个重大历史事件。这一胜利不仅标志着拜占庭帝国的灭亡，也象征着奥斯曼帝国无可争议地崛起为超级大国。奥斯曼帝国继续扩张，于 1517 年攻占开罗，这是标志着埃及融入帝国和阿拔斯哈里发统治结束的关键事件。在苏莱曼大帝的领导下，奥斯曼帝国还于 1533 年征服了巴格达，将其影响力扩展到美索不达米亚富饶而具有战略意义的土地上。
然而，奥斯曼帝国的扩张并非一帆风顺。1529 年，奥斯曼人围攻维也纳，企图进一步扩大其在欧洲的影响力，但以失败告终。1623年的进一步尝试也以失败告终，这标志着奥斯曼帝国在中欧扩张的极限。这些失败是关键时刻，说明了奥斯曼帝国的军事和后勤力量在面对欧洲有组织的防御时的局限性。另一个重大挫折是 1571 年在莱庞托海战中的失败。在这场海战中，奥斯曼舰队被欧洲基督教联军击败，标志着奥斯曼帝国控制地中海的转折点。虽然奥斯曼帝国设法从这次失败中恢复过来，并在该地区保持了强大的存在，但莱潘托海战象征着奥斯曼帝国无争议扩张的终结，标志着地中海地区更加平衡的海上竞争时期的开始。综合来看，这些事件说明了奥斯曼帝国扩张的动力：一系列令人印象深刻的征服，夹杂着重大的挑战和挫折。它们凸显了管理这样一个庞大帝国的复杂性，以及在面对组织日益严密、抵抗力不断增强的对手时保持持续扩张的难度。
1768-1774 年的俄奥斯曼战争是奥斯曼帝国历史上的一个关键事件，它不仅标志着奥斯曼帝国开始遭受重大领土损失，而且标志着其政治和宗教合法性结构的变化。1774 年签署的《库丘克-卡伊纳尔卡条约》（或称《库丘克-卡伊纳尔吉条约》）标志着这场战争的结束。该条约对奥斯曼帝国影响深远。首先，它导致奥斯曼帝国将大量领土割让给俄罗斯帝国，特别是黑海和巴尔干的部分地区。这一损失不仅缩小了帝国的版图，还削弱了其在东欧和黑海地区的战略地位。其次，条约削弱了奥斯曼帝国在欧洲舞台上的地位，标志着当时国际关系的转折点。奥斯曼帝国曾是地区事务的主要参与者，而且经常占据主导地位，但现在开始被视为一个衰落的国家，容易受到欧洲列强的压力和干预。
最后，或许也是最重要的一点，战争的结束和《库库克-卡伊纳尔卡条约》也对奥斯曼帝国的内部结构产生了重大影响。面对这些失败，帝国开始更加强调哈里发宗教方面的合法性。已经被公认为帝国政治领袖的奥斯曼帝国苏丹，开始更多地被视为哈里发，即穆斯林社区的宗教领袖。这一发展是为了应对国内外的挑战，加强苏丹国的权威和合法性，将宗教作为一种统一的力量和权力的源泉。因此，俄奥战争和由此产生的条约标志着奥斯曼帝国历史的转折点，既象征着领土的衰落，也象征着帝国合法性性质的改变。
1801 年，英国和奥斯曼帝国联军在埃及进行干预，赶走了法国人，这是埃及和奥斯曼帝国历史上的一个重要转折点。奥斯曼帝国任命阿尔巴尼亚军官麦赫迈特-阿里（Mehmet Ali）为埃及帕夏，开创了埃及从奥斯曼帝国半独立和深刻变革的时代。穆罕默德-阿里通常被视为现代埃及的奠基人，他发起了一系列旨在实现埃及现代化的激进改革。这些改革涉及各个方面，包括军队、行政和经济，部分受到欧洲模式的启发。在他的领导下，埃及取得了长足的发展，穆罕默德-阿里试图将自己的影响力扩展到埃及以外的地区。在此背景下，Nahda（即阿拉伯文艺复兴）获得了相当大的发展势头。这场旨在振兴阿拉伯文化并使其适应现代挑战的文化和知识运动，得益于麦赫麦特-阿里倡导的改革和开放氛围。
穆罕默德-阿里的儿子易卜拉欣-帕夏在埃及的扩张主义野心中发挥了关键作用。1836 年，他向奥斯曼帝国发起进攻，当时奥斯曼帝国正处于衰弱和衰落之中。这场对抗在 1839 年达到高潮，易卜拉欣的军队大败奥斯曼帝国。然而，欧洲列强，特别是英国、奥地利和俄罗斯的干预阻止了埃及的全面胜利。在国际压力下，双方签署了和平条约，承认埃及在穆罕默德-阿里及其后裔的统治下享有事实上的自治权。这一承认标志着埃及脱离奥斯曼帝国迈出了重要一步，尽管埃及名义上仍处于奥斯曼帝国的宗主权之下。英国的立场尤其引人关注。英国最初与奥斯曼帝国结盟，以遏制法国在埃及的影响，但英国认识到该地区不断变化的政治和战略现实，最终选择支持穆罕默德-阿里领导下的埃及自治。这一决定反映了英国希望在控制重要贸易路线（尤其是通往印度的贸易路线）的同时稳定该地区局势的愿望。19 世纪初几十年的埃及事件不仅说明了奥斯曼帝国、埃及和欧洲列强之间复杂的力量对比，也说明了当时中东政治和社会秩序正在发生的深刻变化。
1798 年拿破仑-波拿巴远征埃及对奥斯曼帝国来说是一个启示性事件，凸显了奥斯曼帝国在现代化和军事能力方面落后于欧洲列强的事实。这一认识是 1839 年发起的一系列改革（即 Tanzimat）的重要推动力，这些改革旨在实现帝国的现代化并阻止其衰落。Tanzimat在土耳其语中意为 "重组"，标志着奥斯曼帝国进入了一个深刻变革的时期。这些改革的一个重要方面是帝国非穆斯林公民迪米人组织的现代化。这包括建立米勒制度，为各种宗教团体提供一定程度的文化和行政自治。其目的是将这些社区更有效地融入奥斯曼帝国的国家结构，同时保留其独特的身份。
第二波改革浪潮开始了，试图建立一种超越宗教和种族划分的奥斯曼公民制度。然而，这一尝试常常受到族群间暴力的阻碍，反映出多民族和多信仰帝国内部的深刻矛盾。与此同时，这些改革在军队的某些派别中遇到了巨大的阻力，这些派别敌视那些被认为威胁到其传统地位和特权的变革。这种抵制导致了起义和内部动荡，加剧了帝国面临的挑战。
在这种动荡的背景下，19 世纪中叶出现了一场被称为 "青年奥斯曼人 "的政治和思想运动。这个团体试图将现代化和改革的理想与伊斯兰教的原则和奥斯曼帝国的传统相协调。他们主张制定宪法、国家主权以及更具包容性的政治和社会改革。坦齐马特的努力和青年奥斯曼人的理想是奥斯曼帝国在瞬息万变的世界中应对挑战的重要尝试。虽然这些努力带来了一些积极的变化，但也暴露了帝国内部深刻的裂痕和紧张关系，预示着在帝国存在的最后几十年里将出现更大的挑战。
1876 年，随着苏丹阿卜杜勒哈米德二世的上台，坦齐马进程进入了一个关键阶段，他颁布了奥斯曼帝国的第一部君主立宪制宪法。这一时期是一个重要的转折点，它试图将现代化原则与帝国的传统结构相协调。1876 年的宪法体现了帝国行政现代化的努力，并建立了立法制度和议会，反映了当时欧洲流行的自由和宪政理想。然而，阿卜杜勒哈米德二世统治时期的另一个特点是泛伊斯兰主义的强势崛起，这种意识形态旨在加强帝国内外穆斯林之间的联系，与西方列强的竞争日益激烈。
阿卜杜勒哈米德二世将泛伊斯兰主义作为巩固权力和抵御外部影响的工具。他邀请穆斯林领袖和政要前往伊斯坦布尔，并提出让他们的子女在奥斯曼帝国首都接受教育，这一举措旨在加强穆斯林世界的文化和政治联系。然而，1878 年，阿卜杜勒哈米德二世出人意料地突然转向，中止了宪法，关闭了议会，标志着专制统治的回归。做出这一决定的部分原因是担心对政治进程的控制不足以及帝国内部民族主义运动的兴起。苏丹因此加强了对政府的直接控制，同时继续推行泛伊斯兰主义，以此作为合法化的手段。
在这种情况下，萨拉菲主义（旨在回归第一代伊斯兰教实践的运动）受到了泛伊斯兰主义和阿拉伯文艺复兴（Nahda）理想的影响。Jamal al-Din al-Afghani 通常被视为现代萨拉菲运动的先驱，他在传播这些思想方面发挥了关键作用。阿夫加尼主张回归伊斯兰教的原始原则，同时鼓励采用某些形式的技术和科学现代化。因此，坦齐马特时期和阿卜杜勒哈米德二世统治时期说明了奥斯曼帝国改革尝试的复杂性，既要满足现代化的要求，又要保持传统的结构和意识形态。这一时期的影响远远超出了帝国的衰落，影响了整个现代穆斯林世界的政治和宗教运动。
"东方问题 "一词主要用于 19 世纪和 20 世纪初，指的是关于逐渐衰落的奥斯曼帝国未来的复杂而多层面的争论。这一问题的出现是由于帝国领土的接连丧失、土耳其民族主义的兴起以及与非穆斯林领土（尤其是巴尔干地区）的分离日益加剧。早在 1830 年，随着希腊的独立，奥斯曼帝国就开始失去其欧洲领土。这一趋势随着巴尔干战争而继续，并在第一次世界大战期间加速，最终导致 1920 年《塞夫尔条约》和 1923 年在穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克的领导下成立土耳其共和国。这些损失深刻地改变了该地区的政治地理格局。
在此背景下，土耳其民族主义获得了发展势头。这场运动试图围绕土耳其元素重新定义帝国的身份，与在此之前盛行的多民族和多宗教模式形成鲜明对比。民族主义的兴起是对帝国逐渐解体和需要建立新的民族身份的直接回应。与此同时，特别是在阿卜杜勒哈米德二世苏丹的泛伊斯兰主义推动下，出现了建立一种 "伊斯兰国际 "的想法。这种思想设想在穆斯林国家之间建立联盟或合作关系，它受到欧洲某些类似思想的启发，在欧洲，国际主义寻求超越国界团结各国人民。其目的是建立穆斯林人民的统一战线，抵制西方列强的影响和干涉，同时维护穆斯林领土的利益和独立。
然而，由于各国利益不同、地区竞争激烈以及民族主义思潮的影响日益扩大，这一主张很难付诸实施。此外，政治形势的发展，特别是第一次世界大战和民族主义运动在奥斯曼帝国各地的兴起，使 "伊斯兰国际 "的愿景越来越难以实现。因此，整个 "东方问题 "反映了这一时期该地区发生的深刻的地缘政治和意识形态变革，标志着一个多民族帝国的终结，以及具有自身民族特性和愿望的新民族国家的诞生。
德国在 19 世纪末 20 世纪初采取的 "世界政治 "或世界政策在涉及奥斯曼帝国的地缘政治动态中发挥了至关重要的作用。在德皇威廉二世统治时期启动的这一政策旨在扩大德国在国际舞台上的影响力和声望，特别是通过殖民扩张和战略联盟。奥斯曼帝国为了摆脱俄国和英国的压力，在德国找到了一个潜在的有用盟友。柏林-巴格达铁路（BBB）建设项目就是这一联盟的象征。这条铁路旨在通过拜占庭（伊斯坦布尔）连接柏林和巴格达，具有相当重要的战略和经济意义。其目的不仅在于促进贸易和通信，还在于加强德国在该地区的影响力，制衡英国和俄国在中东的利益。
对于潘图尔克派和奥斯曼帝国的支持者来说，与德国结盟是有利的。潘图尔克主义者主张土耳其语民族的统一和团结，他们认为结盟是加强奥斯曼帝国地位和抵御外部威胁的机会。与德国的结盟为长期影响奥斯曼帝国政治和事务的俄国和英国等传统强国施加压力提供了一个替代方案。奥斯曼帝国与德国之间的这种关系在第一次世界大战期间达到了顶峰，当时两国在中央集权中结盟。这一联盟在军事和政治上都对奥斯曼帝国产生了重要影响，并在最终导致战后帝国解体的事件中发挥了作用。德意志世界政治和柏林-巴格达铁路项目是奥斯曼帝国面对列强压力维护其完整和独立战略的关键要素。这一时期标志着帝国历史上的一个重要时刻，说明了 20 世纪初联盟和地缘政治利益的复杂性。
1908 年是奥斯曼帝国历史上的一个决定性转折点，在以联盟与进步委员会（CUP）为主要代表的青年土耳其人运动的推动下，奥斯曼帝国开始了第二个立宪时期。这一运动最初由改革派的奥斯曼帝国军官和知识分子组成，旨在实现帝国的现代化，使其免于崩溃。
在联盟与进步委员会的压力下，苏丹阿卜杜勒哈米德二世被迫恢复自 1878 年起中止的 1876 年宪法，标志着第二个立宪时期的开始。宪法的恢复被视为帝国向现代化和民主化迈出的一步，有望带来更广泛的公民权利和政治权利，并建立议会制政府。然而，这一改革时期很快就遇到了重大挑战。1909 年，传统的保守派和宗教团体不满改革和联盟派日益增长的影响力，企图发动政变推翻立宪政府，重建苏丹的绝对权威。这一企图的动机是反对青年土耳其党人推动的快速现代化和世俗化政策，以及担心失去特权和影响力。然而，年轻的土耳其人以这次反革命事件为借口，成功地粉碎了抵抗，巩固了自己的权力。这一时期的特点是，反对者受到更多镇压，权力集中在中央政治局手中。
1913 年，银联领导人夺取了议会，将局势推向高潮，这一事件通常被描述为政变。这标志着帝国短暂的宪政和议会实验的结束，青年土耳其人领导的日益专制的政权开始建立。在他们的统治下，奥斯曼帝国进行了实质性的改革，但也采取了更加集权和民族主义的政策，为第一次世界大战期间和之后发生的事件奠定了基础。这段动荡的时期反映了奥斯曼帝国内部的紧张关系和内部斗争，在变革和传统力量之间徘徊，为帝国晚年的彻底变革奠定了基础。
1915 年，在第一次世界大战期间，奥斯曼帝国对亚美尼亚人进行了种族灭绝，这是历史上一段悲惨而黑暗的插曲，如今已被广泛认可。这一政策包括有计划地驱逐、大规模屠杀和杀害生活在帝国境内的亚美尼亚人。针对亚美尼亚人的行动始于逮捕、处决和大规模驱逐。亚美尼亚男子、妇女、儿童和老人被迫离开家园，被送往穿越叙利亚沙漠的死亡行军途中，许多人死于饥饿、干渴、疾病或暴力。许多在该地区有着悠久和丰富历史的亚美尼亚社区被摧毁。
对受害者人数的估计各不相同，但普遍认为在此期间有 80 万至 150 万亚美尼亚人丧生。种族灭绝对全球亚美尼亚社区产生了持久的影响，并且仍然是一个非常敏感和有争议的话题，尤其是因为一些团体否认或淡化这些事件。亚美尼亚种族灭绝通常被认为是最早的现代种族灭绝之一，是 20 世纪其他大规模暴行的黑暗前兆。它还在现代亚美尼亚人身份认同的形成过程中发挥了关键作用，对种族灭绝的记忆仍然是亚美尼亚人意识的核心。承认和纪念这些事件仍然是国际关系中的一个重要问题，特别是在有关人权和防止种族灭绝的讨论中。
波斯帝国（即现在的伊朗）的历史具有令人印象深刻的文化和政治连续性，尽管王朝更迭和外敌入侵。这种连续性是了解该地区历史和文化演变的关键因素。
公元前 7 世纪初建立的玛代帝国是伊朗历史上最早的强国之一。该帝国在奠定伊朗文明的基础方面发挥了至关重要的作用。然而，公元前 550 年左右，它被波斯的居鲁士二世（又称居鲁士大帝）推翻。居鲁士对米底的征服标志着阿契美尼德帝国的开始，这是一个大扩张和大文化影响的时期。阿契美尼德王朝建立了一个从印度河到希腊的庞大帝国，其统治的特点是高效的管理和对帝国内不同文化和宗教的宽容政策。公元前 330 年，亚历山大大帝灭亡了这个帝国，但这并没有结束波斯文化的延续。
经过一段时间的希腊统治和政治分裂，萨珊王朝于公元 224 年崛起。该王朝由阿尔达希尔一世建立，标志着该地区新时代的开始，一直持续到公元 624 年。在萨珊王朝统治下，大伊朗经历了一个文化和政治复兴时期。首都喀提芬成为权力和文化中心，体现了帝国的宏伟和影响力。萨珊王朝在该地区的艺术、建筑、文学和宗教发展中发挥了重要作用。他们倡导琐罗亚斯德教，对波斯文化和身份认同产生了深远的影响。他们的帝国与罗马帝国以及后来的拜占庭帝国冲突不断，最终导致代价高昂的战争，削弱了两个帝国的实力。萨珊王朝在 7 世纪穆斯林征服之后灭亡，但波斯文化和传统继续影响着该地区，即使在后来的伊斯兰时期也是如此。这种在保留独特文化核心的同时融入新元素的韧性和能力是波斯历史连续性概念的核心。
从 642 年起，随着穆斯林的征服，伊朗开始进入伊斯兰时期，伊朗历史进入了一个新纪元。这一时期不仅是该地区政治史上的重要转折点，也是其社会、文化和宗教结构的重要转折点。632 年先知穆罕默德去世后不久，穆斯林军队开始征服伊朗。642 年，随着萨珊王朝的首都喀提虹被攻占，伊朗被新生的伊斯兰帝国所控制。这一过渡是一个复杂的过程，既涉及军事冲突，也涉及谈判。在穆斯林的统治下，伊朗发生了深刻的变化。伊斯兰教逐渐成为主导宗教，取代了以前帝国统治下的国教拜火教。然而，这一转变并非一蹴而就，不同宗教传统之间曾有过一段共存和互动的时期。
伊朗文化和社会受到伊斯兰教的深刻影响，同时也对伊斯兰世界产生了重大影响。伊朗成为伊斯兰文化和知识的重要中心，在哲学、诗歌、医学和天文学等领域做出了卓越的贡献。伊朗的标志性人物，如诗人鲁米和哲学家阿维森纳（伊本-西纳）在伊斯兰文化和知识遗产中发挥了重要作用。在这一时期，倭马亚王朝、阿拔斯王朝、萨法里王朝、萨曼王朝、布依王朝以及后来的塞尔柱王朝等王朝相继建立，每个王朝都为伊朗历史的丰富性和多样性做出了贡献。每个王朝都为该地区的治理、文化和社会带来了各自的细微差别。
1501 年，伊朗和中东历史上发生了一件大事，伊朗国王伊斯梅尔一世在阿塞拜疆建立了塞费维德帝国。这不仅标志着伊朗，也标志着整个地区进入了一个新时代，都德西曼什叶派成为国教，这一变化深刻影响了伊朗的宗教和文化特征。塞夫维德帝国一直统治到 1736 年，在巩固伊朗作为一个独特的政治和文化实体方面发挥了至关重要的作用。沙阿-伊斯梅尔一世是一位富有魅力的领袖和才华横溢的诗人，他成功地统一了他所控制的各个地区，建立了一个中央集权的强大国家。他最重要的决定之一是将十二进制什叶派作为帝国的官方宗教，这一行为对伊朗和中东的未来产生了深远的影响。
伊朗的 "什叶派化 "涉及强迫逊尼派居民和其他宗教团体皈依什叶派，这是一项深思熟虑的战略，目的是将伊朗与其逊尼派邻国（尤其是奥斯曼帝国）区分开来，并巩固塞弗维德的权力。这一政策还起到了强化伊朗什叶派身份的作用，至今这已成为伊朗民族的一个显著特征。在塞菲维王朝统治下，伊朗经历了一个文化和艺术复兴时期。首都伊斯法罕成为伊斯兰世界最重要的艺术、建筑和文化中心之一。塞非维王朝鼓励艺术的发展，包括绘画、书法、诗歌和建筑，创造了丰富而持久的文化遗产。然而，帝国也经历了内外冲突，包括与奥斯曼帝国和乌兹别克人的战争。这些冲突以及内部挑战最终导致了帝国在 18 世纪的衰落。
1514 年发生的查尔迪兰战役是塞法迪帝国和奥斯曼帝国历史上的一个重要事件，它不仅是一个军事转折点，也标志着两个帝国之间形成了一条重要的政治分界线。在这场战役中，沙赫-伊斯梅尔一世率领的塞法维德军队与苏丹-塞利姆一世指挥的奥斯曼军队发生冲突。塞法维德军队虽然作战英勇，但最终还是被奥斯曼军队击败，这主要是因为奥斯曼军队拥有技术优势，尤其是能够有效地使用火炮。这次失败对塞法维帝国造成了重大影响。查尔迪兰战役的直接后果之一是塞法德人失去了大量领土。奥斯曼人成功夺取了安纳托利亚的东半部，大大削弱了塞法维王朝在该地区的影响力。这次战败也在两个帝国之间划定了一条持久的政治边界，成为该地区重要的地缘政治标志。塞费维德人的失败也对支持沙阿-伊斯梅尔一世及其什叶派化政策的宗教团体阿列维人产生了影响。战役结束后，许多阿列维人在随后的十年中遭到迫害和屠杀，原因是他们效忠于塞费维德国王，而且他们独特的宗教信仰与奥斯曼帝国占统治地位的逊尼派习俗相悖。
在查尔迪兰取得胜利后，苏丹塞利姆一世继续扩张，并于 1517 年征服了开罗，结束了阿拔斯哈里发统治。这次征服不仅将奥斯曼帝国的版图扩展到埃及，还巩固了苏丹作为有影响力的穆斯林领袖的地位，因为他获得了哈里发的称号，象征着对逊尼派穆斯林世界的宗教和政治权威。因此，查尔迪兰战役及其后果说明了当时两个穆斯林大国之间的激烈竞争，极大地影响了中东的政治、宗教和领土历史。
1796 年，伊朗出现了一个新的统治王朝，即由阿迦-穆罕默德-汗-卡贾尔（Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar）建立的卡贾尔（或卡贾尔）王朝。该王朝由土库曼人建立，取代了赞德王朝，统治伊朗直至 20 世纪初。阿迦-穆罕默德-汗-卡贾尔在统一了伊朗的各个派别和领土后，于 1796 年自封为国王，标志着卡贾尔统治的正式开始。这一时期在伊朗历史上具有重要意义。在卡扎尔统治时期，伊朗在经历了多年的动乱和内部分裂之后，经历了一个权力集中和领土巩固的时期。首都从设拉子迁至德黑兰，德黑兰成为国家的政治和文化中心。这一时期的国际关系也很复杂，特别是与当时的帝国主义列强俄罗斯和英国的关系。卡贾尔王朝必须在艰难的国际环境中游刃有余，伊朗经常陷入大国的地缘政治竞争，特别是俄罗斯和英国之间的 "大博弈"。这些互动往往导致伊朗丧失领土以及重大的经济和政治让步。
在文化方面，卡贾尔时期以其独特的艺术而闻名，尤其是绘画、建筑和装饰艺术。卡贾尔宫廷是艺术赞助的中心，这一时期伊朗的传统风格与欧洲的现代影响形成了独特的融合。然而，卡贾尔王朝也因未能有效实现国家现代化和满足人民需求而饱受诟病。这种失败导致了国内的不满，为 20 世纪初发生的改革运动和宪政革命奠定了基础。卡贾尔王朝是伊朗历史上的一个重要时期，其特点是努力实现中央集权、面临外交挑战和做出重大文化贡献，但内部斗争和外部压力也影响了该国后来的发展。
1906 年，伊朗经历了一个历史性时刻，开始进入立宪时期，这是伊朗政治现代化和争取民主的重要一步。这一发展在很大程度上受到了社会和政治运动的影响，这些运动要求限制君主的绝对权力，实行更具代表性的宪政治理。伊朗立宪革命导致该国于 1906 年通过了第一部宪法，标志着伊朗向君主立宪制过渡。这部宪法规定设立议会，并制定了法律和结构，以实现伊朗社会和政府的现代化和改革。然而，这一时期也出现了外国干涉和国家势力范围的划分。伊朗被卷入了英国和俄罗斯之间的竞争，双方都试图扩大自己在该地区的影响力。这些大国建立了不同的 "国际秩序 "或势力范围，限制了伊朗的主权。
1908-1909 年发现的石油为伊朗的局势增添了新的内容。在 Masjed Soleyman 地区发现的石油很快引起了外国列强的注意，特别是英国，他们试图控制伊朗的石油资源。这一发现大大提高了伊朗在国际舞台上的战略重要性，同时也使伊朗的内部动态复杂化。尽管存在这些外部压力和与自然资源相关的利害关系，伊朗仍坚持中立政策，特别是在第一次世界大战等全球冲突期间。这种中立政策在一定程度上是为了维护伊朗的自主权，抵制试图开发伊朗资源和控制伊朗政治的外国势力。20 世纪初是伊朗经历变革和挑战的时期，其特点是努力实现政治现代化，随着石油的发现而出现新的经济挑战，以及在复杂的国际环境中航行。
1914 年，奥斯曼帝国加入第一次世界大战，在此之前，奥斯曼帝国进行了复杂的外交和军事活动，包括英国、法国和德国在内的几个大国都参与其中。在探讨了与英国和法国结盟的可能性后，奥斯曼帝国最终选择了与德国结盟。这一决定受到多种因素的影响，包括奥斯曼帝国与德国之间业已存在的军事和经济联系，以及对其他欧洲大国意图的看法。
尽管结盟，但奥斯曼人意识到自己的内部困难和军事限制，不愿直接卷入冲突。然而，达达尼尔海峡事件改变了局势。奥斯曼人用军舰（其中一些是从德国购买的）轰炸了俄罗斯在黑海的港口。这一行动将奥斯曼帝国卷入战争，与中央强国并肩作战，反对协约国，特别是俄国、法国和英国。
作为对奥斯曼帝国参战的回应，英国于 1915 年发动了达达尼尔海峡战役。其目的是控制达达尼尔海峡和博斯普鲁斯海峡，开辟一条通往俄国的海上通道。然而，这场战役以盟军失败告终，双方均伤亡惨重。与此同时，英国正式控制了埃及，于 1914 年宣布成立英国埃及保护国。这一决定是出于战略考虑，主要是为了确保苏伊士运河的安全，而苏伊士运河是英国航道的重要过境点，尤其是通往亚洲殖民地的通道。这些事件说明了第一次世界大战期间中东地缘政治局势的复杂性。奥斯曼帝国做出的决定不仅对其帝国，而且对战后中东地区的格局都有重要影响。
第一次世界大战期间，协约国试图通过在南部开辟新战线来削弱奥斯曼帝国，导致了著名的 1916 年阿拉伯起义。这次起义是中东历史上的关键时刻，标志着阿拉伯民族主义运动的开始。麦加郡主侯赛因-本-阿里在这次起义中发挥了核心作用。在他的领导下，在被称为阿拉伯的劳伦斯（T.E. Lawrence）等人的鼓励和支持下，阿拉伯人奋起反抗奥斯曼帝国的统治，希望建立一个统一的阿拉伯国家。这种独立和统一的愿望是出于对民族解放的渴望，以及英国人，特别是亨利-麦克马洪将军做出的自治承诺。
阿拉伯起义取得了几次重大胜利。1917 年 6 月，侯赛因-本-阿里之子费萨尔赢得了亚喀巴战役，这是起义的战略转折点。这场胜利开辟了对抗奥斯曼帝国的重要战线，鼓舞了阿拉伯军队的士气。在阿拉伯的劳伦斯和其他英国军官的帮助下，费萨尔成功地联合了希贾兹的几个阿拉伯部落，最终于 1917 年解放了大马士革。1920 年，费萨尔宣布自己为叙利亚国王，肯定了阿拉伯人自决和独立的愿望。然而，他的雄心壮志却遭遇了国际政治的现实。1916 年《赛克斯-皮科协定》是英国和法国之间的一项秘密安排，当时已将中东大部分地区划分为势力范围，从而破坏了建立一个大一统阿拉伯王国的希望。阿拉伯起义是战争期间削弱奥斯曼帝国的决定性因素，并为现代阿拉伯民族主义奠定了基础。然而，战后中东在欧洲的授权下分裂为多个民族国家，这使得侯赛因-本-阿里及其支持者所设想的统一阿拉伯国家的实现遥遥无期。
第一次世界大战期间，局势发展复杂，态势不断变化，其中包括俄罗斯因1917年俄国革命而退出冲突。这一退出对战争的进程和其他交战国产生了重大影响。俄国的退出减轻了对中央强国的压力，尤其是德国，因为德国现在可以集中兵力在西线对抗法国及其盟国。这一变化令英国及其盟国忧心忡忡，他们正在寻找维持均势的方法。
关于布尔什维克犹太人，必须指出的是，1917 年的俄国革命和布尔什维主义的兴起是受俄国国内各种因素影响的复杂现象。虽然布尔什维克中也有犹太人，但与当时的许多政治运动一样，他们的存在不应被过度解读，也不应被用来宣扬简单化或反犹主义的说法。就奥斯曼帝国而言，"青年土耳其人 "运动领导人之一、陆军大臣恩维尔-帕夏在战争中发挥了关键作用。1914 年，他在高加索地区对俄军发动了灾难性的进攻，结果奥斯曼帝国在萨里卡米什战役中大败。
恩维尔-帕夏的失败造成了悲惨的后果，包括亚美尼亚种族灭绝的爆发。恩维尔-帕夏和奥斯曼帝国的其他领导人想找个替罪羊来解释战败的原因，他们指责帝国的亚美尼亚少数民族与俄国人勾结。这些指控助长了针对亚美尼亚人的系统性驱逐、屠杀和灭绝运动，最终导致了现在公认的亚美尼亚种族灭绝。这场种族灭绝是第一次世界大战和奥斯曼帝国历史上最黑暗的事件之一，凸显了大规模冲突和种族仇恨政策的恐怖和悲惨后果。
1919年1月开始的巴黎和会是第一次世界大战后重新定义世界秩序的关键时刻。会议聚集了主要协约国的领导人，讨论和平条件和地缘政治的未来，包括衰落的奥斯曼帝国的领土。会议讨论的主要问题之一涉及奥斯曼帝国在中东领土的未来。受各种政治、战略和经济因素（包括对石油资源的控制）的影响，协约国正在考虑重新划分该地区的边界。虽然从理论上讲，会议允许相关国家提出自己的观点，但实际上，一些代表团被边缘化或其要求被忽视。例如，试图讨论埃及独立问题的埃及代表团就遇到了重重障碍，其中一些成员被流放到了马耳他。这种情况反映了会议上不平等的权力动态，欧洲主要大国的利益往往占上风。
侯赛因-本-阿里之子、阿拉伯起义领导人费萨尔在会议上发挥了重要作用。他代表阿拉伯的利益，主张承认阿拉伯的独立和自治。尽管他做出了努力，但会议做出的决定并没有完全满足阿拉伯人建立一个独立统一国家的愿望。费萨尔继续在叙利亚建国，于 1920 年宣布自己为叙利亚国王。然而，他的雄心壮志只是昙花一现，因为在 1920 年圣雷莫会议之后，叙利亚被置于法国的委任统治之下，根据 1916 年的赛克斯-皮科协定，这一决定是欧洲列强瓜分中东的一部分。因此，巴黎会议及其成果对中东产生了深远影响，为延续至今的许多地区紧张局势和冲突奠定了基础。会议做出的决定反映了第一次世界大战战胜国的利益，往往损害了该地区人民的民族愿望。
代表法国的乔治-克莱蒙梭与阿拉伯起义领导人费萨尔之间达成的协议，以及围绕在中东建立新国家的讨论，都是一战后塑造该地区地缘政治秩序的关键因素。克莱蒙梭-法沙尔协议被认为对法国非常有利。法沙尔为了确保阿拉伯领土的某种形式的自治，不得不做出重大让步。法国在该地区拥有殖民地和战略利益，利用其在巴黎会议上的地位，坚持其控制权，特别是对叙利亚和黎巴嫩等领土的控制权。黎巴嫩代表团赢得了在法国授权下建立一个独立国家--大黎巴嫩的权利。这一决定受到了黎巴嫩马龙派基督教社区愿望的影响，他们希望在法国的监护下建立一个边界更广、拥有一定自治权的国家。在库尔德问题上，法国承诺建立库尔德斯坦。这些承诺在某种程度上是对库尔德民族主义愿望的承认，也是削弱奥斯曼帝国的一种手段。然而，事实证明这一承诺的实施是复杂的，战后的条约在很大程度上忽略了这一点。
所有这些因素都汇聚到了 1920 年的《塞夫尔条约》中，该条约正式宣告了奥斯曼帝国的解体。该条约重新划定了中东的边界，在法国和英国的委任统治下建立了新的国家。条约还规定建立库尔德自治实体，但这一规定从未得到执行。塞夫尔条约》虽然从未得到完全批准，后来在 1923 年被《洛桑条约》取代，但它是该地区历史上的一个决定性时刻。它为中东的现代政治结构奠定了基础，但由于对该地区民族、文化和历史现实的无知，也为未来的许多冲突埋下了种子。
第一次世界大战结束后，奥斯曼帝国受到削弱和压力，于 1920 年同意签署《塞夫尔条约》。该条约解散了奥斯曼帝国并对其领土进行了重新分配，似乎标志着有关帝国命运的旷日持久的 "东方问题 "的终结。然而，《塞夫尔条约》非但没有结束该地区的紧张局势，反而激化了民族主义情绪，引发了新的冲突。
在土耳其，由穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克领导的强大的民族主义抵抗运动形成，反对《塞夫尔条约》。这一民族主义运动反对条约的规定，因为这些规定造成了严重的领土损失，并增加了外国对奥斯曼帝国领土的影响。抵抗运动与亚美尼亚人、安纳托利亚的希腊人和库尔德人等不同群体作战，目的是建立一个新的、单一的土耳其民族国家。随后的土耳其独立战争是一段激烈冲突和领土重组的时期。土耳其民族主义势力成功击退了安纳托利亚的希腊军队，并反击了其他叛乱团体。这次军事胜利是 1923 年土耳其共和国成立的关键因素。
由于这些事件，《塞夫尔条约》于 1923 年被《洛桑条约》取代。新条约承认了新土耳其共和国的边界，并取消了《塞夫尔条约》中最具惩罚性的条款。洛桑条约》标志着现代土耳其作为一个主权独立国家进入了一个重要阶段，重新确定了土耳其在该地区和国际事务中的作用。这些事件不仅重新绘制了中东的政治地图，还标志着奥斯曼帝国的终结，揭开了土耳其历史的新篇章，其影响至今仍在影响着该地区和全世界。
1924 年哈里发制度的废除是中东现代史上的一件大事，标志着一个延续了几个世纪的伊斯兰制度的终结。土耳其共和国的创始人穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克做出了这一决定，作为他对新土耳其国家进行世俗化和现代化改革的一部分。废除哈里发统治是对传统伊斯兰权威结构的打击。自先知穆罕默德时代以来，哈里发一直被视为穆斯林社会（乌玛）的精神和世俗领袖。随着哈里发的废除，逊尼派伊斯兰教的这一核心机构消失了，穆斯林领导层出现了真空。
针对土耳其废除哈里发制度，奥斯曼帝国灭亡后成为希贾兹国王的侯赛因-本-阿里自封为哈里发。侯赛因是哈希姆家族的成员，也是先知穆罕默德的直系后裔，他试图宣称自己是哈里发，以便在穆斯林世界保持一种精神和政治上的连续性。然而，侯赛因的哈里发地位并没有得到广泛承认，而且持续时间很短。内外挑战削弱了他的地位，包括来自控制着阿拉伯半岛大部分地区的沙特家族的反对。沙特家族在阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特的领导下崛起，最终征服了希贾兹，建立了沙特阿拉伯王国。侯赛因-本-阿里被沙特人赶下台象征着阿拉伯半岛权力的急剧转移，标志着他建立哈里发的野心的终结。这一事件也凸显了穆斯林世界正在发生的政治和宗教变革，标志着一个新时代的开始，在许多穆斯林国家，政治和宗教将开始走上更加截然不同的道路。
第一次世界大战后的时期对于中东的政治重新定义至关重要，欧洲列强，特别是法国和英国进行了重大干预。1920 年，叙利亚发生了一件大事，标志着该地区历史的转折点。侯赛因-本-阿里的儿子费萨尔是阿拉伯起义的核心人物，奥斯曼帝国灭亡后，他在叙利亚建立了一个阿拉伯王国，渴望实现建立一个统一的阿拉伯国家的梦想。然而，他的雄心壮志却遭遇了法国殖民利益的现实。1920 年 7 月的迈萨伦战役后，法国根据国际联盟的授权控制了大马士革，瓦解了费萨尔的阿拉伯国家，结束了他在叙利亚的统治。法国的干预反映了战后时期的复杂动态，在这一时期，中东人民的民族愿望往往被欧洲列强的战略利益所掩盖。被废黜叙利亚王位的法伊萨尔却在伊拉克找到了新的命运。1921 年，在英国的主持下，他被推举为伊拉克哈希姆君主国的第一任国王，这是英国为确保在这一石油资源丰富地区的有利领导和稳定而采取的一项战略举措。
与此同时，在外约旦，英国人实施了另一项政治策略。为了挫败犹太复国主义在巴勒斯坦的野心并保持其授权的平衡，英国于 1921 年建立了外约旦王国，并在那里安插了侯赛因-本-阿里的另一个儿子阿卜杜拉。这一决定旨在为阿卜杜拉提供一块可以统治的领土，同时将巴勒斯坦置于英国的直接控制之下。外约旦的建立是现代约旦国家形成的重要一步，也说明了殖民利益是如何塑造现代中东的边界和政治结构的。第一次世界大战后该地区的这些发展表明了战时中东政治的复杂性。欧洲傀儡列强受其自身战略和地缘政治利益的影响而做出的决定产生了持久的后果，为继续影响中东的国家结构和冲突奠定了基础。这些事件还凸显了该地区人民的民族愿望与欧洲殖民统治现实之间的斗争，这是 20 世纪中东历史中反复出现的主题。
1920 年 4 月举行的圣雷莫会议是第一次世界大战后历史上的一个决定性时刻，对中东来说尤其如此。会议重点讨论了奥斯曼帝国战败和解体后对前各省的委任统治权分配问题。在这次会议上，战胜国同盟国决定了委任统治地的分配。法国获得了叙利亚和黎巴嫩的委任统治权，从而控制了两个具有重要战略意义和丰富文化内涵的地区。英国则获得了外约旦、巴勒斯坦和美索不达米亚的委任统治权，后者更名为伊拉克。这些决定反映了殖民国家的地缘政治和经济利益，特别是在获取资源和战略控制方面。
在这些发展的同时，土耳其在穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克的领导下，也在进行国家的重新定义。战后，土耳其寻求建立新的国界。这一时期发生了多起悲剧性冲突，尤其是在战争期间对亚美尼亚人实施种族灭绝之后对亚美尼亚人的镇压。1923 年，经过数年的斗争和外交谈判，穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克成功地就《塞夫尔条约》的条款进行了重新谈判，该条约是 1920 年强加给土耳其的，土耳其民族主义者普遍认为这是屈辱和不可接受的。1923 年 7 月签署的《洛桑条约》取代了《塞夫尔条约》，承认了新土耳其共和国的主权和边界。该条约标志着奥斯曼帝国的正式终结，并奠定了现代土耳其国家的基础。
洛桑条约》被认为是穆斯塔法-凯末尔和土耳其民族主义运动的一大成功。它不仅重新界定了土耳其的边界，还使新的共和国摆脱了《塞夫尔条约》的限制，在国际舞台上重新开始。从圣雷莫会议到《洛桑条约》的签署，这些事件对中东产生了深远的影响，塑造了该地区未来几十年的国家边界、国际关系和政治动态。
第一次世界大战期间，解散和瓜分奥斯曼帝国是协约国（主要是英国、法国和俄国）关注的核心问题。这些列强期待着战胜奥斯曼帝国这个中央强国的盟友，开始计划瓜分其广袤的领土。
1915 年，随着第一次世界大战的爆发，英国、法国和俄国的代表在君士坦丁堡进行了重要谈判。谈判的中心议题是奥斯曼帝国领土的未来，奥斯曼帝国当时与中央列强结盟。奥斯曼帝国衰弱衰落，被协约国视为胜利后要瓜分的领土。在君士坦丁堡进行的这些谈判是出于战略和殖民利益的强烈动机。每个大国都试图扩大其在该地区的影响力，因为该地区的地理位置和资源具有重要的战略意义。俄国对控制博斯普鲁斯海峡和达达尼尔海峡尤其感兴趣，因为这两个海峡对其进入地中海至关重要。与此同时，法国和英国则希望扩大其殖民帝国，确保获得该地区的资源，尤其是石油。然而，值得注意的是，尽管这些讨论对奥斯曼帝国领土的未来产生了重大影响，但有关其分割的最重要、最详细的协议是后来正式签订的，特别是 1916 年的《赛克斯-皮科协定》。
1916 年由英国外交官马克-赛克斯和法国外交官弗朗索瓦-乔治-皮科缔结的《赛克斯-皮科协定》是中东历史上的一个关键时刻，深刻影响了第一次世界大战后该地区的地缘政治格局。该协定旨在确定奥斯曼帝国领土在英国、法国和一定程度上的俄国之间的划分，尽管俄国的参与因 1917 年俄国革命而无效。赛克斯-皮科协定》规定了法国和英国在中东的势力范围和控制区。根据该协定，法国将直接控制或影响叙利亚和黎巴嫩，而英国则对伊拉克、约旦和巴勒斯坦周边地区拥有类似的控制权。然而，该协议并没有准确界定未来国家的边界，而是留待以后的谈判和协议来确定。
赛克斯-皮科协定》的重要性在于，它是有关中东地理空间的集体记忆的 "起源"。它象征着欧洲列强在该地区的帝国主义干预和操纵，往往无视当地的种族、宗教和文化特性。尽管该协定影响了中东国家的建立，但这些国家的实际边界是由后来的权力平衡、外交谈判和第一次世界大战后演变的地缘政治现实决定的。赛克斯-皮科协定》的后果反映在战后国际联盟对法国和英国的委任统治中，导致了几个现代中东国家的形成。然而，划定的边界和做出的决定往往忽视了当地的种族和宗教现实，为该地区未来的冲突和紧张局势埋下了种子。在当代中东，该协定的遗留问题仍是一个争论和不满的话题，象征着外国势力强加的干预和分裂。
这幅地图展示了 1916 年法国和英国签订的《赛克斯-皮科协定》中规定的奥斯曼帝国领土划分，包括直接管理区和势力范围。
代表法国直接管理的 "蓝区 "涵盖了后来成为叙利亚和黎巴嫩的地区。这表明法国打算直接控制战略城市中心和沿海地区。由英国直接管理的 "红区 "涵盖了未来的伊拉克，包括巴格达和巴士拉等重要城市，以及以独立方式代表的科威特。该区反映了英国对产油地区的兴趣及其作为波斯湾门户的战略重要性。代表巴勒斯坦（包括海法、耶路撒冷和加沙等地）的 "棕色区 "在《赛克斯-皮科协定》中没有明确界定其直接控制权，但通常与英国的影响力有关。后来，由于《贝尔福宣言》和犹太复国主义运动，该地区成为英国的委任统治地，并成为政治紧张局势和冲突的焦点。
阿拉伯 A 区和 B 区 "是分别在法国和英国监督下承认阿拉伯自治的地区。这被解释为是对阿拉伯人渴望某种形式的自治或独立的让步，盟军在战争期间一直鼓励这种愿望，以赢得阿拉伯人对奥斯曼帝国的支持。这幅地图没有显示的是协约国在战争期间所做承诺的复杂性和多重性，这些承诺往往自相矛盾，并在协议曝光后导致当地民众产生背叛感。这幅地图只是简化了《赛克斯-皮科协定》，实际上该协定要复杂得多，而且随着时间的推移，随着政治的发展、冲突和国际压力而发生了变化。
1917 年俄国革命后，俄国布尔什维克揭露了《赛克斯-皮科协定》，这不仅在中东地区，而且在国际舞台上都产生了巨大影响。通过揭露这些秘密协定，布尔什维克试图抨击西方列强，特别是法国和英国的帝国主义，并表明自己对自决和透明原则的承诺。赛克斯-皮科协定》并不是 "东方问题 "漫长进程的开端，而是其高潮。这一进程涉及对衰落的奥斯曼帝国领土的管理和影响力分享，而《赛克斯-皮科协定》则是这一进程中决定性的一步。
根据这些协议，法国在叙利亚和黎巴嫩建立了势力范围，而英国则获得了对伊拉克、约旦和巴勒斯坦周边地区的控制权或影响力。这样做的目的是在大国势力范围之间建立缓冲区，包括在该地区利益相互竞争的英国和俄国之间建立缓冲区。这种格局在一定程度上是为了应对这些大国之间难以共处的问题，它们在印度和其他地方的竞争就证明了这一点。赛克斯-皮科协定》的公布在阿拉伯世界引起了强烈反响，被认为是对战争期间向阿拉伯领导人所做承诺的背叛。这一消息加剧了对西方列强的不信任，助长了该地区的民族主义和反帝愿望。这些协议的影响至今仍可感受到，因为它们为中东的现代边界和继续影响该地区的政治动态奠定了基础。
第一次世界大战期间冲突激烈，政治动荡，但也发生了 20 世纪初最悲惨的事件之一：亚美尼亚种族灭绝。这一种族灭绝是奥斯曼帝国青年土耳其人政府在 1915 年至 1917 年期间实施的，尽管暴力和驱逐行为在这之前就已开始，并在这之后仍在继续。
在这一悲惨时期，奥斯曼帝国的基督教少数民族--奥斯曼亚美尼亚人被有计划地当作目标，遭到强制驱逐、大规模处决、死亡行军和有计划的饥荒。奥斯曼帝国当局以战争为掩护和借口，解决他们认为的 "亚美尼亚问题"，精心策划了这些行动，目的是消灭安纳托利亚和帝国其他地区的亚美尼亚人口。对受害者人数的估计各不相同，但普遍认为多达 150 万亚美尼亚人丧生。亚美尼亚种族灭绝在亚美尼亚人的集体记忆中留下了深刻的烙印，并对全球亚美尼亚社区产生了持久的影响。它被认为是最早的现代种族灭绝之一，给土耳其和亚美尼亚的关系蒙上了一个多世纪的阴影。
承认亚美尼亚种族灭绝仍然是一个敏感和有争议的问题。许多国家和国际组织已正式承认种族灭绝，但某些争论和外交紧张局势依然存在，特别是与土耳其的争论，土耳其对将事件定性为种族灭绝提出异议。亚美尼亚种族灭绝对国际法也有影响，它影响了种族灭绝概念的发展，并促使人们努力防止今后发生此类暴行。这一令人悲痛的事件强调了历史记忆和承认过去的不公正对于在理解与和解的基础上建设共同未来的重要性。
亚美尼亚人民拥有丰富而古老的历史，其历史可以追溯到基督教时代之前。根据亚美尼亚民族主义传统和神话传说，他们的历史可以追溯到公元前 200 年，甚至更早。考古和历史证据表明，亚美尼亚人占据亚美尼亚高原已有数千年之久。历史上的亚美尼亚通常被称为上亚美尼亚或大亚美尼亚，其所在地区包括现代土耳其东部、亚美尼亚、阿塞拜疆、格鲁吉亚、现代伊朗和伊拉克的部分地区。该地区是乌拉尔图王国的发源地，乌拉尔图王国被认为是古亚美尼亚的前身，曾在公元前 9 世纪至公元前 6 世纪繁荣一时。公元前 6 世纪初，乌拉尔图王国灭亡，亚美尼亚并入阿契美尼德帝国，亚美尼亚王国正式建立并得到承认。公元前 1 世纪，提格兰大帝（Tigran the Great）统治时期，亚美尼亚王国达到鼎盛时期，短暂扩张后形成了一个从里海到地中海的帝国。
公元 301 年，亚美尼亚成为第一个正式将基督教奉为国教的国家，这也说明了亚美尼亚人在该地区的历史渊源。几个世纪以来，尽管遭受入侵和各种外国帝国的统治，亚美尼亚人仍保持着独特的文化和宗教特征。悠久的历史铸就了强大的民族认同感，即使在 20 世纪初亚美尼亚种族灭绝等严重困难面前，这种认同感也历久弥新。亚美尼亚的神话和历史记载虽然有时会被民族主义精神美化，但都是基于真实而重要的历史，这些历史造就了亚美尼亚人民丰富的文化和顽强的生命力。
亚美尼亚拥有第一个正式将基督教作为国教的王国的历史称号。这一具有纪念意义的事件发生在公元 301 年，当时的国王是提里达特斯三世，这在很大程度上是受圣格雷戈里-照亮者（Saint Gregory the Illuminator）传教活动的影响，圣格雷戈里-照亮者成为亚美尼亚教会的第一任首领。亚美尼亚王国皈依基督教的时间早于罗马帝国。公元 313 年米兰敕令颁布后，罗马帝国在君士坦丁皇帝的领导下开始将基督教作为其主导宗教。亚美尼亚人皈依基督教是一个重要的过程，对亚美尼亚人民的文化和民族特性产生了深远的影响。信奉基督教促进了亚美尼亚文化和宗教艺术的发展，包括亚美尼亚教堂和修道院的独特建筑风格，以及圣梅斯罗普-马什托茨（Saint Mesrop Mashtots）在 5 世纪初创造的亚美尼亚字母表。这种字母使亚美尼亚文学得以蓬勃发展，包括《圣经》和其他重要宗教典籍的翻译，从而有助于加强亚美尼亚的基督教特性。亚美尼亚作为第一个基督教国家的地位也产生了政治和地缘政治影响，因为它经常处于相互竞争的主要帝国的边界上，并被非基督教邻国所包围。几个世纪以来，这种区别帮助塑造了亚美尼亚的角色和历史，使其成为基督教历史以及中东和高加索地区历史上的一个重要角色。
亚美尼亚将基督教奉为国教之后的历史错综复杂，时常动荡不安。在经历了几个世纪与邻国帝国的冲突和相对自治时期后，亚美尼亚人在 7 世纪被阿拉伯人征服后经历了一场重大变革。
先知穆罕默德去世后，伊斯兰教迅速传播，阿拉伯军队在公元 640 年左右征服了中东大片地区，包括亚美尼亚大部分地区。这一时期，亚美尼亚被拜占庭势力和阿拉伯哈里发势力瓜分，导致亚美尼亚地区的文化和政治分裂。在阿拉伯统治时期以及后来的奥斯曼帝国统治时期，亚美尼亚人作为基督徒通常被归类为 "dhimmis"--伊斯兰法律规定的受保护但低等的非穆斯林类别。这种身份给了他们一定程度的保护，允许他们信奉自己的宗教，但他们也要缴纳特定的税款，并受到社会和法律的限制。19 世纪和 20 世纪初，历史上亚美尼亚的大部分地区处于奥斯曼帝国和俄罗斯帝 国之间。在此期间，亚美尼亚人在面临日益严峻的政治挑战的同时，努力保护自己的文化和宗教特性。
在苏丹阿卜杜勒哈米德二世统治时期（19 世纪末），奥斯曼帝国采取了泛伊斯兰主义政策，试图将帝国内不同的穆斯林民族团结起来，以应对奥斯曼帝国势力的衰落和内外压力。这一政策往往加剧了帝国内部的种族和宗教矛盾，导致针对亚美尼亚人和其他非穆斯林群体的暴力事件。19 世纪末发生的哈米迪安大屠杀是 1915 年亚美尼亚种族灭绝之前和预示着 1915 年亚美尼亚种族灭绝的暴力事件的一个悲惨例子，在这次大屠杀中，成千上万的亚美尼亚人被杀害。这些事件凸显了亚美尼亚人和帝国中的其他少数民族在民族主义兴起和帝国衰落的情况下寻求政治和宗教统一所面临的困难。
1878 年签署的《圣斯特凡诺条约》是亚美尼亚问题的关键时刻，亚美尼亚问题成为国际关注的问题。该条约是在 1877-1878 年俄土战争结束时缔结的，在这场战争中，奥斯曼帝国在俄罗斯帝国手中遭到重大失败。圣斯特凡诺条约》中最引人注目的内容之一是要求奥斯曼帝国实施有利于基督教居民（尤其是亚美尼亚人）的改革，并改善他们的生活条件。这默认了亚美尼亚人遭受的虐待和国际保护的必要性。然而，条约中承诺的改革措施在很大程度上没有得到有效实施。奥斯曼帝国因战争和内部压力而衰弱，不愿做出可能被视为外国干涉内政的让步。此外，同年晚些时候，柏林会议对《圣斯蒂法诺条约》的条款进行了重新修订，调整了条约条款，以照顾其他大国，特别是英国和奥匈帝国的关切。
尽管如此，柏林会议仍不断向奥斯曼帝国施压，要求其进行改革，但实际上却几乎没有采取任何行动来切实改善亚美尼亚人的处境。由于缺乏行动，再加上帝国内部政局不稳，民族矛盾日益加剧，这种环境最终导致了 19 世纪 90 年代的哈米迪亚大屠杀，以及后来 1915 年的亚美尼亚种族灭绝。因此，《圣斯蒂法诺条约》将亚美尼亚问题国际化，标志着欧洲列强开始对奥斯曼帝国的事务施加更直接的影响，其幌子往往是保护基督教少数民族。然而，改革承诺与履行承诺之间的差距给亚美尼亚人民留下了无法兑现的承诺，造成了悲惨的后果。
19 世纪末和 20 世纪初是奥斯曼帝国亚美尼亚和亚述族群遭受严重暴力的时期。特别是在 1895 年和 1896 年，发生了大规模屠杀事件，通常被称为哈米迪安大屠杀（以苏丹阿卜杜勒哈米德二世的名字命名）。这些屠杀是对亚美尼亚人抗议苛捐杂税、迫害和《圣斯蒂法诺条约》所承诺的改革缺失的回应。青年土耳其人是在 1908 年政变后掌权的改革派民族主义运动，起初被视为奥斯曼帝国少数民族的希望之源。然而，这一运动中的激进派最终采取了比其前辈更具侵略性的民族主义政策。他们深信有必要建立一个统一的土耳其国家，将亚美尼亚人和其他非土耳其少数民族视为其民族愿景的障碍。对亚美尼亚人的系统性歧视日益加剧，叛国和与帝国敌人（尤其是俄国）勾结的指控更是火上浇油。这种怀疑和仇恨的气氛为 1915 年开始的种族灭绝提供了温床。这场种族灭绝运动的首批行动之一是 1915 年 4 月 24 日在君士坦丁堡逮捕并杀害亚美尼亚知识分子和领导人，现在人们将这一天作为亚美尼亚种族灭绝的开始举行纪念活动。
大规模驱逐、向叙利亚沙漠的死亡行军和屠杀接踵而至，据估计被杀害的亚美尼亚人多达 150 万。除了死亡行军，还有报道称亚美尼亚人被迫登上在黑海被故意击沉的船只。面对这些恐怖事件，一些亚美尼亚人皈依伊斯兰教以求生存，另一些人则躲藏起来或受到包括库尔德人在内的同情邻居的保护。与此同时，亚述人在 1914 年至 1920 年间也遭受了类似的暴行。亚述人作为奥斯曼帝国承认的一个部落或自治社区，本应受到一定的保护。然而，在第一次世界大战和土耳其民族主义的背景下，他们成了系统性灭绝运动的目标。这些悲惨事件表明，歧视、非人化和极端主义是如何导致大规模暴力行为的。对亚美尼亚人的种族灭绝和对亚述人的屠杀是历史上黑暗的一页，凸显了纪念、承认和防止种族灭绝以确保此类暴行不再发生的重要性。
1919 年盟军占领伊斯坦布尔，并成立军事法庭审判对战争期间所犯暴行负有责任的奥斯曼官员，这标志着试图为所犯罪行，特别是亚美尼亚种族灭绝行为伸张正义。然而，安纳托利亚的局势依然不稳定且复杂。1920 年的《塞夫尔条约》肢解了奥斯曼帝国，并对土耳其实施了严厉的制裁，作为对该条约条款的回应，由穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克领导的土耳其民族主义运动迅速发展。凯末尔主义者拒绝接受该条约，认为这是对土耳其主权和领土完整的羞辱和威胁。
其中一个症结是土耳其境内的希腊东正教徒问题，他们受到条约条款的保护，但在希土冲突中却处于危险之中。希腊和土耳其社区之间的紧张关系导致了大规模的暴力和人口交换，1919 年至 1922 年的希腊和土耳其战争又加剧了这种紧张关系。穆斯塔法-凯末尔曾是 "青年土耳其党 "的重要成员，并在第一次世界大战期间因捍卫达达尼尔海峡而声名鹊起。然而，这些说法存在争议和历史争论。凯末尔和新生的土耳其共和国在种族灭绝问题上的官方立场是否认种族灭绝，将其归咎于战时环境和内乱，而不是蓄意的灭绝政策。
在争夺安纳托利亚和建立土耳其共和国的斗争中，穆斯塔法-凯末尔及其支持者把重点放在建立一个统一的土耳其民族国家上，避免承认过去发生的可能分裂或削弱这一民族计划的事件。因此，第一次世界大战后的时期发生了重大的政治变革，试图在冲突后实现正义，该地区出现了新的民族国家，新生的土耳其共和国试图独立于奥斯曼帝国的遗产，确定自己的身份和政治。
=土耳其建国= === 《洛桑条约》和新的政治现实（1923年
1923年7月24日签署的《洛桑条约》标志着土耳其和中东当代史上的一个决定性转折点。主要由于穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克（Mustafa Kemal Atatürk）领导的土耳其民族抵抗运动，《塞夫尔条约》宣告失败，协约国被迫重新谈判。协约国在战争中精疲力竭，面对土耳其决心捍卫领土完整的现实，不得不承认土耳其民族主义者建立的新的政治现实。洛桑条约》确立了国际公认的现代土耳其共和国的边界，并取消了《塞夫尔条约》中关于建立库尔德国家和承认在一定程度上保护亚美尼亚人的条款。洛桑条约》没有规定建立库尔德斯坦，也没有为亚美尼亚人采取任何措施，从而在国际上关闭了 "库尔德问题 "和 "亚美尼亚问题 "的大门，使这些问题悬而未决。
与此同时，该条约正式确定了希腊和土耳其之间的人口交换，这导致了 "将希腊人驱逐出土耳其领土"，这是一个痛苦的插曲，其特点是人口被迫流离失所，安纳托利亚和色雷斯的历史社区终结。洛桑条约》签署后，在第一次世界大战期间掌权的联盟与进步委员会（CUP）（又称 "青年土耳其党"）正式解散。该委员会的几位领导人流亡国外，还有一些人被暗杀，以报复他们在亚美尼亚种族灭绝和战争破坏性政策中所扮演的角色。
在随后的岁月里，土耳其共和国得到巩固，出现了一些旨在捍卫安纳托利亚主权和完整的民族主义组织。宗教在构建民族身份认同方面发挥了作用，"基督教西部 "和 "穆斯林安纳托利亚 "经常被区分开来。这种论述被用来加强民族凝聚力，并为抵抗任何被视为对土耳其民族构成威胁的外国影响或干预提供理由。因此，《洛桑条约》被视为现代土耳其共和国的基石，其遗产继续影响着土耳其的内外政策，以及土耳其与邻国和境内少数民族社区的关系。
1919年5月，穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克抵达安纳托利亚，标志着土耳其独立和主权斗争进入了一个新阶段。他反对盟军的占领和《塞夫尔条约》的条款，自立为土耳其民族抵抗运动的领袖。在随后的岁月里，穆斯塔法-凯末尔领导了几次关键的军事行动。他在多条战线上作战：1921 年与亚美尼亚人作战，在安纳托利亚南部与法国人作战以重新划定边界，1919 年与占领伊兹密尔市并挺进安纳托利亚西部的希腊人作战。这些冲突是土耳其民族主义运动的关键因素，目的是在奥斯曼帝国的废墟上建立一个新的民族国家。英国在该地区的战略十分复杂。面对希腊人和土耳其人以及土耳其人和英国人之间可能发生的更大范围的冲突，英国认为让希腊人和土耳其人自相残杀是有利的，这样他们就可以把精力集中在其他地方，特别是伊拉克这块石油资源丰富、战略地位重要的领土上。
1922 年，希土战争最终以土耳其的胜利和希腊从安纳托利亚的撤军而告终，这给希腊带来了小亚细亚灾难，也使土耳其民族主义势力取得了重大胜利。穆斯塔法-凯末尔的军事胜利使《塞夫尔条约》的条款得以重新谈判，并促成了 1923 年《洛桑条约》的签署，该条约承认了土耳其共和国的主权，并重新界定了土耳其的边界。在签订《洛桑条约》的同时，希腊和土耳其还制定了一项人口交换公约。这导致两国被迫交换希腊东正教和土耳其穆斯林人口，目的是建立种族更加单一的国家。在击退法国军队、缔结边界协定和签署《洛桑条约》之后，穆斯塔法-凯末尔于 1923 年 10 月 29 日宣布成立土耳其共和国，并成为首任总统。共和国的宣布标志着穆斯塔法-凯末尔在多民族和多信仰的奥斯曼帝国残余势力基础上建立一个现代、世俗和民族主义的土耳其国家的努力达到了顶峰。
1923年《洛桑条约》的缔结标志着土耳其共和国得到国际承认，并重新确定了其边界。这些问题需要进一步谈判和国际组织的干预才能解决。安提阿城位于安纳托利亚南部历史悠久、文化多样的地区，是土耳其和法国之间争夺的对象，法国对包括安提阿在内的叙利亚行使委任统治权。这座城市拥有多元文化的历史和重要的战略意义，是两国关系的紧张点。最终，经过谈判，安提阿被授予土耳其，尽管这一决定引起了争议和紧张。摩苏尔地区的问题更为复杂。摩苏尔地区蕴藏丰富的石油，土耳其和英国都声称拥有该地区，英国对伊拉克拥有委任统治权。土耳其基于历史和人口方面的理由，希望将摩苏尔地区划入其疆界，而英国则出于战略和经济方面的原因，特别是石油的存在，支持将摩苏尔地区划入伊拉克。
国际联盟（联合国的前身）出面解决了这一争端。经过一系列谈判，双方于 1925 年达成协议。根据该协议，摩苏尔地区将成为伊拉克的一部分，但土耳其将获得经济补偿，特别是石油收入的一部分。协议还规定，土耳其应正式承认伊拉克及其边界。这一决定对于稳定土耳其、伊拉克和英国之间的关系至关重要，并在确定伊拉克边界方面发挥了重要作用，影响了中东地区未来的发展。这些谈判和由此产生的协议说明了第一次世界大战后中东动态的复杂性。它们显示了该地区的现代边界是如何由历史诉求、战略和经济考虑以及国际干预等因素共同作用形成的，这些因素往往反映的是殖民国家的利益，而不是当地居民的利益。
第一次世界大战后，土耳其在穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克（Mustafa Kemal Atatürk）的领导下进行了大刀阔斧的改革和变革，努力实现新土耳其共和国的现代化和世俗化。1922 年，土耳其议会废除了奥斯曼苏丹国，迈出了关键的一步，这一决定结束了几个世纪的帝国统治，巩固了土耳其新首都安卡拉的政治权力。1924 年，土耳其进行了另一项重大改革，废除了哈里发统治。这一决定取消了奥斯曼帝国特有的伊斯兰宗教和政治领导权，标志着国家向世俗化迈出了决定性的一步。在废除哈里发的同时，土耳其政府成立了宗教事务主席团（Diyanet），这是一个旨在监督和管理国内宗教事务的机构。该机构旨在将宗教事务置于国家控制之下，确保宗教不被用于政治目的。穆斯塔法-凯末尔随后实施了一系列旨在实现土耳其现代化的改革，这些改革通常被称为 "专制现代化"。这些改革包括教育世俗化、改革着装规范、采用格里高利历法以及引入民法取代伊斯兰宗教法。
作为建立同质化土耳其民族国家的一部分，针对少数民族和不同种族群体的同化政策也已到位。这些政策包括为所有公民创建土耳其姓氏、鼓励采用土耳其语言和文化以及关闭宗教学校。这些措施旨在将人民统一在一个共同的土耳其身份之下，但也提出了少数民族的文化权利和自治问题。这些激进的改革改变了土耳其社会，为现代土耳其奠定了基础。这些改革反映了穆斯塔法-凯末尔的愿望，即建立一个现代、世俗和统一的国家，同时驾驭战后民族主义愿望的复杂环境。这些变革对土耳其历史产生了深远影响，并继续影响着今天的土耳其政治和社会。
20 世纪二三十年代，在穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克的领导下，土耳其进行了一系列旨在实现国家现代化和西方化的激进改革。这些改革几乎影响到土耳其社会、文化和政治生活的方方面面。首批措施之一是成立教育部，该部在改革教育系统和宣传凯末尔思想方面发挥了核心作用。1925 年，最具象征意义的改革之一是推行欧式礼帽，取代了传统的头巾，这是土耳其公民外貌和着装现代化政策的一部分。
法律改革也很重要，土耳其采用了受西方模式启发的法典，特别是瑞士民法典。这些改革的目的是以世俗的现代法律制度取代以伊斯兰教法为基础的奥斯曼法律制度。土耳其还采用了公制和格里高利历，并将休息日从周五（穆斯林国家的传统休息日）改为周日，使国家与西方标准接轨。最激进的改革之一是在 1928 年将字母表从阿拉伯字母改为改良的拉丁字母。这项改革的目的是提高识字率和使土耳其语现代化。土耳其历史研究所成立于 1931 年，是重新解释土耳其历史和促进土耳其民族认同的广泛努力的一部分。本着同样的精神，净化土耳其语的政策旨在消除阿拉伯语和波斯语的借用，强化 "太阳语 "理论，这是一种民族主义意识形态，宣称土耳其语和土耳其文化源远流长，具有优越性。
在库尔德人问题上，凯末尔政府奉行同化政策，将库尔德人视为 "山地土耳其人"，试图将他们融入土耳其的民族认同中。这一政策导致了紧张局势和冲突，尤其是在 1938 年镇压库尔德人和非穆斯林人口期间。凯末尔时期是土耳其发生深刻变革的时代，其特点是努力创造一个现代化、世俗化和同质化的民族国家。然而，这些改革虽然具有现代化的进步意图，但也伴随着专制政策和同化努力，给当代土耳其留下了复杂的、有时甚至是有争议的遗产。
土耳其的凯末尔时期始于1923年共和国的成立，其特点是进行了一系列改革，旨在实现国家的中央化、民族化和世俗化，以及社会的欧洲化。这些改革由穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克领导，旨在与奥斯曼帝国的帝国和伊斯兰历史决裂，奥斯曼帝国的历史被视为进步和现代化的障碍。改革的目的是建立一个与西方价值观和标准相一致的现代土耳其。从这个角度看，奥斯曼帝国和伊斯兰遗产往往被描绘成落后和蒙昧的负面形象。向西方的转变在政治、文化、法律、教育甚至日常生活中都是显而易见的。
然而，随着20世纪50年代多党制的到来，土耳其的政治格局开始发生变化。在共和人民党（CHP）领导下以一党制运作的土耳其开始向政治多元化开放。这一转变并非没有矛盾。在凯末尔主义时期经常被边缘化的保守派开始质疑凯末尔主义的一些改革，尤其是有关世俗主义和西方化的改革。世俗主义与传统价值观、西方化与土耳其和伊斯兰身份认同之间的争论已成为土耳其政治中反复出现的主题。保守党和伊斯兰党派的势力不断扩大，对凯末尔主义遗产提出质疑，并呼吁回归某些传统和宗教价值观。
这种政治态势有时会导致镇压和紧张局势，因为不同的政府在驾驭日益多样化的政治环境的同时，也在努力巩固自己的权力。政治紧张和镇压时期，特别是1960年、1971年、1980年的军事政变和2016年的未遂政变，见证了土耳其在寻求现代化与传统、世俗主义与宗教信仰、西方化与土耳其身份认同之间的平衡时所面临的挑战。在1950年后的土耳其，凯末尔主义遗产与部分民众回归传统价值观的愿望之间出现了复杂的、有时甚至是相互冲突的再平衡，反映了当代土耳其社会中现代与传统之间持续存在的紧张关系。
作为西方的战略盟友，特别是自1952年加入北约以来，土耳其不得不协调与西方的关系及其内部政治动态。20世纪50年代引入的多党制是这种调和的关键因素，反映了向更加民主的治理形式的过渡。然而，在这一过渡时期，也出现了动荡和军事干预。事实上，土耳其经历了数次军事政变，大约每十年一次，特别是在1960年、1971年、1980年，以及2016年的一次未遂政变。这些政变往往被军方辩解为恢复秩序和保护土耳其共和国的原则，特别是凯末尔主义和世俗主义所必需。每次政变后，军队一般都会举行新的选举，以恢复文官统治，尽管军队继续扮演着凯末尔主义意识形态守护者的角色。
然而，自 2000 年代以来，随着保守党和伊斯兰党的崛起，土耳其的政治格局发生了重大变化，尤其是正义与发展党（AKP）。在雷杰普-塔伊普-埃尔多安的领导下，正义与发展党赢得了数次选举，并长期掌权。尽管 AKP 政府主张更加保守的伊斯兰价值观，但却没有被军方推翻。这与过去几十年的情况不同，在过去几十年里，被认为背离凯末尔主义原则的政府经常成为军事干预的目标。土耳其保守派政府的相对稳定表明，军方和民间政党之间的权力正在重新平衡。这可以归因于一系列旨在削弱军队政治权力的改革，以及土耳其民众态度的转变，他们越来越容易接受反映保守和伊斯兰价值观的政府管理。当代土耳其的政治动态反映了一个国家在世俗的凯末尔主义传统与日益增长的保守主义和伊斯兰主义倾向之间游刃有余的挑战，同时又保持着对多党制和西方联盟的承诺。
现代土耳其面临着各种内部挑战，包括对其种族和宗教多样性的管理。同化政策，尤其是针对库尔德人的同化政策，在加强土耳其民族主义方面发挥了重要作用。这种情况导致了紧张局势和冲突，尤其是与库尔德少数民族之间的紧张局势和冲突，因为库尔德少数民族没有从奥斯曼帝国时期给予某些宗教少数群体的 "小米"（自治社区）地位中受益。20 世纪欧洲反犹太主义和种族主义也对土耳其产生了影响。20世纪30年代，受欧洲政治和社会思潮影响的歧视和仇外思想开始在土耳其显现。这导致了悲剧性事件的发生，如1934年色雷斯针对犹太人的大屠杀，犹太人社区成为袭击目标，被迫逃离家园。
此外，1942 年出台的《财富税法》（Varlık Vergisi）是另一项歧视性措施，主要影响到非土耳其人和非穆斯林少数民族，包括犹太人、亚美尼亚人和希腊人。这项法律对财富征收苛捐杂税，对非穆斯林的征税过高，无力支付的人被送往劳改营，特别是在土耳其东部的阿什卡莱。这些政策和事件反映了土耳其社会内部的种族和宗教紧张关系，以及土耳其民族主义有时被以排他性和歧视性的方式诠释的时期。它们还凸显了在安纳托利亚这样一个多民族、多宗教群体共存的地区建立民族国家过程的复杂性。这一时期土耳其少数民族的待遇仍然是一个敏感和有争议的话题，反映了土耳其在管理国内多样性的同时寻求统一民族身份所面临的挑战。这些事件也对土耳其不同种族和宗教群体之间的关系产生了长期影响。
世俗化与世俗主义之间的区别对于理解不同历史和地理背景下的社会和政治动态非常重要。世俗化是指社会、机构和个人开始脱离宗教影响和规范的一个历史和文化过程。在世俗化的社会中，宗教逐渐失去对公共生活、法律、教育、政治和其他领域的影响。这一过程并不一定意味着个人的宗教信仰减少，而是宗教成为私人事务，与公共事务和国家分开。世俗化通常与现代化、科技发展和社会规范的改变联系在一起。另一方面，世俗主义是一种制度和法律政策，国家据此宣布自己在宗教事务中保持中立。它决定将国家与宗教机构分开，确保政府决策和公共政策不受特定宗教教义的影响。世俗主义可以与宗教色彩浓厚的社会共存；它主要涉及国家如何处理与不同宗教的关系。从理论上讲，世俗主义旨在保障宗教自由，平等对待所有宗教，避免偏袒任何特定宗教。
历史和当代的例子显示了这两个概念的不同组合。例如，一些欧洲国家在经历了显著的世俗化过程的同时，仍保持着国家与某些教会之间的官方联系（如英国与英格兰教会的联系）。另一方面，法国等国采取了严格的政教分离政策，而这些国家在历史上都是深受宗教传统熏陶的社会。在土耳其，凯末尔时期实行了严格的政教分离政策，清真寺与国家分离，而穆斯林宗教仍在人们的私人生活中发挥着重要作用。凯末尔主义的世俗主义政策旨在实现土耳其的现代化和统一，它从西方模式中汲取灵感，同时又能驾驭一个长期围绕伊斯兰教建立社会和政治组织的复杂社会环境。
第二次世界大战后，土耳其发生了一系列事件，加剧了国内的种族和宗教紧张局势，尤其影响到少数民族。在这些事件中，1955 年穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克在塞萨洛尼基（当时位于希腊）的出生地遭到轰炸，引发了土耳其现代史上最悲惨的事件之一：伊斯坦布尔大屠杀。伊斯坦布尔大屠杀又称 1955 年 9 月 6-7 日事件，是一系列暴力袭击事件，主要针对该市的希腊社区，但也针对其他少数民族，特别是亚美尼亚人和犹太人。这些袭击由阿塔图尔克出生地被炸的谣言引发，并因民族主义和反少数民族情绪而加剧。骚乱造成了大规模的财产破坏和暴力事件，许多人流离失所。
这一事件标志着土耳其少数民族历史上的一个转折点，导致伊斯坦布尔的希腊族人口大幅减少，其他少数民族普遍感到不安全。伊斯坦布尔大屠杀还揭示了土耳其社会在民族身份、种族和宗教多样性问题上的潜在紧张关系，以及在一个多元民族国家中保持和谐所面临的挑战。此后，由于移民、同化政策以及有时族群间的紧张关系和冲突等各种因素，土耳其的少数民族和宗教少数群体的比例大幅下降。尽管现代土耳其一直在努力宣传一个宽容和多元化社会的形象，但这些历史事件的遗留问题仍在影响着不同族群之间的关系以及国家对少数民族的政策。土耳其少数群体的状况仍然是一个敏感问题，说明了许多国家在管理多样性和维护其境内所有社区的权利和安全方面所面临的挑战。
=阿列维人
1923 年土耳其共和国的成立和穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克发起的世俗主义改革对土耳其的各种宗教和民族群体产生了重大影响，其中包括阿列维人。阿列维人是伊斯兰教中一个独特的宗教和文化群体，奉行不同于主流逊尼派的信仰形式，他们对土耳其共和国的成立持一定程度的乐观态度。与奥斯曼帝国时期相比，世俗主义和世俗化给他们带来了更大的平等和宗教自由的希望。
然而，1924 年废除哈里发统治后，土耳其政府成立了宗教事务局（Diyanet），试图管理和控制宗教事务。尽管宗教事务局旨在对宗教实行国家控制，并促进伊斯兰教与共和和世俗价值观的兼容，但在实践中，它往往偏向于土耳其占多数的逊尼派伊斯兰教。这一政策给阿列维人社区带来了问题，他们感到自己被边缘化了，因为国家推广的伊斯兰教形式与其宗教信仰和习俗并不相符。虽然在土耳其共和国时期，阿列维人的处境比奥斯曼帝国时期要好得多，在奥斯曼帝国时期，他们经常受到迫害，但他们在宗教认可和权利方面仍然面临挑战。
多年来，阿列维人一直在为其礼拜场所（cemevis）获得官方承认以及在宗教事务中获得公平代表权而奋斗。尽管土耳其在世俗主义和公民权利方面取得了进展，但阿列维问题仍然是一个重要问题，反映了土耳其在世俗框架内管理其宗教和种族多样性所面临的广泛挑战。因此，土耳其阿列维人的状况是现代化和世俗化背景下国家、宗教和少数民族之间复杂关系的一个例子，说明了国家政策如何影响一个国家的社会和宗教动态。
20 世纪 60 年代，土耳其经历了一个重大的政治和社会变革时期，出现了代表各种观点和利益的各种政党和运动。这是一个充满政治活力的时期，其特点是政治身份和要求得到了更多的表达，包括阿列维人等少数群体的政治身份和要求。在此期间成立的第一个阿列维政党是一个重要的发展，反映了该群体越来越愿意参与政治进程并捍卫自己的特殊利益。阿列维人有自己独特的信仰和习俗，他们经常寻求促进对其宗教和文化权利的更大承认和尊重。然而，其他政党，尤其是左派或共产主义政党，也确实响应了库尔德和阿列维选民的要求。通过宣传社会正义、平等和少数民族权利的理念，这些政党吸引了这些族群的大量支持。少数民族权利、社会正义和世俗主义问题往往是这些政党政治纲领的核心，与阿列维人和库尔德人的关切产生了共鸣。
20 世纪 60 年代的土耳其，政治局势日益紧张，意识形态鸿沟日益扩大，在这种背景下，左翼政党往往被视为底层民众、少数民族和边缘化群体的拥护者。这导致阿列维政党虽然直接代表这一群体，但有时会被更广泛、更成熟的政党所掩盖，这些政党致力于解决更广泛的社会正义和平等问题。因此，这一时期的土耳其政治反映出政治身份和政治派别日益多样化和复杂化，说明少数民族权利、社会正义和身份认同问题在土耳其新兴政治格局中发挥着核心作用。
20世纪70年代是土耳其社会和政治局势极为紧张的时期，两极分化日益加剧，极端主义团体不断涌现。在这一时期，以民族主义和极端民族主义团体为部分代表的土耳其极右派的知名度和影响力不断上升。极端主义的兴起造成了悲剧性后果，尤其是对阿列维人等少数族群而言。阿列维人的信仰和习俗有别于占多数的逊尼派伊斯兰教，因此常常成为极端民族主义和保守团体的攻击目标。这些团体在民族主义、有时是宗派主义意识形态的煽动下，对阿列维社区发动了暴力袭击，包括大屠杀和大屠杀。最臭名昭著的事件包括 1978 年在马拉什和 1980 年在乔鲁姆发生的大屠杀。这些事件的特点是极端暴力、大屠杀和其他暴行，包括斩首和肢解。这些袭击并非孤立事件，而是针对阿列维人的暴力和歧视大趋势的一部分，加剧了土耳其的社会分裂和紧张局势。
20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代初的暴力事件加剧了不稳定局势，导致了 1980 年的军事政变。政变后，军队建立了一个政权，镇压了包括极右派和极左派在内的许多政治团体，试图恢复秩序和稳定。然而，不同社区之间的歧视和紧张关系等潜在问题依然存在，给土耳其的社会和政治凝聚力带来了持续挑战。因此，土耳其阿列维人的境况是一个鲜明的例子，说明了在政治两极分化和极端主义抬头的背景下，宗教和少数民族所面临的困难。它还凸显了采取包容性方法的必要性，即尊重所有社区的权利，以维护社会和平与民族团结。
20 世纪 90 年代，土耳其的紧张局势和暴力事件持续不断，尤其是针对阿列维族的暴力事件，阿列维族是多起悲剧性袭击事件的目标。1993 年，土耳其中部城镇锡瓦斯发生了一起特别令人震惊的事件。1993 年 7 月 2 日，在 Pir Sultan Abdal 文化节期间，一群阿列维知识分子、艺术家和作家以及观众遭到极端主义暴徒的袭击。他们下榻的 Madımak 酒店被纵火焚烧，造成 37 人死亡。这一事件被称为锡瓦斯大屠杀或马德马克悲剧，是土耳其现代史上最黑暗的事件之一，凸显了阿列维人在极端主义和宗教不容忍面前的脆弱性。两年后的 1995 年，伊斯坦布尔的加齐区发生了另一起暴力事件，该地区有大量的阿列维人。一名身份不明的枪手向阿列维人经常光顾的咖啡馆开枪，造成一人死亡，数人受伤，随后爆发了暴力冲突。随后几天又发生了骚乱和与警察的冲突，导致更多人员伤亡。
这些事件加剧了阿列维社区与土耳其国家之间的紧张关系，凸显了对阿列维人的偏见和歧视依然存在。这些事件还使人们对土耳其保护少数民族以及国家确保所有公民安全和正义的能力产生了疑问。锡瓦斯和加齐发生的暴力事件标志着人们对土耳其阿列维人状况认识的一个转折点，导致人们更加强烈地呼吁承认他们的权利，更加理解和尊重他们独特的文化和宗教特性。这些悲惨事件仍然铭刻在土耳其的集体记忆中，象征着该国在宗教多样性与和平共处方面所面临的挑战。
自2002年由雷杰普-塔伊普-埃尔多安领导的正义与发展党（AKP）执政以来，土耳其对伊斯兰教和宗教少数群体（包括阿列维人）的政策发生了重大变化。人民党通常被视为具有伊斯兰教或保守主义倾向的政党，因偏袒逊尼派伊斯兰教而受到批评，这引起了宗教少数群体，尤其是阿列维人的担忧。在 AKP 的领导下，政府加强了宗教事务局（Diyanet）的作用，该局被指责宣扬逊尼派伊斯兰教。这给阿列维社区带来了麻烦，因为他们信奉的伊斯兰教与占主导地位的逊尼派明显不同。阿列维人不去传统的清真寺做礼拜，而是使用 "cemevi "来举行宗教仪式和集会。然而，Diyanet 并不正式承认 cemevi 为礼拜场所，这一直是阿列维人感到沮丧和冲突的根源。同化问题也是阿列维人关注的问题，因为政府一直被认为试图将所有宗教和民族社区整合成一个统一的逊尼派土耳其身份。这一政策让人想起凯末尔时代的同化努力，尽管动机和背景有所不同。
阿列维人是一个种族和语言多样化的群体，既有讲土耳其语的成员，也有讲库尔德语的成员。虽然他们的身份主要由其独特的信仰决定，但他们也与其他土耳其人和库尔德人有着共同的文化和语言。然而，独特的宗教习俗和被边缘化的历史使他们在土耳其社会中显得与众不同。2002 年以来土耳其阿列维人的处境反映了国家与宗教少数群体之间持续存在的紧张关系。它提出了有关宗教自由、少数民族权利以及国家在世俗和民主框架内包容多样性的能力等重要问题。土耳其如何处理这些问题仍然是其国内政策及其在国际舞台上形象的一个重要方面。
伊朗的现代化历史是一个引人入胜的案例研究，它说明了外部影响和内部动力如何塑造一个国家的发展历程。20 世纪初，伊朗（当时称为波斯）面临着多重挑战，最终形成了独裁的现代化进程。在第一次世界大战之前的几年里，特别是在 1907 年，伊朗处于内乱的边缘。国家领土遭受重大损失，行政和军事力量薄弱。尤其是伊朗军队，无法有效管理国家的影响力，也无法保护边境不受外国入侵。帝国主义列强（尤其是英国和俄国）的利益之争加剧了这一困难局面。1907 年，尽管历史上存在竞争，英国和俄国还是缔结了《英俄协约》。根据该协议，两国在伊朗共享势力范围，俄国统治伊朗北部，英国统治伊朗南部。该协议默认了两国各自在该地区的帝国主义利益，并对伊朗的政策产生了深远影响。
英俄协约不仅限制了伊朗的主权，还阻碍了伊朗发展强大的中央政权。尤其是英国，对于一个中央集权的强大伊朗可能威胁到其利益（尤其是在获取石油和控制贸易路线方面）的想法讳莫如深。这一国际框架给伊朗带来了重大挑战，并影响了伊朗的现代化道路。由于需要在外国帝国主义利益与国内改革和加强国家的需求之间进行权衡，伊朗在 20 世纪期间进行了一系列现代化尝试，其中一些尝试更为专制。这些努力在礼萨-沙阿-巴列维统治时期达到了顶峰，他实施了一项雄心勃勃的现代化和中央集权计划，通常采用专制手段，目的是将伊朗转变为一个现代化的民族国家。
1921 年由礼萨-汗（后为礼萨-沙-巴列维）领导的伊朗政变是伊朗现代史上的一个决定性转折点。礼萨-汗是一名军官，他在政治软弱和不稳定的情况下控制了政府，立志要集中权力，实现伊朗的现代化。政变后，礼萨-汗进行了一系列旨在加强国家和巩固权力的改革。他建立了中央政府，重组了行政机构，并对军队进行了现代化改造。这些改革对于建立一个能够促进国家发展和现代化的强大而有效的国家结构至关重要。礼萨-汗巩固权力的一个重要方面是与外国列强谈判达成协议，特别是与在伊朗拥有重大经济和战略利益的英国。石油问题尤为重要，因为伊朗拥有巨大的石油潜力，对这一资源的控制和开采是地缘政治利益的核心所在。
礼萨-汗成功地驾驭了这些复杂的水域，在与外国势力合作和保护伊朗主权之间取得了平衡。虽然他不得不做出让步，尤其是在石油开采方面，但他的政府努力确保伊朗获得更公平的石油收入份额，并限制外国对伊朗内政的直接影响。1925 年，礼萨-汗加冕为礼萨-沙阿-巴列维，成为巴列维王朝的第一任国王。在他的统治下，伊朗经历了翻天覆地的变化，包括经济现代化、教育改革、社会和文化规范西化以及工业化政策。这些改革虽然往往以专制的方式进行，但却标志着伊朗进入了现代社会，并为国家后来的发展奠定了基础。
1925 年礼萨-沙-巴列维在伊朗上台，标志着伊朗的政治和社会面貌发生了翻天覆地的变化。卡贾尔王朝灭亡后，礼萨-沙受土耳其穆斯塔法-凯末尔-阿塔图尔克改革的启发，发起了一系列影响深远的改革，旨在实现伊朗的现代化，并将其打造成一个强大的中央集权民族国家。他在位期间的特点是专制的现代化，权力高度集中，改革自上而下推行。权力集中是关键的一步，礼萨-沙阿试图消除传统的中间势力，如部落酋长和地方名流。这种权力整合旨在加强中央政府，确保对整个国家的更严格控制。作为现代化努力的一部分，他还引入了公制，修建了新的公路和铁路，实现了交通网络的现代化，并实施了文化和服饰改革，使伊朗与西方标准接轨。
礼萨-沙阿还宣扬强烈的民族主义，美化波斯帝国的过去和波斯语。这种对伊朗过去的颂扬旨在为伊朗的多元化人口创造一种民族团结和共同认同感。然而，这些改革在个人自由方面付出了高昂的代价。礼萨-沙阿政权的特点是新闻检查、压制言论自由和持不同政见者，以及严格控制政治机构。在立法方面，引入了现代民法和刑法，并对服饰进行了改革，使人们的外表更加现代化。虽然这些改革促进了伊朗的现代化，但它们是以专制的方式实施的，没有任何重要的民主参与，这为未来的紧张局势埋下了种子。因此，礼萨-沙阿时期是伊朗充满矛盾的时代。一方面，它代表了伊朗在现代化和中央集权方面的重大飞跃。另一方面，由于其独裁方式和缺乏自由政治表达的渠道，它为未来的冲突奠定了基础。因此，这一时期在伊朗现代史上具有决定性意义，塑造了伊朗未来几十年的政治、社会和经济轨迹。
1934 年 12 月，伊朗从波斯更名为伊朗，这是国际政治和意识形态影响如何塑造一个国家的国家认同的一个引人入胜的例子。在礼萨-沙阿-巴列维统治时期，该国历史上的西方国名波斯正式更名为伊朗。改名的部分原因是为了加强与西方的联系，并在欧洲民族主义和种族意识形态兴起的背景下强调国家的雅利安传统。当时，纳粹的宣传在包括伊朗在内的几个中东国家引起了一些反响。礼萨-沙阿为了制衡英国和苏联在伊朗的影响，将纳粹德国视为潜在的战略盟友。然而，他与德国和解的政策引起了盟国，特别是英国和苏联的担忧，它们担心伊朗在第二次世界大战期间与纳粹德国合作。
由于这些担忧，以及伊朗作为苏军补给中转站的战略地位，伊朗成为战争的焦点。1941 年，英国和苏联军队入侵伊朗，迫使礼萨-沙阿退位，由其子穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维继位。穆罕默德-礼萨还很年轻，缺乏经验，在国际局势紧张和外国军事存在的背景下即位。盟军入侵和占领伊朗对伊朗产生了深远影响，加速了礼萨-沙阿中立政策的终结，开创了伊朗历史的新纪元。在穆罕默德-礼萨-沙阿的领导下，伊朗在冷战期间成为西方的重要盟友，但同时也面临着内部挑战和政治紧张局势，最终导致了 1979 年的伊朗革命。
1953 年伊朗石油国有化和穆罕默德-摩萨台下台的事件是中东历史的重要篇章，揭示了冷战时期的权力动态和地缘政治利益。1951 年，当选为总理的民族主义政治家穆罕默德-摩萨台大胆地将当时由英国英伊石油公司（AIOC，即现在的英国石油公司）控制的伊朗石油工业国有化。摩萨台认为，控制国家的自然资源，尤其是石油，对伊朗的经济和政治独立至关重要。石油国有化的决定在伊朗极受欢迎，但也引发了一场国际危机。英国失去了获取伊朗石油资源的特权，试图通过外交和经济手段挫败这一举动，包括实施石油禁运。面对与伊朗的僵局，英国政府无法通过常规手段解决，于是向美国求助。美国起初并不情愿，但最终还是被说服了，部分原因是冷战紧张局势加剧，以及担心共产主义在伊朗的影响。
1953 年，美国中央情报局在英国军情六处的支持下发动了 "阿贾克斯行动"（Operation Ajax），政变导致摩萨台下台，伊朗国王穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维（Mohammad Reza Pahlavi）的权力得到加强。这次政变标志着伊朗历史上的一个决定性转折点，它加强了君主制，增强了西方，特别是美国在伊朗的影响力。然而，外国干预以及对民族主义和民主愿望的压制也在伊朗国内引起了强烈不满，导致国内政治局势紧张，并最终引发了 1979 年的伊朗革命。阿贾克斯行动 "经常被作为冷战干预主义及其长期后果（不仅对伊朗，而且对整个中东地区）的典型范例。
1953 年伊朗发生了以穆罕默德-摩萨台总理下台为标志的事件，这是一个关键时期，对伊朗的政治发展产生了深远影响。摩萨台虽经民主选举产生，并因其民族主义政策（尤其是伊朗石油工业国有化）而大受欢迎，但却在美国中央情报局和英国军情六处策划的一场名为 "阿贾克斯行动 "的政变后被推翻。
摩萨台离开伊朗后，穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王巩固了自己的权力，并变得越来越专制。在美国和其他西方大国的支持下，国王在伊朗启动了一项雄心勃勃的现代化和发展计划。该计划于 1963 年启动，被称为 "白色革命"，旨在将伊朗迅速转变为一个现代化的工业国家。国王的改革包括土地再分配、大规模扫盲运动、经济现代化、工业化以及赋予妇女投票权。这些改革本应加强伊朗经济，减少对石油的依赖，并改善伊朗公民的生活条件。然而，伊朗国王统治时期的另一个特点是严格的政治控制和对不同政见者的镇压。伊朗国王的秘密警察萨瓦克（SAVAK）是在美国和以色列的帮助下建立的，因其残暴和镇压手段而臭名昭著。缺乏政治自由、腐败和日益加剧的社会不平等导致伊朗民众普遍不满。虽然国王设法在现代化和发展方面取得了一些进展，但缺乏民主政治改革和镇压反对派的声音最终导致了伊朗社会大部分人的疏远。这种局面为 1979 年伊朗革命铺平了道路，革命推翻了君主制，建立了伊朗伊斯兰共和国。
自 1955 年以来，伊朗在穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王的领导下，一直寻求在冷战背景下加强与西方，特别是美国的联系。伊朗于 1955 年加入《巴格达条约》是这一战略方针的关键因素。该条约还包括伊拉克、土耳其、巴基斯坦和英国，是一个旨在遏制苏联共产主义在中东扩张的军事同盟。作为与西方和解的一部分，伊朗国王发起了 "白色革命"，这是一系列旨在实现伊朗现代化的改革。这些改革主要受到美国模式的影响，包括改变生产和消费模式、土地改革、扫盲运动以及促进工业化和经济发展的举措。美国在伊朗现代化进程中的密切参与还体现在美国专家和顾问在伊朗本土的存在。这些专家往往享有特权和豁免权，这在伊朗社会各阶层，特别是宗教界和民族主义者中引发了紧张关系。
伊朗国王的改革在带来经济和社会现代化的同时，也被许多人视为美国化的一种形式，是对伊朗价值观和传统的侵蚀。伊朗国王政权的独裁性质以及政治自由和民众参与的缺失加剧了这种看法。美国在伊朗的存在和影响，以及 "白色革命 "的改革，激起了越来越多的怨恨，尤其是在宗教界。以阿亚图拉-霍梅尼（Ayatollah Khomeini）为首的宗教领袖开始越来越强烈地反对伊朗国王，批评他依赖美国，背离伊斯兰价值观。这些反对意见最终在伊朗 1979 年革命的动员过程中发挥了关键作用。
伊朗国王穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维在 20 世纪 60 年代发起的 "白色革命 "改革包括一项重大的土地改革，对该国的社会和经济结构产生了深远影响。改革的目的是使伊朗农业现代化，减少国家对石油出口的依赖，同时改善农民的生活条件。土地改革打破了传统习俗，特别是与伊斯兰教有关的习俗，如伊玛目祭祀。取而代之的是市场经济方法，目的是提高生产力和刺激经济发展。土地重新分配，削弱了控制大片农田的大地主和宗教精英的权力。然而，这项改革以及其他现代化举措都是以独裁和自上而下的方式进行的，没有与民众进行任何有意义的协商或让他们参与其中。镇压反对派（包括左翼和共产主义团体）也是沙阿政权的一个特点。沙阿的秘密警察萨瓦克因其残忍的手段和广泛的监视而臭名昭著。
伊朗国王的独裁做法，加上改革对经济和社会的影响，使伊朗社会各阶层的不满情绪日益高涨。什叶派教士、民族主义者、共产主义者、知识分子和其他团体找到了反对伊朗政权的共同点。随着时间的推移，这些不同的反对派逐渐形成了一个日益协调的运动。1979 年的伊朗革命可以看作是反对派汇聚的结果。伊朗国王的镇压、被视为外国势力的影响、破坏性的经济改革以及传统和宗教价值观的边缘化，都为民众起义创造了肥沃的土壤。这场革命最终推翻了君主制，建立了伊朗伊斯兰共和国，标志着该国历史上的一个重大转折点。
1971 年，穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王组织了波斯帝国 2500 周年庆典，这是一次具有纪念意义的活动，旨在彰显伊朗的伟大和历史的延续性。这场在阿契美尼德帝国古都波斯波利斯举行的奢华庆典旨在建立国王政权与波斯帝国辉煌历史之间的联系。为了加强伊朗的国家认同感并突出其历史根源，穆罕默德-礼萨-沙阿对伊朗历法进行了重大修改。在这一改变中，以赫吉拉（先知穆罕默德从麦加迁徙到麦地那）为基础的伊斯兰历法被始于公元前 559 年居鲁士大帝建立阿契美尼德帝国的帝国历法所取代。
然而，这次改历引起了争议，许多人认为国王试图淡化伊斯兰教在伊朗历史和文化中的重要性，转而美化伊斯兰教之前的帝国历史。这是伊朗国王现代化和世俗化政策的一部分，但也激起了宗教团体和伊斯兰传统信徒的不满。几年后，1979 年伊朗革命爆发，伊朗恢复使用伊斯兰历法。这场革命由阿亚图拉-霍梅尼领导，推翻了巴列维君主制，建立了伊朗伊斯兰共和国，标志着伊朗对国王的政策和统治风格的彻底否定，包括他试图在伊朗前伊斯兰历史的基础上推行民族主义。日历问题和波斯帝国 2500 周年纪念活动是历史和文化如何在政治上被调动起来的例证，也是此类活动如何对一个国家的社会和政治动态产生重大影响的例证。
1979 年伊朗革命不仅对伊朗，而且对全球地缘政治而言，都是当代历史上的一个里程碑事件。在这场革命中，穆罕默德-礼萨-巴列维国王领导的君主制垮台，阿亚图拉-鲁霍拉-霍梅尼领导的伊斯兰共和国成立。在革命爆发前的几年里，伊朗发生了大规模的示威游行和民众骚乱。这些抗议的动机是对国王的诸多不满，包括他的独裁政策、腐败和对西方的依赖、政治压迫以及因快速现代化政策而加剧的社会和经济不平等。此外，国王生病以及无法有效应对日益增长的政治和社会改革要求，也助长了普遍的不满情绪和幻灭感。
1979 年 1 月，面对愈演愈烈的动乱，伊朗国王离开伊朗，流亡海外。此后不久，革命的精神和政治领袖阿亚图拉-霍梅尼在流亡 15 年后返回伊朗。霍梅尼是一位富有魅力、受人尊敬的人物，他反对巴列维君主制，呼吁建立伊斯兰国家，赢得了伊朗社会各阶层的广泛支持。霍梅尼抵达伊朗时，受到数百万支持者的欢迎。不久之后，伊朗武装部队宣布中立，这清楚地表明国王政权已被无可挽回地削弱。霍梅尼迅速夺取政权，宣布结束君主制并成立临时政府。
伊朗革命导致建立了伊朗伊斯兰共和国，这是一个基于什叶派伊斯兰教原则、由宗教神职人员领导的神权国家。霍梅尼成为伊朗的最高领袖，这一职位使他在国家的政治和宗教方面拥有相当大的权力。这场革命不仅改变了伊朗，还对地区和国际政治产生了重大影响，尤其是加剧了伊朗与美国之间的紧张关系，并影响了穆斯林世界其他地区的伊斯兰运动。
1979 年的伊朗革命引起了全世界的关注，并得到了各种团体的支持，包括一些西方知识分子，他们将伊朗革命视为一场解放运动或精神和政治复兴。其中，法国哲学家米歇尔-福柯（Michel Foucault）的著作和对革命的评论尤其引人注目。福柯以其对权力结构和治理的批判性分析而闻名，他对伊朗革命这一挑战当代政治和社会规范的重大事件很感兴趣。他对革命的民众和精神层面非常着迷，将其视为一种政治反抗形式，超越了西方传统的左派和右派范畴。然而，他的立场引起了争议和争论，尤其是因为革命后出现的伊斯兰共和国的性质。
伊朗革命导致什叶派神权政治的建立，以什叶派法律（伊斯兰教法）为基础的伊斯兰治理原则被纳入国家的政治和法律结构。在阿亚图拉-霍梅尼的领导下，新政权建立了被称为 "Velayat-e Faqih"（伊斯兰法学家的监护）的独特政治结构，其中最高宗教权威--最高领袖--拥有相当大的权力。伊朗向神权政体的过渡使伊朗社会的各个方面都发生了深刻变化。虽然革命最初得到了民族主义者、左翼人士、自由派人士以及神职人员等各种团体的支持，但在随后的岁月里，什叶派神职人员的权力不断巩固，其他政治团体受到的压制也日益加剧。神权与民主并存的伊斯兰共和国的性质一直是伊朗国内和国际上争论和分析的主题。革命深刻地改变了伊朗，对地区和全球政治产生了持久影响，重新定义了宗教、政治和权力之间的关系。
1980 年萨达姆-侯赛因政权统治下的伊拉克入侵伊朗，对伊朗伊斯兰共和国的巩固起到了矛盾的作用。这场冲突被称为两伊战争，从 1980 年 9 月持续到 1988 年 8 月，是 20 世纪持续时间最长、最血腥的冲突之一。攻打伊拉克时，伊朗伊斯兰共和国在 1979 年革命推翻巴列维君主制后仍处于萌芽阶段。阿亚图拉-霍梅尼领导的伊朗政权正在巩固其权力，但面临着严重的内部矛盾和挑战。伊拉克入侵在伊朗产生了团结效应，增强了民族情感和对伊斯兰政权的支持。面对外来威胁，伊朗人民，包括许多以前与政府不和的团体，团结起来保卫国家。战争还使霍梅尼政权得以加强对国家的控制，在捍卫伊斯兰共和国和什叶派伊斯兰教的旗帜下动员民众。两伊战争还加强了宗教力量在伊朗的重要性。伊朗政权利用宗教言论来动员民众并使其行动合法化，依靠 "捍卫伊斯兰教 "的概念来团结不同政治和社会派别的伊朗人。
伊朗伊斯兰共和国并非正式宣布成立，而是产生于 1979 年的伊斯兰革命。革命后通过的伊朗新宪法建立了独特的神权政治结构，什叶派伊斯兰原则和价值观是政府制度的核心。世俗主义不是伊朗宪法的一个特征，相反，伊朗宪法在 "Velayat-e Faqih"（伊斯兰法学家的监护权）理论下将宗教和政治治理合二为一。
埃及拥有丰富而复杂的历史，是古代文明的摇篮，数百年来历代统治者辈出。现在的埃及地区是历史上最早和最伟大的文明之一的中心，其根源可追溯到古埃及法老时代。随着时间的推移，埃及一直受到不同帝国和强国的影响。法老时代之后，埃及先后被波斯、希腊（亚历山大大帝征服之后）和罗马统治。每个时期都给埃及的历史和文化留下了持久的印记。阿拉伯征服埃及始于 639 年，标志着埃及历史的转折点。阿拉伯人的入侵导致了埃及的伊斯兰化和阿拉伯化，深刻地改变了埃及的社会和文化。埃及成为伊斯兰世界不可分割的一部分，这一地位保留至今。
1517 年，埃及在攻占开罗后落入奥斯曼帝国的控制之下。在奥斯曼帝国的统治下，埃及保留了一定程度的地方自治，但也与奥斯曼帝国的政治和经济命运紧密相连。这一时期一直持续到 19 世纪初，在穆罕默德-阿里-帕夏（Muhammad Ali Pasha）等领导人的领导下，埃及开始走向更大程度的现代化和独立。因此，埃及的历史是各种文明、文化和影响的交汇点，它将埃及塑造成了一个具有丰富多样特征的独特国家。每个历史时期都对当代埃及的建设做出了贡献，埃及在阿拉伯世界和国际政治中发挥着重要作用。
18 世纪，埃及因其重要的地理位置和对印度航线的控制，成为欧洲列强，尤其是英国具有战略利益的领土。随着海上贸易的重要性不断增加，以及对安全贸易路线的需求，英国对埃及的兴趣与日俱增。
穆罕默德-阿里（Mehmet Ali）通常被视为现代埃及的奠基人。穆罕默德-阿里是阿尔巴尼亚人，1805 年被奥斯曼帝国任命为埃及总督，并迅速着手对埃及进行现代化改造。他的改革包括军队现代化、引进新的农业方法、扩大工业规模以及建立现代教育体系。埃及的 "Nahda "运动与阿拉伯世界以文学、科学和知识复兴为特征的更广泛的文化和知识运动不谋而合。在埃及，穆罕默德-阿里的改革和埃及对欧洲影响的开放刺激了这一运动。
穆罕默德-阿里的儿子易卜拉欣-帕夏在埃及历史上也发挥了重要作用。在他的指挥下，埃及军队进行了多次成功的军事行动，将埃及的影响力远远扩展到传统边界之外。19 世纪 30 年代，埃及军队甚至向奥斯曼帝国发起挑战，引发了一场涉及欧洲列强的国际危机。穆罕默德-阿里和易卜拉欣-帕夏的扩张主义是对奥斯曼帝国权威的直接挑战，标志着埃及成为该地区重要的政治和军事参与者。然而，欧洲列强（尤其是英国和法国）的干预最终限制了埃及的野心，预示着这些列强在 19 世纪和 20 世纪初将在该地区发挥更大的作用。
1869 年苏伊士运河的开通标志着埃及历史上的一个决定性时刻，大大提高了埃及在国际舞台上的战略重要性。这条连接地中海和红海的运河大大缩短了欧亚之间的距离，从而彻底改变了海上贸易。埃及因此发现自己处于世界贸易路线的中心，吸引了帝国主义列强，特别是英国的注意。但与此同时，埃及也面临着巨大的经济挑战。修建苏伊士运河和其他现代化项目的费用导致埃及政府欠下了欧洲国家（主要是法国和英国）的巨额债务。埃及无力偿还这些贷款，造成了重大的政治和经济后果。
1876年，由于债务危机，成立了一个英法控制委员会来监督埃及的财政。该委员会在国家管理中发挥了重要作用，实际上削弱了埃及的自治权和主权。这种外来干涉激起了埃及民众，特别是工人阶级日益增长的不满情绪，他们因改革和债务偿还造成的经济影响而苦不堪言。19 世纪 80 年代，局势进一步恶化。1882 年，在经历了数年日益紧张的局势和内部动乱（包括艾哈迈德-乌拉比的民族主义起义）之后，英国进行了军事干预，对埃及建立了事实上的保护国。虽然直到第一次世界大战结束，埃及在官方上仍是奥斯曼帝国的一部分，但实际上它是在英国的控制之下。英国在埃及存在的理由是需要保护英国的利益，特别是苏伊士运河，它是通往印度的海上通道的关键，是大英帝国 "皇冠上的明珠"。英国统治时期对埃及产生了深远的影响，塑造了埃及的政治、经济和社会发展，并播下了埃及民族主义的种子，最终导致了 1952 年的革命和埃及的正式独立。
第一次世界大战凸显了苏伊士运河对交战国（尤其是英国）的战略重要性。运河对英国的利益至关重要，因为它为英国通往其在亚洲的殖民地，特别是当时作为大英帝国重要组成部分的印度，提供了最快的海上通道。随着 1914 年第一次世界大战的爆发，确保苏伊士运河不受中央强国（特别是与德国结盟的奥斯曼帝国）的攻击或干涉成为英国的当务之急。出于这些战略考虑，英国决定加强对埃及的控制。1914 年，英国正式宣布埃及为保护国，名义上以英国的直接控制取代了奥斯曼帝国的宗主权。这一宣布标志着自 1517 年以来奥斯曼帝国对埃及名义上统治的结束，并在埃及建立了英国殖民政府。
英国保护国直接干涉埃及内政，加强了英国对埃及的军事和政治控制。尽管英国为这一措施辩解说是保卫埃及和苏伊士运河所必需的，但埃及人普遍认为这侵犯了他们的主权，并激起了埃及的民族主义情绪。第一次世界大战期间，埃及的经济和社会陷入困境，而英国的战争需求和殖民当局施加的限制又加剧了这一困境。这些情况促使埃及民族主义运动日益壮大，最终导致了战后几年的起义和争取独立的斗争。
第一次世界大战后的埃及局势日益紧张，民族主义要求日益强烈。埃及人饱受战争之苦，包括因英国征用资源而导致的苦役和饥饿，他们开始要求独立，并要求承认他们在战争中所做的努力。
第一次世界大战的结束营造了一种全球氛围，在这种氛围中，自决和终结殖民帝国的观念日益深入人心，这在一定程度上要归功于美国总统伍德罗-威尔逊的 "十四点 "主张，其中呼吁制定新的国际治理原则和人民自决的权利。在埃及，这种氛围导致了以 Wafd（在阿拉伯语中意为 "代表团"）为代表的民族主义运动的形成。Wafd 由 Saad Zaghloul 领导，他成为埃及民族主义愿望的代言人。1919 年，扎格鲁勒和 Wafd 的其他成员试图前往巴黎和会，提出埃及独立的主张。然而，埃及代表团前往巴黎的努力受到了英国当局的阻挠。扎格鲁勒和他的同伴被英国逮捕并流放到马耳他，这在埃及引发了大规模的示威和骚乱，史称 1919 年革命。这场革命是一场大规模的人民起义，埃及各界人士踊跃参加，标志着埃及独立斗争的一个决定性转折点。
扎格鲁勒的被迫流亡和英国的镇压反应激发了埃及的民族主义运动，并加大了要求英国承认埃及独立的压力。最终，这场危机导致英国于 1922 年部分承认埃及独立，并于 1936 年正式结束了英国的保护国地位，但直到 1952 年革命之前，英国在埃及的影响仍然很大。瓦夫德党成为埃及的主要政治力量，在随后几十年的埃及政治中发挥了至关重要的作用，萨阿德-扎格鲁勒（Saad Zaghloul）一直是埃及民族主义的代表人物。
1919 年革命和萨阿德-扎格鲁勒领导下的人民阵线加强了埃及的革命民族主义运动，这给英国施加了越来越大的压力，迫使其重新考虑在埃及的立场。为了应对这种压力和一战后不断变化的政治现实，英国于 1922 年宣布结束对埃及的保护。然而，这种 "独立 "是有条件和有限制的。事实上，虽然独立宣言标志着埃及向主权迈出了一步，但其中包含了几项重要的保留，以维持英国在埃及的影响力。其中包括维持英国在苏伊士运河周边的军事存在（这对英国的战略和商业利益至关重要），以及控制苏丹（尼罗河的重要源头，也是一个重要的地缘政治问题）。
在此背景下，自 1917 年以来一直担任埃及苏丹的福阿德苏丹趁保护国结束之机，于 1922 年自封为福阿德一世国王，从而建立了独立的埃及君主制。然而，他在位期间与英国关系密切。福阿德一世虽然正式接受独立，但经常与英国当局密切合作，这招致了埃及民族主义者的批评，认为他是一个屈从于英国利益的君主。因此，1922 年宣布独立后的时期是埃及过渡和紧张的时期，内部政治斗争围绕着国家的方向和脱离英国的真正独立程度展开。这种局面为埃及未来的政治冲突奠定了基础，包括 1952 年推翻君主制、建立阿拉伯埃及共和国的革命。
1928 年，哈桑-班纳在埃及成立了穆斯林兄弟会，这是埃及社会和政治史上的一件大事。穆斯林兄弟会运动是在人们对埃及快速现代化和西方影响日益不满，以及认为伊斯兰价值观和传统每况愈下的背景下创立的。穆斯林兄弟会将自己定位为伊斯兰运动，旨在促进在生活的各个方面回归伊斯兰原则。他们主张建立一个由伊斯兰法律和原则统治的社会，反对他们所认为的过度西化和伊斯兰文化身份的丧失。该运动迅速深入人心，成为埃及一支有影响力的社会和政治力量。随着穆斯林兄弟会等运动的兴起，埃及在 20 世纪二三十年代经历了一段政治动荡时期。这种不稳定加上法西斯势力在欧洲的崛起，给英国带来了令人担忧的国际环境。
在此背景下，英国试图巩固其在埃及的影响力，同时承认有必要在埃及独立问题上做出让步。1936 年，英国和埃及签署了《英埃条约》，正式加强了埃及的独立，同时允许英国在埃及尤其是苏伊士运河周边地区驻军。该条约还承认埃及在保卫苏丹方面的作用，苏丹当时处于英埃统治之下。1936 年条约是埃及迈向更大独立的一步，但同时也保留了英国影响的关键方面。该条约的签署是英国稳定埃及局势，确保该国在第二次世界大战期间不会受到轴心国影响的一次尝试。这也反映出英国认识到有必要适应埃及和该地区不断变化的政治现实。
1952年7月23日，一群被称为 "自由军官 "的埃及军官发动政变，标志着埃及历史上的一个重大转折点。这场革命推翻了法鲁克国王的君主制，建立了共和国。在自由军官的领导人中，贾迈勒-阿卜杜勒-纳赛尔很快成为新政权的主导人物和代言人。纳赛尔于 1954 年就任总统，受泛阿拉伯主义和社会主义思想的影响，他采取了强烈的民族主义和第三世界主义政策。他的泛阿拉伯主义旨在围绕共同的价值观以及政治、经济和文化利益将阿拉伯国家团结起来。这种意识形态在一定程度上是对西方影响和干预该地区的回应。1956 年苏伊士运河国有化是纳赛尔最大胆、最具代表性的决定之一。这一行动的动机是希望控制对埃及经济至关重要的资源，并使自己摆脱西方的影响，但它也引发了苏伊士运河危机，即与法国、英国和以色列的重大军事对抗。
纳赛尔的社会主义是发展主义的，旨在实现埃及经济的现代化和工业化，同时促进社会公正。在他的领导下，埃及启动了大型基础设施项目，其中最著名的是阿斯旺大坝。为了完成这一重大项目，纳赛尔向苏联寻求资金和技术支持，这标志着埃及与苏联在冷战期间关系的缓和。纳赛尔还试图发展埃及资产阶级，同时实施社会主义政策，如土地改革和某些行业的国有化。这些政策旨在减少不平等，建立更公平、更独立的经济。纳赛尔的领导不仅对埃及，而且对整个阿拉伯世界和第三世界都产生了重大影响。他成为阿拉伯民族主义和不结盟运动的代表人物，力图在冷战强国集团之外为埃及开辟一条独立的道路。
1967 年的六日战争，埃及与约旦和叙利亚一起输给了以色列，这对纳赛尔的泛阿拉伯主义是一个毁灭性的时刻。这次失败不仅使这些阿拉伯国家蒙受了重大的领土损失，也是对阿拉伯团结和力量理念的沉重打击。纳赛尔深受这次失败的影响，一直执政到 1970 年去世。安瓦尔-萨达特接替了纳赛尔，并采取了不同的方向。他发起了被称为 "Infitah "的经济改革，旨在向外国投资开放埃及经济，刺激经济增长。萨达特还质疑埃及对泛阿拉伯主义的承诺，并寻求与以色列建立关系。1978 年，在美国的帮助下，埃及和以色列通过谈判达成了《戴维营协议》，这是中东历史上的一个重要转折点。
然而，萨达特与以色列的和解在阿拉伯世界引起了极大争议，并导致埃及被阿拉伯联盟开除。许多人认为这一决定是对泛阿拉伯原则的背叛，并促使该地区对泛阿拉伯意识形态进行重新评估。萨达特于 1981 年被穆斯林兄弟会成员暗杀，该组织是一个伊斯兰组织，反对萨达特的政策，尤其是他的外交政策。他的副总统胡斯尼-穆巴拉克继位，建立了一个持续近三十年的政权。
穆巴拉克执政期间，埃及相对稳定，但政治压迫也日益加剧，尤其是针对穆斯林兄弟会和其他反对派团体。然而，2011 年，在 "阿拉伯之春 "期间，穆巴拉克被一场民众起义推翻，这表明了人们对腐败、失业和政治压迫的普遍不满。穆斯林兄弟会成员穆罕默德-穆尔西于 2012 年当选总统，但任期很短。2013 年，他被阿卜杜勒-法塔赫-西西将军领导的军事政变推翻，后者随后于 2014 年当选总统。西西政权的特点是加大对持不同政见者（包括穆斯林兄弟会成员）的镇压力度，并努力稳定经济和加强国家安全。因此，埃及历史上最近一段时期的特点是发生了重大政治变革，反映了埃及和阿拉伯政治复杂且经常动荡的动态。
沙特阿拉伯的与众不同之处在于，它是一个相对年轻的现代民族国家，其独特的意识形态基础决定了它的形成和演变。了解沙特历史和社会的一个关键因素是瓦哈比主义的意识形态。
瓦哈比主义是逊尼派伊斯兰教的一种形式，其特点是对伊斯兰教进行严格和清教徒式的解释。它的名字来源于穆罕默德-伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比（Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab），他是 18 世纪的神学家和宗教改革家，来自现在的沙特阿拉伯纳季德地区。伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比主张回归他所认为的伊斯兰教原始原则，反对许多他认为是创新（bid'ah）或偶像崇拜的做法。瓦哈比主义对沙特阿拉伯形成的影响与 18 世纪穆罕默德-伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比和沙特第一个王朝的建立者穆罕默德-伊本-沙特之间的联盟密不可分。这一联盟将伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比的宗教目标与伊本-沙特的政治和领土野心结合在一起，为第一个沙特国家奠定了思想和政治基础。
20 世纪，在现代沙特阿拉伯王国的创始人阿卜杜勒-阿齐兹-伊本-沙特的统治下，这一联盟得到了加强。沙特阿拉伯于 1932 年正式成立，将各个部落和地区统一在一个国家政权之下。瓦哈比主义成为国家的官方宗教教义，渗透到沙特阿拉伯的治理、教育、立法和社会生活中。瓦哈比主义不仅影响了沙特阿拉伯的内部社会和政治结构，也对其对外关系产生了影响，特别是在外交政策和对世界各地各种伊斯兰运动的支持方面。沙特阿拉伯的石油财富使其能够在国际上推广自己的伊斯兰教，帮助瓦哈比主义向境外传播。
沙特部落首领穆罕默德-伊本-沙特与宗教改革家穆罕默德-伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比于 1744 年签订的协议是沙特阿拉伯历史上的创始事件。这一协议将伊本-沙特的政治目标与伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈卜的宗教理想结合在一起，为后来的沙特国家奠定了基础。伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈卜主张对伊斯兰教进行清教徒式的解释，试图清除他认为是创新、迷信和偏离先知穆罕默德教义和《古兰经》的宗教实践。他的运动后来被称为瓦哈比主义，呼吁回归 "更纯净 "的伊斯兰教。另一方面，伊本-沙特从伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比的运动中看到了使自己的政治权力合法化和扩大的机会。伊本-沙特承诺捍卫和推广伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈卜的教义，而伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈卜则支持伊本-沙特的政治权威。在随后的岁月里，沙特家族在瓦哈比派追随者的支持下，发动了军事行动，以扩大自己的影响力，并将自己对伊斯兰教的解释强加于人。这些战役导致在 18 世纪建立了第一个沙特国家，覆盖了阿拉伯半岛的大部分地区。
然而，沙特国家的形成并不是一个直线式的过程。在 19 世纪和 20 世纪初，沙特政治实体遭受了几次挫折，包括奥斯曼人及其埃及盟友摧毁了第一个沙特国家。直到 20 世纪初，阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特（Abdelaziz ibn Saud）才最终成功建立了一个稳定而持久的王国，即 1932 年宣布成立的现代沙特阿拉伯。因此，沙特阿拉伯的历史与沙特王朝和瓦哈比运动之间的联盟密切相关，这一联盟不仅塑造了沙特王国的政治和社会结构，还塑造了其宗教和文化特征。
1803 年沙特军队对麦加的进攻是阿拉伯半岛历史上的一个重大事件，反映了当时宗教和政治的紧张局势。瓦哈比主义是穆罕默德-伊本-阿卜杜勒-瓦哈比（Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab）对逊尼派伊斯兰教的严格解释，被沙特王室所采纳，认为某些习俗，尤其是什叶派的习俗，与伊斯兰教格格不入，甚至是异端邪说。1803 年，沙特瓦哈比部队控制了伊斯兰教最神圣的圣地之一麦加，这被其他穆斯林，尤其是传统上伊斯兰圣地的守护者奥斯曼人视为一种挑衅行为。这次占领不仅被视为沙特人的领土扩张，还被视为试图将他们对伊斯兰教的特殊解释强加于人。
为了应对沙特的进攻，奥斯曼帝国为了保持对该地区的影响力，派出了由奥斯曼帝国埃及总督穆罕默德-阿里-帕夏指挥的军队。穆罕默德-阿里-帕夏以其军事才能和努力实现埃及现代化而闻名，他领导的对沙特军队的战役卓有成效。1818 年，经过一系列军事对峙，麦赫迈特-阿里-帕夏的部队成功击败了沙特军队，并俘虏了沙特军队首领阿卜杜拉-本-沙特，后者被送往君士坦丁堡（今伊斯坦布尔）并在那里被处决。这次失败标志着第一个沙特国家的灭亡。这一事件说明了当时该地区政治和宗教动态的复杂性。它不仅突出了对伊斯兰教不同解释之间的冲突，还突出了当时地区强国（主要是奥斯曼帝国和新兴的沙特）之间争夺权力和影响力的斗争。
1820 年至 1840 年间，第二次建立沙特国的尝试也遇到了困难，最终以失败告终。在这一时期，沙特人与包括奥斯曼帝国及其当地盟友在内的各种对手之间发生了一系列冲突和对抗。这些斗争导致沙特王室丧失领土和影响力。然而，建立沙特国家的愿望并没有消失。20 世纪之交，特别是 1900-1901 年前后，随着沙特家族成员从流放地返回沙特，沙特历史进入了一个新阶段。其中，阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特（Abdelaziz ibn Saud，通常被称为伊本-沙特）在沙特的重生和影响力扩张中发挥了至关重要的作用。伊本-沙特是一位富有魅力和战略眼光的领导人，他开始在沙特家族的旗帜下重新征服和统一阿拉伯半岛的领土。他的战役始于 1902 年攻占利雅得，这成为他进一步征服和扩张王国的起点。
在随后的几十年里，伊本-沙特领导了一系列军事战役和政治活动，逐渐扩大了对阿拉伯半岛大部分地区的控制。伊本-沙特有能力通过谈判结成联盟、处理部族之间的争斗，并将瓦哈比教义作为国家的意识形态基础，这些都为他的努力提供了便利。伊本-沙特的成功最终促成了 1932 年沙特阿拉伯王国的成立，将各个地区和部落统一在一个国家政权之下。新王国巩固了伊本-沙特征服的各个领土，建立了一个以瓦哈比主义为宗教和意识形态基础的持久的沙特国家。沙特阿拉伯的建立标志着中东现代史上的一个重要里程碑，对该地区和国际政治都产生了深远影响，特别是在王国发现和开采石油之后。
1915 年，在第一次世界大战期间，英国为了削弱奥斯曼帝国，与多位阿拉伯领导人建立了联系，其中包括麦加的侯赛因谢里夫（Sherif Hussein），他是哈希姆家族的重要成员。与此同时，英国人还与阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特领导的沙特人保持着关系，尽管这种关系不如与哈希姆家族的关系那么直接和深入。谢里夫-侯赛因在英国承诺支持阿拉伯独立的鼓励下，于 1916 年发动了反对奥斯曼帝国的阿拉伯起义。这次起义的动机是渴望阿拉伯独立和反对奥斯曼帝国的统治。然而，伊本-沙特领导下的沙特人并没有积极参与这场起义。他们参与了自己的运动，以巩固和扩大对阿拉伯半岛的控制。虽然沙特人和哈希姆人在反对奥斯曼人方面有共同利益，但他们也是控制该地区的竞争对手。
战后，由于英国和法国建立一个独立的阿拉伯王国的承诺（如秘密的《赛克斯-皮科协定》所设想的那样）失败，谢里夫-侯赛因发现自己孤立无援。1924 年，他宣布自己为哈里发，这一行为被包括沙特人在内的许多穆斯林视为挑衅。侯赛因宣布自己为哈里发为沙特人提供了攻击他的借口，因为沙特人试图扩大自己的影响力。1924 年，沙特军队最终控制了麦加，结束了哈希姆在该地区的统治，巩固了伊本-沙特的权力。这次征服是沙特阿拉伯王国形成的关键阶段，标志着谢里夫-侯赛因在哈希姆王朝统治下建立一个统一的阿拉伯王国的野心的终结。
1926 年，阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特在巩固了对阿拉伯半岛大部分地区的控制后，宣布自己为希贾兹国王。由于圣城麦加和麦地那的存在，希贾兹是一个具有相当重要宗教意义的地区，此前一直由哈希姆王朝控制。伊本-沙特夺取希贾兹标志着沙特阿拉伯在该地区建立强大政治实体的重要一步。俄国、法国和英国等大国承认伊本-沙特为希贾兹国王，这是他的统治在国际上合法化的关键时刻。这些承认标志着国际关系发生了重大变化，该地区新的力量平衡被接受。伊本-沙特接管希贾兹不仅巩固了他作为阿拉伯半岛政治领袖的地位，还提高了他在穆斯林世界的威望，使他成为伊斯兰圣地的守护者。这也意味着哈希姆王朝在希贾兹的统治结束，哈希姆王朝的剩余成员逃往中东其他地区，他们将在那里建立新的王国，尤其是在约旦和伊拉克。因此，宣布伊本-沙特为希贾兹国王是现代沙特阿拉伯形成过程中的一个重要里程碑，有助于塑造第一次世界大战后的中东政治架构。
1932 年，阿卜杜拉齐兹-伊本-沙特完成了领土和政治巩固进程，最终建立了沙特阿拉伯王国。王国将内贾（或内杰德）和赫德贾兹地区统一在一个国家政权之下，标志着现代沙特国家的诞生。这一统一代表着伊本-沙特在阿拉伯半岛建立一个稳定统一王国的努力达到了顶峰，巩固了他多年来取得的各种征服和联盟成果。1938 年，沙特阿拉伯发现了石油，这不仅是沙特阿拉伯王国的一个重要转折点，也是世界经济的一个重要转折点。美国加利福尼亚阿拉伯标准石油公司（后来的 ARAMCO）率先发现了商业数量的石油。这一发现将沙特阿拉伯从一个以沙漠和农业为主的国家转变为世界上最大的石油生产国之一。
第二次世界大战凸显了沙特石油的战略重要性。虽然沙特阿拉伯在战争期间保持正式中立，但由于战争对石油的需求不断增长，沙特阿拉伯王国成为盟国，特别是英国和美国的重要经济伙伴。特别是沙特阿拉伯与美国的关系在战争期间和战后得到加强，为以安全和石油为中心的持久联盟奠定了基础。在这一时期，沙特阿拉伯开始在世界事务中发挥重要影响，这在很大程度上要归功于其丰富的石油储备。沙特王国成为全球经济和中东政治的重要参与者，这一地位一直延续至今。石油财富使沙特阿拉伯能够对国家发展进行大量投资，并在地区和国际政治中发挥有影响力的作用。
1979 年伊朗伊斯兰革命对包括沙特阿拉伯在内的中东地缘政治平衡产生了深远影响。阿亚图拉-霍梅尼（Ayatollah Khomeini）的上台和伊斯兰共和国在伊朗的建立引起了该地区许多国家的担忧，尤其是沙特阿拉伯。在沙特阿拉伯，这些担忧加强了该王国作为美国和其他西方大国盟友的地位。在冷战背景下，革命后美国与伊朗之间的敌意与日俱增，沙特阿拉伯被视为抗衡伊朗在该地区影响力的重要力量。瓦哈比主义是沙特阿拉伯对逊尼派伊斯兰教的严格而保守的诠释，成为沙特阿拉伯王国身份的核心，并被用来对抗伊朗什叶派的影响。
沙特阿拉伯还在反苏斗争中发挥了关键作用，尤其是在阿富汗战争（1979-1989 年）期间。沙特王国在财政和意识形态上支持阿富汗圣战者抵抗苏联入侵，宣扬瓦哈比主义，将其作为伊斯兰抵抗苏联无神论的一部分。1981 年，作为其加强区域合作和对抗伊朗影响战略的一部分，沙特阿拉伯在海湾合作委员会（GCC）的创建过程中发挥了关键作用。海合会是一个政治和经济联盟，由沙特阿拉伯、科威特、阿拉伯联合酋长国、卡塔尔、巴林和阿曼组成。该组织旨在促进海湾君主国之间在国防、经济和外交政策等多个领域的合作。沙特阿拉伯在海合会中的地位反映并加强了其作为地区领导者的作用。面对安全和政治挑战，特别是与伊朗的紧张关系以及与伊斯兰运动和地区冲突有关的动荡，沙特王国利用海合会作为促进其战略利益和稳定地区局势的平台。
1990 年 8 月，萨达姆-侯赛因领导的伊拉克入侵科威特，在海湾地区引发了一系列关键事件，对沙特阿拉伯和世界政治产生了重大影响。这次入侵引发了 1991 年的海湾战争，以美国为首的国际联盟在这场战争中成立，目的是解放科威特。面对伊拉克的威胁，沙特阿拉伯担心自己的领土可能遭到入侵，因此接受了美国军队和其他联军在其领土上的存在。在沙特阿拉伯建立了临时军事基地，以便对伊拉克展开行动。这一决定是历史性的，也是有争议的，因为它涉及到在这个拥有伊斯兰教最神圣的两座城市麦加和麦地那的国家驻扎非穆斯林军队。
美国在沙特阿拉伯的军事存在遭到了各种伊斯兰组织的强烈批评，其中包括乌萨马-本-拉丹领导的基地组织。本-拉登本人祖籍沙特，他认为美国在沙特阿拉伯的军事存在是对伊斯兰圣地的亵渎。这是基地组织对美国的主要不满之一，并以此为理由发动恐怖袭击，包括 2001 年 9 月 11 日的袭击。基地组织对海湾战争和美国在沙特阿拉伯军事存在的反应凸显了西方价值观与某些激进伊斯兰组织之间日益紧张的关系。这也凸显了沙特阿拉伯在平衡与美国的战略关系和管理本国民众中保守的伊斯兰情绪方面所面临的挑战。海湾战争后的时期是该地区充满变化和不稳定的时期，其特点是政治和意识形态冲突，这些冲突继续影响着地区和国际动态。
1979 年发生在麦加大清真寺的事件是沙特阿拉伯当代历史上的一个标志性事件，它说明了与宗教和政治身份问题有关的内部紧张关系。1979 年 11 月 20 日，由 Juhayman al-Otaybi 领导的一群伊斯兰原教旨主义者冲进了伊斯兰教最神圣的圣地之一麦加大清真寺。朱海曼-奥塔伊比及其支持者主要来自保守派和宗教背景，他们批评沙特王室腐败、奢华和向西方开放。他们认为这些因素与沙特王国赖以建立的瓦哈比原则相悖。奥泰比宣称他的妹夫穆罕默德-阿卜杜拉-卡赫塔尼是伊斯兰教的救世主马赫迪。
对大清真寺的围攻持续了两周，在此期间，叛乱分子劫持了数千名朝圣者作为人质。这一局势不仅在安全方面，而且在宗教和政治合法性方面都对沙特政府构成了巨大挑战。沙特阿拉伯不得不请求法特瓦（宗教法令）允许对清真寺进行军事干预，而清真寺通常是禁止暴力的和平圣地。夺回清真寺的最后一击始于 1979 年 12 月 4 日，由沙特安全部队在法国顾问的帮助下领导。战斗激烈而致命，数百名叛乱分子、安全部队和人质丧生。
这次事件在沙特阿拉伯和穆斯林世界产生了深远的影响。它揭示了沙特社会的裂痕，凸显了沙特王国在管理宗教极端主义方面面临的挑战。为应对危机，沙特政府强化了保守的宗教政策，加强了对宗教机构的控制，同时继续镇压伊斯兰反对派。这一事件也凸显了沙特阿拉伯宗教、政治和权力之间关系的复杂性。
第一次世界大战结束时，伍德罗-威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）担任总统的美国对战争期间征服的领土的未来有着与欧洲列强不同的看法。威尔逊的 "十四点 "主张人民享有自决权，反对通过征服获取领土，这一立场与欧洲列强，特别是英国和法国的传统殖民目标形成了鲜明对比。美国还赞成开放和公平的贸易制度，这意味着领土不应完全由一个大国控制，以便有更广泛的商业准入，从而有利于美国的利益。但实际上，英国和法国的利益占了上风，后者在奥斯曼帝国崩溃和德国战败后获得了大量领土。
为了调和这些不同的观点，人们通过国际联盟的委任统治制度找到了一个折中方案。这一制度本应成为被征服领土的一种国际治理形式，为其最终独立做好准备。建立这一制度需要复杂的谈判和条约过程。1920 年的圣雷莫会议是这一过程中的关键时刻，在这次会议上，主要是英国和法国获得了前奥斯曼帝国领土的委任统治权。随后，1921 年的开罗会议进一步确定了这些委任统治的条件和范围。1920 年的《塞夫尔条约》和 1923 年的《洛桑条约》重新绘制了中东地图，正式宣告了奥斯曼帝国的灭亡。尤其是《塞夫尔条约》解散了奥斯曼帝国，并规定建立若干独立的民族国家。然而，由于土耳其的反对以及随后地缘政治局势的变化，《塞夫尔条约》被《洛桑条约》取代，后者重新确定了现代土耳其的边界，并废除了《塞夫尔条约》的部分条款。这一漫长的谈判过程反映了战后世界秩序的复杂性和紧张局势，既有大国在寻求保持其影响力的同时，又要面对新的国际理想和美国作为全球大国的崛起。
一战后，奥斯曼帝国和德意志帝国解体，国际联盟委任统治制度应运而生，试图在后殖民背景下管理这些前帝国的领土。这一制度由战后和平条约，特别是 1919 年的《凡尔赛条约》建立，分为 A、B 和 C 三类，反映了有关领土的发展程度和自治准备情况。
分配给中东前奥斯曼帝国领土的 A 类委任统治被认为是最接近自决的。按照当时的标准，这些领土被认为相对 "文明"，包括法国委任统治下的叙利亚和黎巴嫩，以及英国委任统治下的巴勒斯坦（包括今天的约旦）和伊拉克。当时使用的 "文明 "概念反映了殖民国家的偏见和家长式态度，认为这些地区比其他地区更接近自治。对 A 类委任统治地的处理反映了委任统治国，特别是英国和法国的地缘政治利益，它们试图扩大在该地区的影响力。它们的行动往往是出于战略和经济考虑，如控制贸易路线和获取石油资源，而不是致力于当地居民的自治。1917 年的《贝尔福宣言》就说明了这一点，英国在宣言中表示支持在巴勒斯坦建立 "犹太民族家园"，这一决定对该地区产生了持久和分裂性的影响。B类和C类委任统治地主要在非洲和某些太平洋岛屿，被认为需要更高水平的监督。这些领土往往欠发达，基础设施匮乏，委任统治国对其进行更直接的管理。委任统治制度虽然被说成是一种仁慈的托管形式，但实际上与殖民主义非常接近，土著居民也普遍这样认为。
简而言之，尽管国际联盟委任统治制度宣称其目的是为领土独立做好准备，但它往往起到了使欧洲列强在相关地区的影响和控制永久化的作用。它还为许多未来的政治和领土冲突奠定了基础，特别是在中东，在此期间确立的边界和政策继续对区域和国际动态产生重大影响。
这幅地图显示了奥斯曼帝国主要因第一次世界大战而失去的中东和北非地区原控制领土的分布情况。不同的势力范围和欧洲列强控制的领土用颜色标示。这些领土根据控制它们或对它们施加影响的列强来划分。英国控制的领土为紫色，法国控制的领土为黄色，意大利控制的领土为粉色，西班牙控制的领土为蓝色。独立领土用淡黄色标注，奥斯曼帝国用玻璃标注，并突出显示了其最盛时期的边界，俄罗斯和英国的势力范围也在其中。
地图还显示了殖民国家最初占领或控制某些领土的日期，表明帝国主义在北非和中东的扩张时期。例如，阿尔及利亚自 1830 年起被标为法国领土，突尼斯自 1881 年起被标为法国领土，摩洛哥则由法国（自 1912 年起）和西班牙（自 1912 年起）控制。而利比亚从 1911 年到 1932 年一直由意大利控制。埃及自 1882 年起被标注为英国控制，尽管从技术上讲它是英国的保护国。英埃苏丹也被标注为自 1899 年以来由埃及和英国共同控制。就中东而言，地图清楚地显示了国际联盟的委任统治，其中叙利亚和黎巴嫩由法国委任统治，伊拉克和巴勒斯坦（包括今天的外约旦）由英国委任统治。地图上还标出了希贾兹，即麦加和麦地那周边地区，反映了沙特家族的控制，而也门和阿曼则被标为英国保护国。这幅地图是了解奥斯曼帝国衰落后地缘政治变化以及欧洲殖民利益如何重塑中东和北非的有用工具。它还显示了该地区权力关系的复杂性，这种关系至今仍影响着地区和国际政治。
1919 年，第一次世界大战结束后，欧洲列强瓜分前奥斯曼帝国领土的过程充满争议和分歧。这些地区的当地居民一直怀有自决和独立的愿望，他们往往对建立由欧洲控制的委任统治充满敌意。这种敌意是对西方在该地区的影响和干预不满的大背景的一部分。阿拉伯民族主义运动在战争期间势头强劲，渴望建立一个统一的阿拉伯国家或几个独立的阿拉伯国家。英国承诺支持阿拉伯独立，以换取对奥斯曼帝国的支持，特别是通过侯赛因-麦克马洪通信和麦加侯赛因领导的阿拉伯起义，鼓励了这些愿望。然而，1916 年英国和法国秘密签订的《赛克斯-皮科协定》将该地区划分为多个势力范围，背叛了对阿拉伯人的承诺。
反西方情绪尤为强烈，因为人们认为欧洲列强没有履行对阿拉伯人民的承诺，而是为了自己的帝国主义利益操纵该地区。相比之下，当地民众对美国的看法往往没有那么严厉。伍德罗-威尔逊总统领导下的美国政策被认为更支持自决，较少倾向于传统帝国主义。此外，美国在该地区没有欧洲列强那样的殖民历史，因此不太可能引起当地民众的敌意。因此，战后不久的中东地区充满了极度的不确定性和紧张局势，面对外国列强试图按照自己的战略和经济利益塑造该地区，当地民众努力争取独立和自治。这些事件的影响塑造了整个 20 世纪中东的政治和社会历史，并继续影响着该地区的国际关系。
费萨尔是麦加谢里夫-侯赛因-本-阿里（Sherif Hussein bin Ali）的儿子，他在第一次世界大战期间阿拉伯人反抗奥斯曼帝国的起义以及后来试图建立独立阿拉伯王国的努力中发挥了领导作用。战后，他参加了 1919 年的巴黎和会，并得到了英国关于阿拉伯人独立的承诺，以换取他们在冲突中的支持。然而，一到巴黎，费萨尔很快就发现了战后外交的复杂政治现实和阴谋诡计。法国在中东的利益，尤其是在叙利亚和黎巴嫩的利益，与阿拉伯独立的愿望直接矛盾。法国人坚决反对在费萨尔的领导下建立一个统一的阿拉伯王国，而是设想将这些领土作为国际联盟委任统治制度的一部分置于他们的控制之下。面对这种反对，费萨尔意识到有必要加强自己的政治地位，于是与法国总理乔治-克莱蒙梭谈判达成了一项协议。该协议旨在建立法国对叙利亚的保护国，这与阿拉伯民族主义者的愿望相悖。费萨尔对他的支持者们保密了该协议，他的支持者们继续为争取完全独立而斗争。
与此同时，叙利亚国家正在形成。在费萨尔的领导下，叙利亚努力奠定现代国家的基础，进行教育改革，建立公共管理机构，组建军队，并制定政策加强民族认同和主权。尽管取得了这些进展，叙利亚的局势仍然岌岌可危。与克莱蒙梭达成的秘密协议以及缺乏英国的支持使费萨尔陷入困境。最终，法国在 1920 年迈萨伦战役后直接控制了叙利亚，费萨尔建立一个独立阿拉伯王国的希望破灭了。费萨尔被法国驱逐出叙利亚，但后来成为伊拉克国王，伊拉克是英国委任统治下的另一个新成立的国家。
1916 年，英国和法国签订了《赛克斯-皮科协定》，确定了第一次世界大战后对前奥斯曼帝国领土的影响力和控制权的划分。根据这些协议，法国将控制现在的叙利亚和黎巴嫩，而英国将控制伊拉克和巴勒斯坦。1920 年 7 月，法国试图巩固对《赛克斯-皮科协定》承诺的领土的控制。法军与费萨尔国王指挥下的短命的阿拉伯叙利亚王国军队之间爆发了迈萨伦战役。与装备精良、训练有素的法军相比，费萨尔军队装备差、准备不足，人数大大超过法军。迈萨伦战役的失败是对阿拉伯独立愿望的毁灭性打击，也结束了费萨尔在叙利亚的统治。战败后，他被迫流亡国外。这一事件标志着法国对叙利亚委任统治的建立，尽管叙利亚人民渴望自决，但这一委任统治仍得到了国际联盟的正式承认。建立委任统治的目的本应是为领土的最终自治和独立做好准备，但在实践中却往往起到殖民征服和行政管理的作用。当地居民大多将委任统治视为欧洲殖民主义的延续，法国在叙利亚的委任统治期间发生了大量叛乱和抵抗活动。这一时期塑造了叙利亚的许多政治、社会和民族动态，至今影响着该国的历史和身份认同。
在迈萨伦战役后确立了对叙利亚领土的控制后，法国根据国际联盟授予的授权，开始按照自己的行政和政治计划对该地区进行重组。这种重组往往涉及按照教派或种族划分领土，这是殖民政策的常见做法，旨在分裂和削弱当地的民族主义运动。
在叙利亚，法国委任统治当局将领土划分为几个实体，包括阿勒颇国、大马士革国、阿拉维派国和大黎巴嫩，后者成为现代的黎巴嫩共和国。这些划分部分反映了该地区复杂的社会文化现实，但也是为了防止出现一个能够挑战法国统治的阿拉伯统一体，体现了 "分而治之 "的战略。特别是黎巴嫩，它的建立具有鲜明的特征，主要是为了满足与法国有历史渊源的马龙派基督教社区的利益。在受委任统治的叙利亚境内建立这些不同的国家导致了政治分裂，使统一民族运动的努力复杂化。
法国以与其本土省份类似的方式管理这些领土，实行中央集权结构，并派遣高级专员代表法国政府管理这些领土。在实行直接管理的同时，法国还迅速建立了行政和教育机构，目的是使当地居民融入法国文化，并加强法国在该地区的存在。然而，这一政策加剧了阿拉伯人的不满情绪，因为许多叙利亚人和黎巴嫩人渴望独立，渴望有权决定自己的政治未来。法国的政策往往被视为西方干涉的延续，助长了民族主义和反殖民主义情绪。针对这些措施爆发了起义和叛乱，特别是 1925-1927 年的叙利亚大起义，法国人用暴力镇压了这次起义。这一时期的遗留问题给叙利亚和黎巴嫩留下了持久的印记，塑造了它们的边界、政治结构和民族身份。在法国统治下形成的紧张局势和分裂，在这两个国家独立后的很长一段时间里，继续影响着它们的政治和社会动态。
1925 年爆发的叙利亚大起义是叙利亚反抗法国委任统治的关键事件。起义始于叙利亚南部德鲁兹山（Jabal al-Druze）的德鲁兹人，并迅速蔓延到其他地区，包括首都大马士革。德鲁兹人在奥斯曼帝国统治下享有一定程度的自治和特权，但在法国委任统治下，他们发现自己被边缘化了，权力也被削弱了。法国人试图实行中央集权管理，削弱传统的地方权力，德鲁兹人对丧失自治权和法国人强加的政策感到不满，他们的不满成为点燃起义的导火索。起义不断蔓延和发展，得到了叙利亚社会各阶层的支持，其中包括反对外国统治和法国强加的行政区划的阿拉伯民族主义者。法国傀儡当局的反应极为严厉。他们利用空中轰炸、大规模处决和公开展示起义者的尸体来阻止进一步的抵抗。
法国人的镇压行动，包括摧毁村庄和残暴对待平民，受到了广泛的谴责，并损害了法国在国际上和当地民众中的声誉。虽然起义最终被镇压，但它作为争取独立和民族尊严的象征，一直铭刻在叙利亚人的集体记忆中。叙利亚大起义还对叙利亚政治产生了长远影响，增强了反殖民情绪，有助于形成叙利亚的国家认同。起义还促使法国改变了政策，不得不调整其在叙利亚的委任统治方针，最终导致叙利亚在随后的岁月里获得了更多的自治权。
法国在叙利亚的委任统治管理政策更像是殖民管理，而不是导致自决的善意监护，这与国际联盟委任统治制度的理论规定背道而驰。对叙利亚大起义的镇压和行政集权加强了叙利亚的民族主义和反殖民情绪，尽管受到压迫，这种情绪仍在继续增长。
叙利亚民族主义的兴起，加上全球地缘政治的变化，最终导致了叙利亚的独立。第二次世界大战后，在世界日益反对殖民主义的背景下，法国被迫于 1946 年承认叙利亚独立。然而，由于地区政治操纵和国际联盟，特别是与土耳其的联盟，叙利亚向独立的过渡变得更加复杂。第二次世界大战期间，土耳其在大部分冲突中保持中立，但其与纳粹德国的关系引起了盟国的担忧。为了确保土耳其保持中立，或防止土耳其与轴心国结盟，法国做出了一个外交姿态，将哈塔伊地区（历史上称为安条克和亚历山大里特）割让给土耳其。
哈塔伊地区具有重要的战略意义，该地区人口混杂，有土耳其人、阿拉伯人和亚美尼亚人。自奥斯曼帝国解体以来，该地区的归属问题一直是叙利亚和土耳其之间的争论焦点。1939 年，土耳其举行了一次全民公决，导致该地区正式并入土耳其，但叙利亚人对全民公决的合法性提出了质疑。哈塔伊地区的割让打击了叙利亚的民族情绪，也给土耳其和叙利亚的关系留下了一道伤疤，这道伤疤一直持续到现在。对叙利亚而言，失去哈塔伊通常被视为法国的背叛行为，也是殖民国家操纵领土的一个令人痛心的例子。对土耳其而言，吞并哈塔伊被视为纠正了土耳其人民不公正的分裂，收回了历史上与奥斯曼帝国相关的领土。
第二次世界大战期间，法国于 1940 年被纳粹德国打败并占领，成立了由菲利普-贝当元帅领导的合作主义政权--维希政府。该政权还控制了法国的海外领土，包括法国在黎巴嫩的委任统治地。维希政府与轴心国结盟，允许德国军队使用黎巴嫩的军事基础设施，这给盟国，尤其是在中东地区开展军事行动的英国带来了安全风险。轴心国在黎巴嫩的存在被视为对英国利益的直接威胁，特别是在油田和战略运输线附近。1941 年，英国和戴高乐将军领导的反对维希政权的自由法国部队发起了 "出口者行动"。这次军事行动的目的是控制黎巴嫩和叙利亚，消灭轴心国军队在该地区的存在。经过激烈战斗，英国军队和自由法国部队成功控制了黎巴嫩和叙利亚，维希政权被驱逐。
战争结束后，英国的压力和国际社会对殖民主义态度的转变迫使法国重新考虑其在黎巴嫩的立场。1943 年，黎巴嫩领导人与法国当局谈判，以争取国家独立。尽管法国最初试图维持其影响力，甚至短暂逮捕了黎巴嫩新政府，但国际压力和民众起义最终促使法国承认黎巴嫩独立。1943 年 11 月 22 日被定为黎巴嫩独立日，标志着法国统治的正式结束和黎巴嫩作为一个主权国家的诞生。向独立的过渡是黎巴嫩的关键时刻，为该国未来成为一个独立国家奠定了基础。
独立后，叙利亚转向泛阿拉伯和民族主义政策，部分原因是为了应对委任统治时代以及以色列国的成立和阿以冲突带来的挑战。对内部分裂、外来干涉的不满以及对殖民经历的屈辱感加剧了民族主义情绪。
叙利亚参加 1948 年针对新成立的以色列国的阿以战争，就是出于这些民族主义和泛阿拉伯情绪，以及阿拉伯团结的压力。然而，阿拉伯军队在这场战争中的失败对包括叙利亚在内的该地区产生了深远影响。它导致了一段时期的国内政局动荡，其特点是在随后的岁月里，叙利亚政坛发生了一系列军事政变。1948 年的战败和随后出现的内部问题加剧了叙利亚公众对文职领导人和政治家的不信任，他们往往被视为腐败或碌碌无为。军队成为国家最稳定、最强大的机构，也是频繁更换政府的主要角色。军事政变成为政府更迭的常见手段，反映了该国深刻的政治、意识形态和社会分歧。
这种不稳定的循环为复兴党的崛起铺平了道路，该党最终于 1963 年掌权。复兴党拥有泛阿拉伯社会主义意识形态，力图改革叙利亚社会和加强国家，但也导致政府更加专制和集权，由军队和安全机构主导。叙利亚国内的紧张局势，加上与邻国的复杂关系和地区动态，使该国的当代历史成为政治动荡的时期，最终导致了2011年开始的叙利亚内战。
阿拉伯复兴社会党是一种阿拉伯政治意识形态，主张社会主义、泛阿拉伯主义和世俗主义。在叙利亚，泛阿拉伯情绪在独立后尤为强烈，特别是在国内政局不稳之后，阿拉伯统一的思想受到了青睐。叙利亚的泛阿拉伯愿望促使它寻求与当时由贾迈勒-阿卜杜勒-纳赛尔（Gamal Abdel Nasser）领导的埃及建立更紧密的联盟，纳赛尔是一位极具魅力的领导人，他的声望远远超出了埃及的国界，这主要是因为他将苏伊士运河国有化并反对帝国主义。纳赛尔被视为泛阿拉伯主义的拥护者，并成功地促进了阿拉伯国家之间的团结与合作。1958 年，这种团结的愿望促成了阿拉伯联合共和国（UAR）的成立，这是埃及和叙利亚之间的政治联盟。这一事态发展被誉为阿拉伯团结的重要一步，为阿拉伯世界的政治未来带来了厚望。
然而，这个联盟很快就出现了紧张迹象。尽管阿拉伯联盟以平等联盟的面目出现，但实际上埃及和纳赛尔的政治领导力占据了主导地位。阿拉伯联盟的政治和经济机构主要集中在开罗，叙利亚开始感到自己沦为埃及的一个省，而不是联盟中的一个平等伙伴。两国在政治、经济和社会结构上的差异加剧了这种紧张关系。1961年，叙利亚军官发动政变，将叙利亚从联盟中分离出来，埃及的统治和叙利亚日益增长的挫败感最终导致了阿拉伯联盟的解体。阿拉伯联盟的经历留下了矛盾的遗产：一方面，它显示了阿拉伯团结的潜力，但另一方面，它也揭示了要实现阿拉伯国家之间真正的政治一体化，需要克服的实际和意识形态挑战。
1961 年 9 月 28 日，一群叙利亚军官不满开罗的过度集权和埃及在阿拉伯联合共和国（UAR）内的统治，领导了一场政变，标志着叙利亚和埃及联盟的终结。起义的主要动机是叙利亚的民族主义和地区主义情绪，叙利亚的许多公民和政治家认为自己被纳赛尔领导的阿盟政府边缘化和忽视了。叙利亚自 1946 年独立以来经历了一系列政变，阿盟的解散加剧了叙利亚本已存在的政治动荡。许多叙利亚人对脱离埃及感到如释重负，他们担心自己的国家失去主权和自治。然而，这也造成了政治真空，包括复兴党在内的各种团体和派别都试图加以利用。因此，1961 年的政变为叙利亚激烈的政治冲突时期铺平了道路，复兴党在 1963 年掌权。在复兴党的领导下，叙利亚进行了一系列社会主义和泛阿拉伯改革，同时建立了一个独裁政权，并在数十年间主导着叙利亚的政治生活。1961 年政变后，复兴党各派与其他政治团体之间关系紧张，每个派别都试图将自己对叙利亚未来的愿景强加于人。
经过一段时间的政治动荡和接连不断的政变，叙利亚在 1963 年经历了一个决定性的转折点，复兴党上台执政。这一运动建立在泛阿拉伯主义和社会主义的原则之上，旨在通过促进统一的阿拉伯身份认同和实施影响深远的社会经济改革来改造叙利亚社会。复兴党在米歇尔-阿夫拉克（Michel Aflaq）和萨拉赫丁-比塔尔（Salah al-Din al-Bitar）的领导下成为一支重要的政治力量，倡导适应阿拉伯世界具体特点的社会主义愿景。他们的意识形态将促进政教分离的国家与社会主义政策相结合，如关键行业国有化和土地改革，旨在将土地重新分配给农民并实现农业现代化。
在教育领域，复兴党政府发起了旨在提高识字率、灌输社会主义和泛阿拉伯价值观的改革。这些改革旨在塑造新的民族身份，以阿拉伯历史和文化为重点，同时将科学技术作为现代化的手段加以推广。与此同时，叙利亚经历了一个加速世俗化的时期。复兴党努力减少宗教在国家事务中的作用，在管理国家宗教和民族多样性的同时，努力创造一个意识形态更加统一的社会。
然而，伴随这些改革而来的是专制主义的抬头。复兴党巩固了对权力的控制，限制政治自由，镇压一切形式的反对派。党内和叙利亚社会的内部矛盾不断显现，最终导致哈菲兹-阿萨德（Hafez al-Assad）于 1970 年上台执政。在阿萨德的领导下，叙利亚继续沿着阿拉伯社会主义的道路前进，但政权对社会和政治的控制更加强大。因此，叙利亚复兴党时期的特点是现代化与专制主义并存，反映了在文化多样性和内外政治挑战的背景下实施社会主义和泛阿拉伯意识形态的复杂性。这个时代为叙利亚此后几十年的政治和社会发展奠定了基础，深刻影响了叙利亚的当代历史。
阿拉伯复兴社会党在叙利亚的发展历程充满了内部权力斗争和意识形态分歧，最终导致了 1966 年的政变。这场政变是由党内更激进的社会主义派别策划的，他们试图推行更严格的政治路线，使之更符合社会主义和泛阿拉伯原则。这一变化导致了一段更加教条和意识形态僵化的执政时期。新的复兴党领导层继续推行社会主义改革，同时加强国家对经济的控制，并突出泛阿拉伯言论。然而，叙利亚和其他阿拉伯国家在 1967 年的六日战争中被以色列击败，这对复兴党的合法性和整个泛阿拉伯愿景造成了沉重打击。戈兰高地落入以色列之手以及战争目标未能实现，导致人们对国家的政治方向产生失望和质疑。这一时期，叙利亚局势混乱，不稳定因素增多，加剧了国内紧张局势。
在此背景下，时任国防部长的哈菲兹-阿萨德抓住机会巩固了自己的权力。1970 年，他成功领导了一场军事政变，推翻了激进的复兴党领导层，控制了政府。阿萨德改变了复兴党和叙利亚国家的方向，更加注重国家的稳定和叙利亚民族主义，而不是泛阿拉伯主义。在阿萨德的领导下，叙利亚经历了一个相对稳定和巩固政权的时期。阿萨德建立了独裁政权，严格控制政治和社会生活的方方面面。他还试图加强军队和安全部门，建立一个以安全和权力生存为中心的政权。因此，哈菲兹-阿萨德在 1970 年夺取政权标志着叙利亚现代史上的一个转折点，开创了一个更加集权和独裁统治的时代，并将在今后数十年中塑造叙利亚的未来。
哈菲兹-阿萨德于 1970 年在叙利亚掌权后，很快意识到他需要一个坚实的社会基础和一定程度的合法性来维持其政权。为了巩固政权，他依靠自己的家乡阿拉维派（什叶派的一个少数教派）。阿萨德战略性地安排阿拉维派成员在军队、安全部门和政府行政部门担任要职。这种做法确保了最重要的机构对其政权的忠诚。虽然阿萨德在官方言论中坚持泛阿拉伯言论，但他以叙利亚民族为权力中心，从而使叙利亚政治与更广泛的泛阿拉伯主义野心保持距离。他对内对外政策采取了务实的态度，力求稳定国家并巩固权力。
阿萨德政权采用分而治之的策略来管理叙利亚的民族和宗教多样性，这与法国在委任统治时期所采用的策略类似。通过分裂和操纵不同社区，该政权试图阻止统一反对派的出现。政治镇压已成为该政权的标志，其广泛而有效的安全机构负责监视和控制社会。尽管清除了许多反对派，阿萨德政权仍面临着来自伊斯兰团体的巨大挑战。这些团体拥有强大的社会基础，尤其是在较为保守的逊尼派民众中，他们一直是阿萨德的世俗阿拉维派政权的反对派。政府与伊斯兰团体之间的紧张关系在 1982 年哈马市的起义中达到了顶峰，起义遭到了政权的残酷镇压。因此，哈菲兹-阿萨德在叙利亚统治时期的特点是集权、镇压政策和一定程度上的国家稳定，但同时对国家社会政治多样性的管理也很复杂，而且经常相互冲突。
1982 年在哈马发生的大屠杀是叙利亚现代史上最黑暗、最血腥的事件之一。哈菲兹-阿萨德下令对哈马市穆斯林兄弟会领导的叛乱进行残酷镇压。哈马市是伊斯兰教势力强大的城市，也是反对阿萨德政权世俗政策和阿拉维派政策的堡垒，它成为反政府武装起义的中心。1982 年 2 月，阿萨德的弟弟里法特-阿萨德领导的叙利亚安全部队包围了这座城市，并发动大规模军事攻势镇压叛乱。镇压是残酷无情和不相称的。政府军动用了空中轰炸、重型火炮和地面部队，摧毁了城市的大部分地区，消灭了叛乱分子。确切的伤亡人数仍不清楚，但估计有数千人丧生，可能多达 2 万人或更多。许多平民在这场被称为集体惩罚的行动中丧生。哈马屠杀不仅是一次军事行动，还具有强烈的象征意义。它旨在向阿萨德政权的任何潜在反对派发出一个明确的信息：叛乱将遭到压倒性的、无情的武力打击。哈马的毁灭是一个严酷的警告，并在叙利亚镇压了持不同政见者多年。这种镇压也给叙利亚社会留下了深深的伤痕，成为国内和国际社会对阿萨德政权看法的转折点。哈马大屠杀成为叙利亚残酷镇压的象征，并使阿萨德政权成为中东镇压最严重的政权之一。
哈菲兹-阿萨德在叙利亚的统治必须在复杂的宗教合法性问题上游刃有余，尤其是因为他本人属于阿拉维派，而阿拉维派是什叶派的一个分支，叙利亚的逊尼派多数人往往对其持怀疑态度。为了确立自己及其政权在逊尼派多数人心目中的合法性，阿萨德不得不依靠逊尼派宗教人士担任法特瓦和宗教领域的其他重要职务。这些人负责解释伊斯兰法，并为政权的行动提供宗教理由。在一个以逊尼派为主的国家中，阿拉维派作为宗教少数派的地位一直是阿萨德面临的挑战，他必须平衡不同族群的利益和观念，以维持自己的权力。虽然阿拉维派在政府和军队中担任要职，但阿萨德也试图将自己塑造成所有叙利亚人的领袖，无论他们的宗教信仰如何。
2000 年哈菲兹-阿萨德去世后，他的儿子巴沙尔-阿萨德继位。巴沙尔最初被视为潜在的改革者和变革推动者，但他继承了一个复杂而专制的治理体系。在他的领导下，叙利亚继续应对宗教和民族多样性以及内外压力带来的挑战。巴沙尔-阿萨德在位期间曾尝试改革和现代化，但也继续巩固权力，维持从其父继承的专制结构。随着 2011 年人民起义的开始，叙利亚的局势发生了翻天覆地的变化，这场起义演变成了一场复杂的破坏性内战，涉及多个内部和外部行为体，并对该地区内外产生了深远影响。
黎巴嫩拥有丰富而复杂的历史，几个世纪以来受到各种势力和文化的影响。从 16 世纪到第一次世界大战结束，现在的黎巴嫩领土一直在奥斯曼帝国的控制之下。这一时期形成了独特的文化和宗教马赛克，其特点是种族和教派的多样性。
其中，德鲁兹教徒和马龙派教徒（东方基督教社区）这两个群体在黎巴嫩历史上发挥了核心作用。这两个群体之间经常发生冲突，部分原因是他们的宗教信仰不同，以及他们在该地区争夺政治和社会权力。德鲁兹教徒是由什叶派伊斯玛仪伊斯兰教发展而来的宗教少数派，主要定居在黎巴嫩和叙利亚的山区。他们一直保持着独特的身份，并经常在其所在地区行使重要的政治和军事权力。马龙派教徒则是与罗马天主教会共融的东方基督教群体。他们主要定居在黎巴嫩山区，在那里形成了强烈的文化和宗教特征。马龙派教徒还与欧洲列强，特别是法国建立了密切联系，法国对黎巴嫩的历史和政治产生了重大影响。这些社区之间以及与逊尼派、什叶派和东正教等其他群体之间的共存，有时甚至是对抗，塑造了黎巴嫩的社会政治历史。这些动态在塑造黎巴嫩人的身份方面发挥了关键作用，并影响了现代黎巴嫩的政治结构，特别是教派权力分享制度，该制度力求平衡各宗教团体的代表性。
在法国委任统治黎巴嫩期间，法国试图在该国不同宗教和种族社区之间进行调解，同时建立一个反映和加强黎巴嫩多样性的行政结构。在法国委任统治之前，黎巴嫩山已经在奥斯曼帝国统治下享有一定程度的自治权，特别是在 1861 年成立 Mutasarrifiyyah 之后。黎巴嫩山穆塔萨里菲亚是一个自治地区，有自己的基督教总督，是为了应对 19 世纪 40 年代和 60 年代爆发的基督教马龙派教徒和穆斯林德鲁兹教徒之间的冲突而设立的。这一结构旨在通过为该地区提供更加平衡的治理和一定程度的自治来缓解紧张局势。
第一次世界大战后，法国控制了黎巴嫩，继承了这一复杂的结构，并试图维持不同社区之间的平衡。法国委任统治扩大了黎巴嫩山的边界，将穆斯林人口众多的地区纳入其中，于 1920 年形成了大黎巴嫩地区。这一扩张旨在建立一个经济上更可行的黎巴嫩国家，但也带来了新的人口和政治动态。在法国的授权下，黎巴嫩的政治体制以联合主义模式为基础，不同宗教团体分享权力。这一制度旨在确保黎巴嫩各主要宗教团体在行政和政治中的公平代表性，并为现代黎巴嫩的教派政治制度奠定了基础。然而，法国的授权并非没有争议。法国的政策有时被视为偏袒某些族群而非其他族群，外国统治也遭到抵制。尽管如此，法国的委任统治在黎巴嫩国家的形成及其民族身份的确定方面发挥了重要作用。
在第一次世界大战结束后的 1919 年巴黎和会期间，法国在影响包括黎巴嫩在内的中 东领土未来的决策过程中发挥了战略性作用。两个黎巴嫩代表团出席这次会议，是法国为了反击阿拉伯叙利亚王国领导人费萨尔的主张而采取的一种策略，费萨尔试图建立一个包括黎巴嫩在内的独立的阿拉伯国家。
费萨尔在阿拉伯民族主义者的支持下，要求建立一个独立的阿拉伯大国，覆盖包括黎巴嫩在内的黎凡特大部分地区。这些要求直接违背了法国在该地区的利益，其中包括建立对黎巴嫩和叙利亚的委任统治。为了对抗费萨尔的影响并证明自己对该地区的委任统治是合理的，法国人鼓励组建由基督教马龙派代表和其他赞成黎巴嫩接受法国委任统治的团体组成的黎巴嫩代表团。这些代表团被派往巴黎，恳求法国的保护，并强调黎巴嫩有别于叙利亚的独特身份和费萨尔的泛阿拉伯愿望。法国将这些代表团说成是黎巴嫩人民愿望的代表，试图使其对黎巴嫩的委任统治合法化，并证明黎巴嫩相当一部分人宁愿接受法国的保护，也不愿并入费萨尔领导下的统一的阿拉伯国家。这一伎俩帮助塑造了会议的结果，并在根据《赛克斯-皮科协定》建立法国和英国在中东的委任统治方面发挥了重要作用。
1921 年，在法国的委任统治下，黎巴嫩建立了现代国家，其特点是采用了单一的社区政治制度，即所谓的 "政治教派主义"。这一制度旨在根据不同教派社区的人口分布情况分配政治权力和政府职位，从而管理黎巴嫩的宗教和种族多样性。黎巴嫩的教派制度旨在确保该国所有主要宗教社区的公平代表性。在这一制度下，包括总统、总理和国民议会议长在内的主要政府职位都是为特定教派成员保留的：总统必须是基督教马龙派教徒，总理必须是逊尼派穆斯林，国民议会议长必须是什叶派穆斯林。这种职位分配是以 1932 年进行的人口普查为依据的。
虽然这一制度旨在促进不同社区之间的和平共处与平衡，但却因将教派分歧制度化、鼓励基于社区认同而非政治纲领或意识形态的政治而受到批评。此外，这一制度也很脆弱，因为它依赖于人口统计，而人口统计会随着时间的推移而发生变化。政治精英和社区领袖起初支持这一制度，认为它能保证代表权和影响力，但后来却越来越对其局限性和弱点感到失望。该制度还受到外部因素的压力，特别是 1948 年以色列国成立后巴勒斯坦难民的涌入，以及泛阿拉伯主义理想对黎巴嫩教派政治秩序的挑战。这些因素造成了人口失衡，加剧了国内的政治和教派紧张关系。教派制度虽然试图管理黎巴嫩的多样性，但最终成为导致 1975-1990 年黎巴嫩内战的政治不稳定的关键因素。这场战争给黎巴嫩留下了深刻的烙印，揭示了教派制度在管理多样性和国家凝聚力方面的局限性和挑战。
1975 年爆发的黎巴嫩内战受到了一系列内部和外部因素的影响，尤其是与黎巴嫩境内巴勒斯坦人的存在有关的日益紧张的局势。巴勒斯坦难民和战士大量涌入黎巴嫩，尤其是在1970年约旦 "黑九月 "事件之后，成为内战的主要导火索。1970年9月，约旦国王侯赛因发动军事行动，将巴勒斯坦解放组织（巴解组织）和其他巴勒斯坦武装组织驱逐出约旦，因为这些组织越来越多地试图干涉约旦内政。这场被称为 "黑九月 "的行动导致大量巴勒斯坦人涌入黎巴嫩，加剧了该国现有的紧张局势。越来越多的巴勒斯坦武装人员和巴解组织在黎巴嫩境内开展反以色列活动，为黎巴嫩冲突增添了新的内容，使本已脆弱的政治局势进一步复杂化。巴勒斯坦团体，尤其是黎巴嫩南部的巴勒斯坦团体，经常与黎巴嫩当地社区发生冲突，并参与对以色列的跨境袭击。
为了应对这些袭击和巴解组织的存在，以色列在黎巴嫩发动了数次军事行动，最终于 1982 年入侵黎巴嫩。以色列占领黎巴嫩南部的动机是为了确保其北部边界的安全，并摧毁巴解组织的行动基地。因此，黎巴嫩内战是由内部紧张局势、教派冲突、人口失衡和外部因素（包括以色列的干预和与阿以冲突相关的地区动态）共同促成的。这场战争一直持续到 1990 年，对黎巴嫩造成了巨大的破坏，导致大量人员伤亡、大批居民流离失所和广泛的破坏。它深刻地改变了黎巴嫩的社会和政治，并留下了至今仍在影响黎巴嫩的伤痕。
黎巴嫩内战和叙利亚对冲突的干预是了解黎巴嫩近代史的关键因素。哈菲兹-阿萨德领导下的叙利亚在黎巴嫩内战中扮演了复杂、有时甚至是矛盾的角色。叙利亚出于自身在黎巴嫩的地缘政治利益，早在 1976 年就介入了冲突。从官方角度看，这种干预是为了稳定黎巴嫩局势，防止冲突升级。然而，许多观察家指出，叙利亚也有扩张和控制黎巴嫩的野心，因为黎巴嫩在历史上和文化上与叙利亚息息相关。战争期间，叙利亚往往根据其当时的战略利益，支持黎巴嫩的各个派别和社区。这种参与有时被视为叙利亚试图施加影响并加强其在黎巴嫩的地位。内战最终随着 1989 年《塔伊夫协议》的签订而结束，该协议是在阿拉伯联盟的支持和叙利亚的监督下谈判达成的和平协议。塔伊夫协议》重新确定了黎巴嫩的教派政治平衡，改变了权力分享制度，以更好地反映该国目前的人口状况。协议还规定结束内战，建立民族和解政府。
然而，这些协议也巩固了叙利亚在黎巴嫩的影响力。战后，叙利亚在黎巴嫩保持了相当大的军事存在和政治影响力，这也是黎巴嫩和该地区紧张局势和争议的根源。叙利亚在黎巴嫩的存在直到 2005 年黎巴嫩前总理拉菲克-哈里里被暗杀后才结束，这一事件在黎巴嫩引发了大规模抗议，并增加了国际社会对叙利亚的压力。黎巴嫩决定在内战后不进行人口普查，这反映了在黎巴嫩教派政治背景下围绕人口问题的敏感性。人口普查可能会破坏黎巴嫩政治体制赖以建立的微妙平衡，因为人口结构的变化可能会使目前不同社区之间的权力分配受到质疑。
2005年2月14日，黎巴嫩总理拉菲克-哈里里遇刺，这是黎巴嫩近代史上的一个决定性时刻。哈里里因其内战后重建政策和重建贝鲁特成为金融和文化中心的努力而广受欢迎。他的遇刺在全国引起了震动，并引发了对叙利亚的指控，叙利亚被怀疑参与其中。暗杀引发了 "锡达革命"，这是一系列大规模的和平示威活动，要求结束叙利亚在黎巴嫩的影响并查明哈里里遇刺的真相。成千上万信仰各种宗教的黎巴嫩人参加了这些示威活动，给叙利亚造成了巨大压力。在民众的压力和国际社会的谴责下，叙利亚最终于2005年4月从黎巴嫩撤军，结束了在黎巴嫩近30年的军事和政治存在。
与此同时，成立于 1982 年的什叶派伊斯兰组织和军事组织真主党已成为黎巴嫩政治中的重要角色。真主党是在 1982 年以色列入侵黎巴嫩的背景下在伊朗的支持下成立的，现已发展成为一个政治运动和强大的民兵组织。内战结束后，该党拒绝解除武装，理由是需要抵御以色列，保卫黎巴嫩。2006 年以色列与真主党之间的冲突进一步巩固了真主党作为阿拉伯抵抗以色列主要力量的地位。冲突开始时，真主党俘虏了两名以色列士兵，引发了以色列在黎巴嫩的激烈军事反击。尽管黎巴嫩遭受了大规模的破坏和人员伤亡，但真主党在冲突中树立了抵抗以色列的新形象，赢得了黎巴嫩部分民众和整个阿拉伯世界的大力支持。这些事件对黎巴嫩的政治动态产生了相当大的影响，揭示了黎巴嫩国内的深刻分歧以及黎巴嫩的稳定和主权所面临的持续挑战。2005 年之后，政治紧张局势、经济危机和安全挑战持续不断，反映了黎巴嫩政治和教派格局的复杂性。
要了解约旦的形成，必须回到第一次世界大战后英国对巴勒斯坦的委任统治时期。1920年圣雷莫会议后，英国获得了对巴勒斯坦的委任统治权。英国首先采取的行动之一是在 1922 年开罗会议上将委任统治地划分为两个不同的区域：巴勒斯坦为一方，外约旦酋长国为另一方。这种划分既反映了地缘政治的考虑，也反映了满足当地居民愿望的愿望。阿卜杜拉是麦加谢里夫-侯赛因（Sherif Hussein）的儿子之一，在该地区发挥了重要作用，尤其是领导了反抗奥斯曼帝国的起义。为了安抚和遏制他的影响，英国人决定任命他为外约旦的埃米尔。这一决定的部分动机是为了稳定该地区局势，并为英国建立一个可靠的盟友。
犹太人移民巴勒斯坦的问题是这一时期紧张局势的主要根源。犹太复国主义者渴望在巴勒斯坦建立犹太民族家园，他们抗议英国禁止犹太人移民外约旦的政策，认为这限制了犹太人在部分委任统治地定居的可能性。
约旦河在区分外约旦（约旦河以东）和西岸（约旦河以西）方面起着决定性作用。这些地理术语被用来描述约旦河两岸的地区。约旦作为一个独立国家的形成是一个渐进的过程。1946 年，外约旦脱离英国获得独立，阿卜杜拉成为约旦哈希姆王国的第一任国王。与巴勒斯坦一样，约旦也受到了地区发展的深刻影响，尤其是1948年以色列国的建立以及随后的阿以冲突。在随后的几十年里，这些事件对约旦的政治和社会产生了相当大的影响。
阿拉伯军团在约旦历史和阿以冲突中扮演了重要角色。阿拉伯军团成立于 20 世纪 20 年代英国委任统治时期，是一支在英国军事顾问监督下开展行动的约旦军事力量。这支部队对维持外约旦领土的秩序至关重要，也是现代约旦军队的基础。1946 年英国委任统治结束，外约旦在阿卜杜拉国王的统治下获得独立，成为约旦哈希姆王国。约旦的独立标志着中东历史的转折点，使该国成为该地区的重要一员。
1948年，以色列宣布独立，引发了第一次阿以战争。包括约旦在内的阿拉伯邻国拒绝承认以色列的合法性，并投入军队反对这个新成立的国家。约旦阿拉伯军团被认为是当时阿拉伯国家中最有效的武装部队之一，在这场冲突中发挥了重要作用。1948 年战争期间，约旦在阿卜杜拉国王的指挥下占领了约旦河以西的约旦河西岸地区，该地区是英国对巴勒斯坦委任统治的一部分。战争结束后，约旦正式吞并了约旦河西岸，这一决定得到了阿拉伯世界的广泛认可，但并未得到国际社会的认可。吞并包括东耶路撒冷，东耶路撒冷被宣布为约旦首都，与安曼并列。约旦吞并约旦河西岸对阿以关系和巴勒斯坦冲突产生了重要影响。它还影响了约旦国内政治，因为约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦人口成为约旦社会的重要组成部分。约旦历史上的这一时期在随后的几十年中继续影响着约旦的政治和国际关系。
1948 年约旦吞并约旦河西岸之后，政治和社会都发生了重大发展。1950 年，约旦正式吞并了约旦河西岸，这一决定对约旦的人口和政治构成产生了持久的影响。吞并之后，约旦议会一半的席位分配给了巴勒斯坦议员，这反映了统一后的约旦新的人口现实，其中现在包括了大量的巴勒斯坦人口。巴勒斯坦人在政治上融入约旦凸显了约旦吞并约旦河西岸的程度，也被一些人视为使约旦对该领土的控制合法化的努力。然而，此举也加剧了巴勒斯坦居民内部和巴勒斯坦民族主义者之间的紧张关系，他们渴望独立和建立一个独立的巴勒斯坦国。
关于约旦和以色列就主权和领土问题达成秘密协议的传言加剧了巴勒斯坦民族主义者的不满情绪。1951 年，约旦国王阿卜杜拉在吞并约旦河西岸的过程中发挥了关键作用，并努力与以色列保持良好关系，但却在耶路撒冷被一名巴勒斯坦民族主义者暗杀。这次暗杀凸显了围绕巴勒斯坦问题的深刻分歧和政治紧张局势。1967 年的六日战争是约旦和该地区的另一个重要转折点。以色列在这场冲突中占领了约旦河西岸、东耶路撒冷和其他领土，结束了约旦对这些地区的控制。这一损失对约旦的政治和人口产生了深远影响，并加剧了巴勒斯坦问题，该问题一直是约旦内政和外交政策的核心问题。1967年战争还促使巴勒斯坦解放组织（巴解组织）成为巴勒斯坦人的主要代表，并影响了随后几年阿以冲突的发展轨迹。
约旦侯赛因国王，阿卜杜拉国王的孙子，从1952年开始统治约旦，直到1999年去世。他在位期间遇到了许多重大挑战，包括约旦境内的巴勒斯坦人口问题和国王的泛阿拉伯野心。
1948 年约旦吞并了约旦河西岸，1967 年以色列成立和六日战争后巴勒斯坦难民大量涌入，侯赛因国王继承了约旦境内大量巴勒斯坦人口的复杂局势。随着国内政治和社会紧张局势的加剧，处理巴勒斯坦问题仍然是他在位期间面临的一大挑战。1970 年的 "黑九月 "危机是他在位期间最关键的时刻之一。面对约旦境内巴勒斯坦解放组织（巴解组织）战士日益壮大的力量，约旦王国的主权和稳定受到威胁，侯赛因国王下令进行残酷的军事干预，以重新控制巴解组织势力强大的难民营和城镇。这次干预导致巴解组织及其战士被逐出约旦领土，随后他们在黎巴嫩设立了总部。
尽管参与了阿以战争，尤其是 1973 年的赎罪日战争，侯赛因国王仍与以色列保持着谨慎而重要的关系。这些关系往往与其他阿拉伯国家的立场相左，但都是出于战略和安全考虑。约旦和以色列有着共同的关切，尤其是在地区稳定和巴勒斯坦问题上。侯赛因国王最终在中东和平努力中发挥了关键作用。1994 年，约旦与以色列签署了和平条约，成为继埃及之后第二个与以色列正式实现关系正常化的阿拉伯国家。该条约标志着阿以关系中的一个重要里程碑，反映了侯赛因国王不顾挑战和争议，寻求和平解决阿以冲突的愿望。
1999年，约旦国王侯赛因去世，他的儿子阿卜杜拉二世继位。阿卜杜拉二世的掌权标志着约旦新时代的开始，尽管新国王继承了其父亲的许多政治、经济和社会挑战。阿卜杜拉二世曾在国外接受教育并拥有丰富的军事经验，他接手的国家面临着复杂的内部挑战，包括处理与巴勒斯坦人民的关系、平衡民主压力与王国稳定之间的关系以及持续的经济问题。在国际上，在他的统治下，约旦继续在地区问题上扮演重要角色，包括阿以冲突和邻国危机。阿卜杜拉二世国王继承了其父的遗志，努力实现国家现代化并改善经济。他还努力推动约旦成为地区冲突的中间人和调停者，同时与西方国家，尤其是美国保持密切关系。
阿卜杜拉二世外交政策的特点是在与西方国家保持稳固关系和驾驭中东复杂动态之间取得平衡。在他的统治下，约旦继续在中东和平努力中发挥积极作用，并面临着邻国危机的影响，尤其是伊拉克和叙利亚。在国内，阿卜杜拉二世面临着加强政治和经济改革的呼声。2011 年的 "阿拉伯之春 "起义也对约旦产生了影响，尽管该国设法避免了该地区其他地方出现的大规模动荡。国王以渐进的政治改革和改善国家经济的努力应对了其中的一些挑战。
哈希姆家族在 20 世纪初的中东事件中发挥了至关重要的作用，他们的历史轨迹以违背承诺和重大政治调整为标志。哈希姆家族最初来自阿拉伯的希贾兹地区，在第一次世界大战期间和战后是阿拉伯独立和统一野心的核心。他们建立一个伟大统一的阿拉伯国家的愿望得到了欧洲列强，特别是英国的鼓励，但随后又令他们失望。
哈希姆派的元老侯赛因-本-阿里国王曾渴望建立一个覆盖中东大部分地区的伟大的阿拉伯王国。然而，1916 年的《赛克斯-皮科协定》和 1917 年的《贝尔福宣言》以及其他政治事态的发展逐渐削弱了这一愿望。最终，哈希姆人只统治了外约旦（今约旦）和伊拉克，侯赛因的另一个儿子费萨尔成为了伊拉克国王。就巴勒斯坦而言，侯赛因国王统治下的约旦在 20 世纪 90 年代签署《奥斯陆协定》之前一直积极参与其中。1967 年六日战争后，约旦将约旦河西岸输给了以色列，尽管缺乏有效控制，侯赛因国王仍继续宣称对巴勒斯坦领土拥有主权。
然而，随着1993年《奥斯陆协定》的签订，以色列和巴勒斯坦解放组织（巴解组织）相互承认，为巴勒斯坦自治奠定了基础，约旦被迫重新评估自己的立场。1988 年，侯赛因国王已经正式放弃了约旦对约旦河西岸的所有要求，转而支持巴解组织，承认巴勒斯坦人民的自决权。奥斯陆协定》巩固了这一现实，确认巴解组织是巴勒斯坦人民的合法代表，进一步边缘化了约旦在巴勒斯坦事务中的作用。因此，《奥斯陆协定》标志着约旦对巴勒斯坦野心的终结，和平进程走向了以色列人和巴勒斯坦人之间的直接谈判，约旦和其他地区行为体扮演的是辅助而非主导的角色。
自1946年独立以来，约旦在中东政治中一直扮演着战略角色，巧妙地平衡着国际关系，尤其是与美国的关系。这种与华盛顿的特殊关系对约旦至关重要，不仅提供经济和军事援助，还在这个经常充满不稳定和冲突的地区提供外交支持。美国的经济和军事援助一直是约旦发展和安全的支柱。美国提供了大量援助，以加强约旦的防御能力，支持其经济发展，并帮助其管理人道主义危机，如叙利亚和伊拉克难民的大量涌入。这些援助使约旦得以保持国内稳定，并在促进地区和平与安全方面发挥积极作用。在军事方面，约旦与美国之间的合作密切而富有成效。联合军事演习和培训计划加强了两国之间的联系，提高了约旦促进地区安全的能力。这种军事合作也是约旦打击恐怖主义和极端主义的关键因素。在外交上，约旦经常充当地区冲突的中间人，这一角色符合美国在该地区的利益。约旦参与了以巴和平努力，并在叙利亚和伊拉克危机中发挥了缓和作用。约旦的地理位置、相对稳定以及与美国的关系使其成为调停和解决地区冲突的关键角色。
约旦和美国之间的关系不仅是战略联盟，还反映了对该地区所面临挑战的共同理解。两国在打击恐怖主义、促进地区稳定和寻求外交解决冲突方面有着共同的目标。因此，这种关系对约旦至关重要，它使约旦能够应对中东的复杂挑战，同时受益于一个世界大国的支持。
=伊拉克
伊拉克作为一个现代国家的形成是第一次世界大战后奥斯曼帝国解体的直接结果。我们今天所知的伊拉克是由奥斯曼帝国历史上的三个省份合并而成的：摩苏尔、巴格达和巴士拉。在殖民国家，尤其是英国的精心策划下，这次合并不仅决定了伊拉克的边界，也决定了其复杂的内部动态。
摩苏尔省位于今天伊拉克的北部，是一个具有战略意义的地区，尤其是因为它蕴藏着丰富的石油资源。摩苏尔的民族构成中库尔德人占很大比例，这进一步增加了伊拉克政治的复杂性。战后，摩苏尔的地位成为国际辩论的主题，土耳其人和英国人都对该地区提出了主权要求。最终，国际联盟做出了有利于伊拉克的裁决，将摩苏尔并入新的国家。位于中部的巴格达市是该地区的历史和文化中心。巴格达这座历史悠久的城市可以追溯到哈里发时代，在伊拉克的政治和文化生活中一直发挥着核心作用。巴格达省的民族和宗教多样性一直是现代伊拉克政治动态的关键因素。至于南部的巴士拉省，这个主要由什叶派阿拉伯人居住的地区一直是重要的商业和港口中心。巴士拉与波斯湾和阿拉伯世界的联系对伊拉克经济至关重要，并影响着伊拉克的对外关系。
在英国的授权下，将这三个不同的省份合并为一个国家并非没有困难。处理种族、宗教和部落紧张关系一直是伊拉克领导人面临的挑战。石油的发现加强了伊拉克的战略重要性，吸引了西方列强的注意，并深刻影响了该国的政治和经济发展。英国委任统治期间和之后所做的决定为伊拉克复杂的政治和社会状况奠定了基础，这些复杂状况在伊拉克现代历史上，包括萨达姆-侯赛因统治时期及之后，仍在不断显现。伊拉克由不同地区和群体组成，这是该国在下个世纪面临诸多挑战的关键因素。
20 世纪上半叶，英国对伊拉克的迷恋是英帝国政策大框架的一部分，其中地缘战略和自然资源发挥了重要作用。伊拉克直通波斯湾，毗邻石油资源丰富的波斯，因此很快成为英国主要关注的领土，因为英国试图扩大其在中东的影响力。伊拉克的战略重要性与其所处的地理位置有关，它提供了通往波斯湾的通道，而波斯湾是贸易和海上交通的重要水道。这种控制权使英国在确保重要的贸易和航运路线方面占据优势，尤其是与其在印度和其他地区的殖民帝国相关的贸易和航运路线。20 世纪初，石油成为重要的战略资源，英国对伊拉克及周边地区的兴趣也随之增加。英国-波斯石油公司（后来的英国石油公司）在波斯（今伊朗）发现了石油，凸显了该地区的石油潜力。英国急于为其海军和工业确保石油供应，将伊拉克视为其能源利益的重要领土。
第一次世界大战后，国际联盟建立了英国在伊拉克的委任统治，使英国对伊拉克国家的形成拥有相当大的控制权。然而，这一时期却充满了紧张和反抗，1920 年的伊拉克起义就是证明，起义是对英国统治的重大反击，并试图植入外国的行政和政治结构。英国在伊拉克的行动以帝国目标和实际需要为指导。随着 20 世纪的发展，伊拉克成为英国政治中一个日益复杂的问题，特别是随着阿拉伯民族主义的兴起和独立要求的上升。因此，英国在伊拉克以及更广泛的中东地区所扮演的角色是帝国战略、自然资源管理和应对该地区不断变化的政治动态的混合体。
伊拉克北部的摩苏尔地区在中东的历史和政治背景下一直具有至关重要的地位。几个世纪以来，特别是在殖民时代，摩苏尔一直是英国梦寐以求的领土。摩苏尔地区石油的发现是一个重要的转折点。20 世纪初，随着石油作为全球战略资源的重要性日益明显，摩苏尔成为一块具有巨大经济价值的领土。该地区丰富的石油储量吸引了帝国列强的注意，尤其是英国，英国试图确保石油来源以满足其工业和军事需求。这种油气财富不仅激发了国际社会对摩苏尔的兴趣，而且在下个世纪伊拉克政治和经济的形成过程中发挥了关键作用。此外，摩苏尔靠近底格里斯河和幼发拉底河源头的地理位置也赋予了其特殊的战略重要性。控制这一干旱地区的水源对农业、经济和日常生活至关重要。这种地理上的重要性使摩苏尔成为国际关系和地区动态中的一个问题，尤其是在该地区水资源分配紧张的背景下。对摩苏尔的控制也被视为对整个伊拉克的稳定至关重要。由于其民族和文化的多样性，该地区的人口由库尔德人、阿拉伯人、土库曼人、亚述人和其他群体组成，因此一直是一个重要的文化和政治十字路口。管理这种多样性并将摩苏尔融入伊拉克国家一直是伊拉克历届政府面临的挑战。保持北部地区的稳定对伊拉克的民族凝聚力和统一至关重要。
格特鲁德-贝尔对现代伊拉克的形成所做的贡献是 20 世纪初西方影响中东地区重新确定边界和国家身份的一个有力例证。贝尔是英国考古学家和殖民地管理者，在伊拉克国家的建立过程中发挥了至关重要的作用，特别是她主张使用源自阿拉伯语的 "伊拉克 "一词，而不是源自希腊语的 "美索不达米亚"。这一选择象征着对该地区阿拉伯特性的承认，而不是外国强权强加的名称。然而，正如皮埃尔-让-路易萨德在分析伊拉克问题时所指出的，现代伊拉克的基础也是未来问题的摇篮。由殖民国家构想并实施的伊拉克结构将不同的种族和宗教团体集中在一个单一的国家之下，为持续的紧张局势和冲突创造了温床。逊尼派往往占少数，而什叶派占多数，这就造成了教派紧张局势和冲突，而歧视性政策和意识形态分歧又加剧了这种紧张局势和冲突。此外，伊拉克北部的一个大族群--库尔德人被边缘化，这也助长了他们要求自治和获得承认的呼声，而这些呼声往往遭到中央政府的压制。
萨达姆-侯赛因政权铁腕统治伊拉克，加剧了教派和种族分裂，这些国内紧张局势也因此加剧。两伊战争（1980-1988 年）、针对库尔德人的安法尔运动以及 1990 年入侵科威特都是伊拉克的内外政策如何受到这些权力动态影响的例子。2003 年，以美国为首的联军入侵伊拉克，萨达姆-侯赛因下台，伊拉克进入了一个新的冲突和不稳定时期，暴露出伊拉克国家基础的脆弱性。在随后的岁月里，教派暴力、内部权力斗争愈演愈烈，伊斯兰国等极端组织趁政治真空和国家秩序瓦解之机异军突起。伊拉克是一个受外来影响而形成的国家，面临着复杂的内部挑战。格特鲁德-贝尔的贡献虽然对伊拉克的形成具有重要意义，但也是国家建设和冲突大背景的一部分，而国家建设和冲突在伊拉克建国后仍在继续。
英国殖民时期建立和管理伊拉克的方式是 "分而治之 "战略的典型范例，对伊拉克的政治和社会结构产生了深远影响。根据这种方法，殖民国家往往偏袒社会中的少数群体，使其继续掌权，从而确保其对大都市的依赖和忠诚，同时削弱民族团结。在伊拉克，尽管什叶派占人口的大多数，英国人还是扶持逊尼派少数派掌权。1920 年，哈希姆王室成员费萨尔一世成为新成立的伊拉克的统治者。尽管费萨尔的祖籍在阿拉伯半岛，但英国人还是选择了他，因为他具有泛阿拉伯的合法性，而且英国人认为他有能力将不同的民族和宗教团体统一在自己的统治之下。然而，这一决定却加剧了该国的教派和种族紧张关系。什叶派和库尔德人感到自己被边缘化，并被排除在政治权力之外，他们很快就表达了不满。早在 1925 年，什叶派和库尔德人就针对这种边缘化和逊尼派主导的政府所实施的政策爆发了起义。这些抗议活动遭到了暴力镇压，有时还得到了英国皇家空军的帮助，目的是稳定国家局势和维持殖民控制。使用武力镇压什叶派和库尔德人的起义为伊拉克的持续不稳定奠定了基础。英国支持的逊尼派统治引起了什叶派和库尔德人的长期不满，导致了伊拉克整个20世纪历史上的叛乱和镇压循环。这种态势也助长了什叶派和库尔德人的民族主义情绪，加强了他们对更大自治权甚至独立的渴望，尤其是在伊拉克北部的库尔德地区。
伊拉克于 1932 年获得独立，这是中东历史上的关键时刻，凸显了非殖民化的复杂性和殖民国家的持续影响。伊拉克是第一次世界大战后根据国际联盟授权从零开始建立的第一个正式实现独立的国家。这一事件标志着伊拉克从英国保护国发展成为主权国家的重要阶段。伊拉克于 1932 年加入国际联盟，这标志着伊拉克成为一个独立的主权国家。然而，由于英国对伊拉克内政仍有相当大的影响力，这种独立实际上受到了阻碍。虽然伊拉克正式获得了主权，但英国继续对该国实施间接控制。
这种控制尤其体现在伊拉克政府的行政管理上，每个伊拉克部长都有一名英国助理。这些助理通常是经验丰富的行政官员，他们的作用是提供咨询，但他们的存在也象征着英国对伊拉克政治的控制。在这种情况下，伊拉克的主权在一定程度上受到了英国影响和利益的阻碍。伊拉克历史上的这一时期也充满了内部紧张局势和政治挑战。伊拉克政府虽然是主权国家，但必须应对复杂的种族和宗教分歧，同时还要应对前殖民国家的期望和压力。这些动态因素导致了一些时期的不稳定和内部冲突，反映了伊拉克从委任统治国过渡到独立国家过程中固有的困难。1932 年伊拉克独立虽然是一个重要的里程碑，但并没有结束外国对伊拉克的影响。相反，它标志着伊拉克国际关系和国内挑战新阶段的开始，并影响了其后几十年的政治和社会发展。
1941 年，伊拉克发生了一起关键事件，表明伊拉克独立的脆弱性和英国在该国的持续影响。这一年发生了由拉希德-阿里-盖拉尼（Rashid Ali al-Gaylani）领导的政变，引发了一系列事件，最终导致英国的军事干预。拉希德-阿里曾担任过首相，他领导了一场针对亲英现政府的政变。政变的动机是多方面的，包括阿拉伯民族主义、反对英国在伊拉克的存在和影响，以及伊拉克政治和军事精英中某些派别日益高涨的反殖民情绪。
拉希德-阿里夺取政权被视为对英国的直接威胁，尤其是因为伊拉克在第二次世界大战期间的战略地位。伊拉克的石油资源和地理位置对英国在该地区的利益至关重要，尤其是在与轴心国的战争中。作为对政变的回应，英国迅速进行了军事干预。由于担心伊拉克会受到轴心国的影响或破坏石油和供应路线，英国军队发动了一场推翻拉希德-阿里、恢复英国友好政府的战役。行动迅速而果断，结束了拉希德-阿里短暂的统治。这次干预之后，英国扶植新国王上台，重新确立了对伊拉克政治的影响力。这一时期凸显了伊拉克在外国干预面前的脆弱性，也突出了其主权独立的局限性。1941 年英国的干预也对伊拉克政治产生了持久影响，助长了反英和反殖民情绪，这种情绪继续影响着伊拉克未来的政治事件。
伊拉克在冷战时期的历史是超级大国的地缘政治利益如何继续影响和塑造该地区国家内外政治的一个例子。在此期间，伊拉克成为美国对苏联实施遏制战略的关键角色。
1955 年，伊拉克在美国发起的军事和政治联盟《巴格达条约》的形成过程中发挥了重要作用。该条约也被称为 "中东条约"，旨在该地区建立安全警戒线，以对抗苏联的影响和扩张。除伊拉克外，该条约还包括土耳其、伊朗、巴基斯坦和英国，在这一具有重要战略意义的地区形成了反对共产主义的统一战线。巴格达条约》符合美国的 "遏制 "政策，即试图限制苏联在全球的扩张。这一政策的动机是认为苏联的威胁日益严重，并希望防止共产主义的扩散，尤其是在中东等石油资源丰富的战略地区。
然而，伊拉克参与《巴格达条约》对内产生了影响。与西方列强结盟在伊拉克民众中引起争议，加剧了国内政治紧张局势。许多人认为该条约是外国干涉伊拉克事务的延续，并助长了某些派别的民族主义和反西方情绪。1958 年，伊拉克发生政变，推翻了君主制，建立了伊拉克共和国。政变的主要动机是反西方情绪和反对君主制的亲西方外交政策。政变后，伊拉克退出了《巴格达条约》，标志着其外交政策发生了重大变化，凸显了冷战时期伊拉克地缘政治地位的复杂性。
1958 年的伊拉克革命是伊拉克现代史上的一个决定性转折点，标志着君主制的终结和共和国的建立。伊拉克在这一时期发生了深刻的政治和社会变革，与此同时，阿拉伯世界其他地区也出现了重大政治发展，特别是埃及和叙利亚成立了阿拉伯联合共和国（UAR）。伊拉克军官阿卜杜勒-卡里姆-卡西姆在 1958 年推翻伊拉克哈希姆君主制的政变中发挥了关键作用。革命后，卡西姆成为伊拉克共和国首任总理。他的夺权得到了民众的广泛支持，因为许多人认为他是一位有能力带领伊拉克进入改革和更加独立、不受外国影响的时代的领导人。与此同时，1958 年，埃及和叙利亚合并成立了阿拉伯联合共和国，这是由埃及总统贾迈勒-阿卜杜勒-纳赛尔领导的泛阿拉伯统一努力。阿拉伯联合共和国代表了阿拉伯国家在阿拉伯民族主义和反帝国主义基础上实现政治统一的尝试。然而，阿卜杜勒-卡里姆-卡西姆没有加入阿拉伯团结联盟。他对伊拉克有自己的看法，与纳赛尔的模式不同。
卡西姆专注于巩固伊拉克的政权，并试图通过接触伊拉克社会中经常被边缘化的群体，特别是库尔德人和什叶派来加强内部支持。在他执政期间，伊拉克经历了一段社会和经济改革时期。特别是，卡西姆颁布了土地改革法案，并努力实现伊拉克经济的现代化。然而，他的政府也充满了政治矛盾和冲突。卡西姆对库尔德人和什叶派的政策虽然旨在包容，但也引发了与其他团体和地区势力的紧张关系。此外，他的政权还面临着稳定挑战和内部反对，包括政变企图和与敌对政治派别的冲突。
20 世纪 60 年代初，伊拉克革命后时期的特点是政治变革迅速，而且往往是暴力变革，复兴党成为一支重要的政治力量。自 1958 年革命以来一直统治伊拉克的阿卜杜勒-卡里姆-卡西姆在 1963 年的政变中被推翻并杀害。这场政变是由一群阿拉伯民族主义者和泛阿拉伯社会主义政治组织复兴党成员策划的。复兴党成立于叙利亚，在包括伊拉克在内的多个阿拉伯国家都有影响力，主张阿拉伯统一、社会主义和世俗主义。接替卡西姆担任伊拉克首脑的阿卜杜勒-萨拉姆-阿雷夫是复兴党成员，他的政治观点与前任不同。与卡西姆不同，阿雷夫赞成建立阿拉伯联合共和国，支持泛阿拉伯统一的理念。他的上台标志着伊拉克政治发生了重大变化，伊拉克的政策更加符合复兴党的理想。
1966 年，阿卜杜勒-萨拉姆-阿雷夫在一次直升机坠毁事故中丧生，导致了另一次权力交接。他的弟弟阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼-阿雷夫继任总统。阿雷夫兄弟执政期间，复兴党开始在伊拉克站稳脚跟，但他们的政权也充满了不稳定和内部权力斗争。伊拉克的复兴主义虽然与叙利亚的复兴主义有着共同的起源，但也形成了自己的特点和动力。阿卜杜勒-萨拉姆-阿雷夫和阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼-阿雷夫的政府面临着各种挑战，包括复兴党内部的紧张关系以及来自不同社会和政治团体的反对。这些紧张局势最终导致了 1968 年由复兴党伊拉克派领导的另一场政变，萨达姆-侯赛因等人在这场政变中崛起，进入伊拉克领导层。
萨达姆-侯赛因于 1979 年掌权，标志着伊拉克政治和社会历史进入了一个新时代。作为复兴党的主导人物，萨达姆-侯赛因推行了一系列改革和政策，旨在加强国家控制和伊拉克社会现代化，同时巩固自己的权力。萨达姆-侯赛因施政的一个重要方面是部落建国进程，这是一项旨在将传统部落结构纳入国家机器的战略。这种做法的目的是通过让部落，特别是提普利特部落参与政府机构并给予他们某些特权，来赢得他们的支持。作为回报，这些部落为萨达姆-侯赛因提供了重要支持，从而加强了他的政权。
在推行部落政策的同时，萨达姆-侯赛因还在教育、经济和住房等多个领域推出了雄心勃勃的现代化计划。这些计划旨在将伊拉克改造成一个现代化的发达国家。现代化的一个重要因素是伊拉克石油工业的国有化，这使得政府能够控制重要资源，并为其发展计划提供资金。然而，尽管进行了这些现代化努力，萨达姆-侯赛因统治下的伊拉克经济在很大程度上还是建立在贿赂主义制度的基础上。这种裙带关系制度涉及向个人和团体分配恩惠、资源和政府职位，以换取他们的政治支持。这种做法造成了对该政权的依赖，有助于维持一个效忠萨达姆-侯赛因的网络。尽管萨达姆-侯赛因的举措带来了某些经济和社会发展，但也伴随着政治压迫和侵犯人权行为。萨达姆-侯赛因对权力的巩固往往以牺牲政治自由和反对派为代价，从而导致内部紧张和冲突。
两伊战争始于 1980 年，一直持续到 1988 年，是 20 世纪最血腥、最具破坏性的冲突之一。战争由萨达姆-侯赛因发起，对伊拉克和伊朗乃至整个地区都产生了深远影响。萨达姆-侯赛因试图利用伊朗在 1979 年伊斯兰革命后的明显弱势，对伊朗发起进攻。他担心阿亚图拉-霍梅尼领导的革命会蔓延到伊拉克，特别是在该国占多数的什叶派中，并破坏他的以逊尼派为主的复兴党政权的稳定。此外，萨达姆-侯赛因的目标是建立伊拉克的地区主导地位，控制石油资源丰富的领土，尤其是阿拉伯河边境地区。战争迅速升级为一场旷日持久、代价高昂的冲突，其特点是堑壕战、化学武器袭击和巨大的人类苦难。双方有 50 多万士兵丧生，数百万人受到破坏和流离失所的影响。
就地区而言，战争导致了复杂的联盟。哈菲兹-阿萨德领导的叙利亚选择支持伊朗，尽管双方在意识形态上存在分歧，部分原因是叙利亚和伊拉克之间的竞争。伊朗还得到了总部设在黎巴嫩的什叶派激进组织真主党的支持。这些联盟反映了该地区日益加剧的政治和教派分歧。战争最终于 1988 年结束，没有明显的赢家。在联合国主持下谈判达成的停火协议基本没有改变边界，也没有做出重大赔偿。这场冲突使两国国力严重削弱，债台高筑，并为该地区未来的冲突奠定了基础，包括 1990 年伊拉克入侵科威特以及美国及其盟国随后对该地区的干预。
1988 年两伊战争的结束是一个关键时刻，标志着长达八年的激烈冲突和巨大的人类苦难的结束。在阿亚图拉-霍梅尼的领导下，伊朗最终接受了联合国安理会第 598 号决议，该决议呼吁两国立即停火并结束敌对行动。伊朗决定接受停火的背景是后方的困难日益增加，军事形势日益不利。尽管伊朗最初努力抵抗伊拉克的侵略并取得了领土，但它一直承受着巨大的经济和军事压力，而国际孤立以及旷日持久的冲突所造成的人员和物质损失又加剧了这种压力。
战争中一个特别令人不安的因素是伊拉克使用化学武器，这一战术标志着冲突暴力的急剧升级。伊拉克军队曾多次对伊朗军队甚至本国库尔德人使用化学武器，例如在 1988 年臭名昭著的哈拉布贾大屠杀中，数以千计的库尔德平民被毒气毒死。伊拉克使用化学武器受到国际社会的广泛谴责，并导致萨达姆-侯赛因政权在外交上陷入孤立。1988 年的停火结束了 20 世纪下半叶最血腥的冲突之一，但却留下了满目疮痍的国家和饱受战争创伤的地区。伊朗和伊拉克都未能实现他们在冲突开始时为自己设定的宏伟目标，战争最终以其悲剧性的徒劳和巨大的人员伤亡为特征。
1990 年，伊拉克在萨达姆-侯赛因的指挥下入侵科威特，在国际舞台上引发了一系列重大事件，导致了 1991 年的海湾战争。入侵科威特的动机是多方面的，包括领土要求、石油生产争端和经济紧张局势。萨达姆-侯赛因声称科威特在历史上是伊拉克的一部分，以此作为入侵的理由。他还对科威特的石油生产表示不满，指责科威特的石油生产超过了欧佩克的配额，从而导致油价下跌，影响了已经因与伊朗的长期战争而疲软的伊拉克经济。国际社会对入侵作出了迅速而坚决的反应。联合国安理会谴责了入侵行为，并对伊拉克实施了严厉的经济禁运。随后，以美国为首的国际部队组成联军，解放了科威特。虽然这次行动得到了联合国的批准，但由于美国的领导作用和重大军事贡献，人们普遍认为这次行动是由美国主导的。
1991 年 1 月开始的海湾战争短暂而激烈。大规模空袭和随后的地面行动迅速将伊拉克军队赶出了科威特。然而，对伊拉克实施的禁运给伊拉克平民造成了毁灭性后果。经济制裁加上战争期间对基础设施的破坏，导致伊拉克出现严重的人道主义危机，食品、药品和其他必需品短缺。伊拉克入侵科威特和随后的海湾战争对该地区和国际关系产生了重大影响。伊拉克发现自己在国际舞台上孤立无援，萨达姆-侯赛因面临着越来越多的内部和外部挑战。这一时期也是美国中东政策的转折点，美国加强了在该地区的军事和政治存在。
2001 年 9 月 11 日之后是美国外交政策的一个重要转折点，尤其是在伊拉克问题上。在乔治-W-布什总统的领导下，伊拉克日益被视为布什所说的 "邪恶轴心 "的一部分，这种说法在打击国际恐怖主义的背景下激发了美国公众和政治想象力。尽管伊拉克没有直接参与 "9-11 "袭击事件，但布什政府提出了萨达姆-侯赛因的伊拉克拥有大规模杀伤性武器并对全球安全构成威胁的理论。这一观点被用来作为 2003 年入侵伊拉克的理由，这一决定引起了广泛争议，尤其是在伊拉克被揭露并不拥有大规模杀伤性武器之后。
以美国为首的军队入侵并随后占领伊拉克，推翻了萨达姆-侯赛因，但也导致了不可预见的后果和长期的不稳定。美国政府在伊拉克最令人诟病的政策之一是 "去复兴党化"，旨在消除萨达姆-侯赛因领导的复兴党的影响力。这项政策包括解散伊拉克军队，拆除许多行政和政府机构。然而，去复兴党化造成了权力真空，加剧了伊拉克的教派和种族紧张关系。许多前军队和复兴党成员突然被剥夺了工作和地位，发现自己被边缘化了，在某些情况下还加入了叛乱组织。这种情况促使伊拉克基地组织等圣战组织出现并崛起，后来成为伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国（EIIL），又称 "达伊什"（Daesh）。美国入侵后的混乱和不稳定是达伊什所代表的新圣战主义崛起的关键因素，它利用政治真空、教派紧张关系和不安全局势扩大其影响力。美国对伊拉克的干预虽然最初是为了实现民主和稳定，但却产生了深远而持久的影响，使伊拉克陷入了持续多年的冲突、暴力和不稳定时期。
2009 年美国从伊拉克撤军标志着该国政治历史进入了一个新阶段，其特点是什叶派团体的崛起和权力格局的变化。在逊尼派占主导地位的复兴党政权统治下，伊拉克的什叶派多数被边缘化了数十年，萨达姆-侯赛因倒台后，随着 2003 年美国入侵伊拉克，什叶派在政治重建进程中获得了影响力。随着更具代表性的政府的建立和民主选举的组织，在萨达姆-侯赛因政权下受到压制的什叶派政党在伊拉克新的政治格局中占据了重要地位。往往得到伊朗支持的什叶派政治人物开始在政府中担任要职，这反映了伊拉克的人口和政治变化。
然而，权力的转移也导致了紧张和冲突。曾在萨达姆-侯赛因政权下掌权或寻求自治（如伊拉克库尔德斯坦）的逊尼派和库尔德社区发现自己在新的政治秩序中被边缘化了。这种边缘化，再加上伊拉克军队的解散和入侵后实施的其他政策，在这些群体中造成了一种疏离感和挫败感。逊尼派的边缘化尤其造成了不安全和不满的气氛，为叛乱和恐怖主义提供了肥沃的土壤。伊拉克基地组织以及后来的 "伊斯兰国"（Daesh）等组织利用这些分歧招募成员并扩大其影响力，导致了一段时期激烈的教派暴力和冲突。
1948 年以色列国的建立是一个重大历史事件，对这一事件有不同的解释，反映了这一历史时期固有的复杂性和紧张关系。一方面，它可以被视为外交和政治努力的顶点，以国际层面的关键决定为标志。另一方面，它也被视为犹太复国主义运动和犹太人民自决愿望所推动的民族斗争的顶峰。
1917 年的《贝尔福宣言》中，英国政府支持在巴勒斯坦为犹太人建立一个民族家园，这为以色列的建立奠定了基础。尽管该宣言只是一个承诺，而非具有法律约束力的承诺，但它却是国际社会承认犹太复国主义愿望的关键时刻。第一次世界大战后建立的英国对巴勒斯坦的委任统治成为该地区的行政管理框架，尽管在此期间犹太人和阿拉伯人社区之间的紧张关系加剧。1947 年联合国提出的巴勒斯坦分治计划是另一个决定性时刻，该计划设想建立两个独立的国家，即犹太国和阿拉伯国，耶路撒冷由国际社会控制。尽管犹太领导人接受了这一计划，但却遭到阿拉伯各方的反对，导致英国从该地区撤军后发生公开冲突。
1948 年 5 月，以色列首任总理戴维-本-古里安（David Ben-Gurion）宣布成立以色列国，随后爆发了以色列独立战争，与几个阿拉伯邻国的军队展开了激烈的战斗。这场战争对以色列人来说是一场争取生存和主权的斗争，对巴勒斯坦人来说则是一个丧失家园、流离失所的悲惨时刻，这一事件被称为 "大灾难"（Nakba）。因此，世界各地的许多犹太人欢欣鼓舞地迎接以色列的成立，尤其是在第二次世界大战和大屠杀期间遭受迫害的背景下。然而，对于巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界的许多人来说，1948 年是损失的代名词，是长期冲突的开端。因此，以色列的建立不仅对该地区的人民来说是一个关键事件，在更广泛的国际关系背景下也是如此，在随后的几十年里深刻影响了中东政治。
写于 1917 年 11 月 2 日的《贝尔福宣言》是了解以色列国起源和以巴冲突的重要文件。宣言》由当时的英国外交大臣阿瑟-詹姆斯-贝尔福起草，并送交英国犹太社区领袖罗斯柴尔德勋爵，由其转交给大不列颠及爱尔兰犹太复国主义联合会。贝尔福宣言》的文本承诺英国政府支持在巴勒斯坦建立 "犹太人的民族家园"，同时规定这不应损害该国现有非犹太人社区的公民权利和宗教权利，也不应损害犹太人在任何其他国家享有的权利和政治地位。然而，文件中并未明确提及巴勒斯坦的非犹太人口，这被解释为一个重大遗漏。贝尔福宣言》背后的原因是多重而复杂的，涉及英国在第一次世界大战期间的外交和战略考虑。其中包括希望为盟军的战争努力争取犹太人的支持，特别是在布尔什维克革命带来不确定性的俄国，以及巴勒斯坦作为靠近苏伊士运河的关键地区对大英帝国的战略利益。贝尔福宣言》的发表标志着该地区历史的转折点，因为犹太复国主义者将其解释为国际社会支持他们在巴勒斯坦建立民族家园的愿望。另一方面，对于阿拉伯巴勒斯坦人来说，《贝尔福宣言》被视为对其领土和民族诉求的背叛和威胁。这种认识上的对立为该地区后来的紧张局势和冲突奠定了基础。
以巴冲突的历史背景错综复杂，远在 1917 年《贝尔福宣言》之前就已存在。犹太人在耶路撒冷和历史上的巴勒斯坦其他地区的存在可以追溯到几千年前，尽管由于各种历史事件，包括流亡和散居时期，犹太人的人口和组成随着时间的推移而不断变化。19 世纪，特别是 19 世纪 30 年代，犹太人开始向巴勒斯坦大量迁移，部分原因是为了应对俄罗斯帝国和欧洲其他地区的迫害和大屠杀。这次迁徙通常被视为新生犹太复国主义运动中第一批 "阿利亚"（迁徙）的一部分，其动机是希望返回犹太祖先的家园，并在巴勒斯坦重建犹太人的存在。
犹太复兴的一个重要方面是 "阿斯卡拉 "或 "哈斯卡拉"（犹太文艺复兴），这是欧洲犹太人，特别是阿什肯纳兹犹太人中的一场运动，旨在使犹太文化现代化并融入欧洲社会。这场运动鼓励教育、采用当地语言和习俗，同时促进犹太身份的更新和活力。埃利泽-本-耶胡达（Eliezer Ben-Yehuda）经常被誉为现代希伯来语之父，他在希伯来语作为一种活的语言的复兴过程中发挥了至关重要的作用。他的工作对犹太文化和民族复兴至关重要，为巴勒斯坦的犹太社区提供了统一的交流手段，并加强了他们独特的文化身份。
这些文化和移民的发展为政治犹太复国主义奠定了基础，犹太复国主义是一场旨在巴勒斯坦建立犹太民族家园的民族主义运动。犹太复国主义在 19 世纪末开始流行，部分原因是为了应对欧洲的反犹太迫害和实现自决的愿望。19 世纪和 20 世纪初，犹太人向巴勒斯坦移民，与此同时，巴勒斯坦阿拉伯社区长期存在，导致该地区人口结构发生变化，紧张局势日益加剧。英国委任统治的政策和国际事件加剧了这些紧张局势，最终导致了我们今天所知的以巴冲突。
犹太复国主义运动的历史和犹太民族家园理念的出现与 19 世纪末 20 世纪初散居在欧洲和美国的犹太人密切相关。这一时期的特点是犹太思想的复兴和对欧洲犹太社区面临的挑战（尤其是反犹太主义）的认识不断提高。俄罗斯犹太医生和知识分子莱昂-平斯克是犹太复国主义早期阶段的关键人物。受俄国大屠杀和反犹太迫害的影响，平斯克于 1882 年撰写了《自我解放》这本小册子，主张需要为犹太人建立一个民族家园。平斯克认为，反犹主义是欧洲长期存在且不可避免的现象，犹太人唯一的解决办法就是在自己的领土上自治。奥匈帝国记者和作家西奥多-赫茨尔通常被视为现代政治犹太复国主义之父。在法国发生的德雷福斯事件中，犹太军官阿尔弗雷德-德雷福斯被诬陷为间谍，当时反犹主义盛行，赫茨尔深受影响，他得出结论认为，同化并不能保护犹太人免受歧视和迫害。这件事对赫茨尔起到了催化剂的作用，促使他在 1896 年撰写了《犹太人的国家》一书，在书中他主张建立一个犹太国家。与人们普遍认为的相反，赫茨尔并没有明确设想在法国建立犹太民族家园，而是在巴勒斯坦，或者如果做不到，在殖民国家提供的另一块领土上。赫茨尔的想法是找到一个地方，让犹太人在那里建立自己的主权国家并自由生活，远离欧洲的反犹太主义。赫茨尔是 1897 年在巴塞尔召开的第一届犹太复国主义大会的推动者，这次大会奠定了犹太复国主义运动作为一个政治组织的基础。这次大会聚集了来自不同背景的犹太代表，讨论在巴勒斯坦建立犹太民族家园的问题。
反犹太主义有着悠久而复杂的历史，深深植根于欧洲的宗教和社会经济信仰，尤其是在中世纪。历史上最突出的反犹主义之一是 "亡国者 "的概念，即指责犹太人对耶稣基督的死负有集体责任。这一观念在欧洲基督教中广为流传，几个世纪以来成为对犹太人进行各种形式迫害和歧视的理由。这种观念导致犹太人被边缘化，在基督教社会中被描绘成 "异类 "或异国人。
在中世纪，犹太人在职业和社会领域受到的限制对他们的社会地位产生了重大影响。由于教会的法律和限制，犹太人往往无法拥有土地或从事某些职业。例如，在许多地区，他们不能成为行会成员，这限制了他们从事贸易和手工业的机会。这些限制导致许多犹太人转而从事放贷等行业，由于教会禁止高利贷，基督徒通常禁止从事放贷活动。虽然这种活动提供了一个必要的经济领域，但也强化了某些负面的成见，助长了经济上的反犹主义。犹太人有时被视为高利贷者，与贪婪联系在一起，这加剧了对他们的不信任和敌意。此外，犹太人往往被限制在特定的街区，即所谓的贫民区，这限制了他们与基督徒的交往，加剧了他们的孤立。这种隔离与宗教和经济上的反犹太主义相结合，创造了一种可能发生大屠杀等迫害行为的环境。中世纪的反犹太主义植根于宗教信仰，并得到社会经济结构的强化，从而为欧洲几个世纪以来对犹太人的歧视和迫害奠定了基础。这段痛苦的历史是激发犹太复国主义渴望建立一个安全的主权国家家园的因素之一。
19 世纪反犹太主义的演变是一个重要的转折点，当时对犹太人的偏见和歧视开始更多地基于种族观念，而不是宗教或文化差异。这一变化标志着所谓 "现代 "反犹太主义的诞生，为 20 世纪的反犹太主义（包括大屠杀）奠定了思想基础。在前现代时期，反犹主义主要源于宗教差异，对犹太人作为一个宗教团体的弑神指控和负面刻板印象。然而，随着 19 世纪启蒙运动的兴起和许多欧洲国家犹太人的解放，反犹太主义开始以一种新的形式出现。这种 "现代 "形式的反犹太主义的特点是相信存在着具有固有生物和道德特征的独特种族。犹太人不仅被视为一个独特的宗教群体，也被视为一个独立的 "种族"，他们的遗传特征和假定行为使他们与众不同，在反犹主义者眼中，他们是劣等人或对社会构成威胁的人。
各种伪科学理论和著作，包括休斯顿-斯图尔特-张伯伦（Houston Stewart Chamberlain）等人的著作强化了这种种族意识形态，张伯伦是一位颇具影响力的种族理论家，他的思想为纳粹的种族理论做出了贡献。种族反犹主义在纳粹意识形态中得到了最极端的体现，纳粹利用种族主义理论为大屠杀期间对犹太人的系统迫害和灭绝进行辩护。因此，19 世纪从宗教反犹太主义到种族反犹太主义的转变是一个关键的发展，它助长了对犹太人更强烈、更系统的歧视和迫害。这一发展也促使犹太复国主义运动迫切希望建立一个犹太民族国家，使犹太人能够安全地生活，免受迫害。
19世纪末是犹太人的一个关键时期，标志着犹太复国主义历史上的一个决定性转折点，这一运动最终导致了以色列国的建立。这一时期的特点是对欧洲反犹太迫害的回应，以及对自决和返回祖先家园的日益强烈的渴望。Hovevei Zion（锡安爱好者）运动在犹太复国主义的早期阶段发挥了重要作用。该运动由主要来自东欧的犹太人组成，旨在鼓励犹太人移民到巴勒斯坦，并在该地区建立犹太社区基地。Hovevei Zion 的成员受到俄罗斯和其他地方的大屠杀和歧视的启发，实施了农业和定居项目，为犹太人在巴勒斯坦的复兴奠定了基础。然而，1897 年由西奥多-赫茨尔在瑞士巴塞尔组织召开的第一届犹太复国主义大会才是历史性的里程碑。赫茨尔是一名奥匈帝国记者，他深受反犹主义的影响，尤其是在法国德雷福斯事件期间，他深知建立犹太民族家园的必要性。巴塞尔大会汇聚了来自不同国家的犹太代表，成为阐述和宣传犹太复国主义思想的平台。大会最显著的成果是制定了《巴塞尔纲领》，呼吁在巴勒斯坦建立犹太人的民族家园。大会还促成了世界犹太复国主义组织的成立，该组织负责推动犹太复国主义目标的实现。在赫茨尔的领导下，尽管面临挑战和争议，犹太复国主义运动还是获得了合法性和国际支持。赫茨尔的愿景虽然在当时主要是象征性的，但却为犹太人的愿望提供了一个框架和方向，将一个想法转化为实实在在的政治运动。19 世纪末的这段时期是犹太复国主义运动形成的关键时期，为日后导致以色列国建立的事件奠定了基础。这一时期，欧洲犹太人面临的历史挑战与对自决的新渴望交织在一起，影响了犹太人和中东地区的历史进程。
20 世纪初是巴勒斯坦犹太社区发展和变革的重要时期，其标志是犹太人移民的增加以及新的社会和城市结构的建立。1903 年至 1914 年间，约有 3 万名犹太人（主要来自俄罗斯帝国）移民到巴勒斯坦，这一时期被称为 "第二次大迁徙"。这一移民潮是由多种因素共同推动的，包括俄罗斯帝国的反犹太迫害和犹太复国主义建立犹太民族家园的愿望。在这一时期，特拉维夫市于 1909 年建立，成为犹太人复兴和犹太复国主义的象征。特拉维夫是一座现代化城市，从一开始就被规划为不断发展壮大的犹太社区的城市中心。这一时期最具创新性的发展之一是基布兹的建立。基布兹是建立在集体所有制和集体劳动原则基础上的农业社区。它们在犹太人定居巴勒斯坦的过程中发挥了至关重要的作用，不仅提供了生存手段，还为犹太人社区的防卫和安全做出了贡献。它们的重要性超出了农业的范畴，因为它们是文化、教育和社会犹太复国主义的中心。
1921 年至 1931 年期间，出现了新一轮移民潮，被称为 "第三次阿利亚"，在此期间，约有 15 万犹太人抵达巴勒斯坦。犹太人口大幅增加的部分原因是欧洲（尤其是波兰和俄罗斯）反犹太主义抬头，以及英国在巴勒斯坦的政策。这些移民带来了各种技能，促进了该地区的经济和社会发展。这一时期的犹太移民是巴勒斯坦人口结构的关键因素，导致了社会和经济的巨大变化。这也加剧了与巴勒斯坦阿拉伯社区的紧张关系，他们认为不断增加的移民对其领土和人口要求构成了威胁。这些紧张局势最终升级，导致了随后几年和几十年的冲突和动乱。
1917 年《贝尔福宣言》发表后，巴勒斯坦犹太社区和阿拉伯社区之间的紧张局势和冲突显著加剧。宣言》表达了英国政府对在巴勒斯坦为犹太人建立民族家园的支持，受到了许多犹太人的热烈欢迎，但却激起了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的反对和敌意。这些紧张关系表现为两个社区之间的一系列对抗和暴力。20 世纪 20 年代和 30 年代发生了多起暴力事件，包括暴乱和屠杀，双方都有人员伤亡。这些事件反映了双方民族主义紧张局势的加剧以及对巴勒斯坦控制权和未来的争夺。
为了应对日益加剧的紧张局势以及自卫反击的需要，巴勒斯坦的犹太社区于 1920 年成立了哈加纳（Haganah）组织。哈加纳在希伯来语中意为 "防卫"，最初是一个秘密防卫组织，旨在保护犹太人社区免受阿拉伯人的攻击。它是由一群犹太定居点和犹太复国主义组织的代表为应对 1920 年耶路撒冷暴乱而成立的。随着时间的推移，哈加纳从一支地方防卫部队发展成为一个结构更加严密的军事组织。虽然早年以防御为主，但哈加纳发展了更强大的军事能力，包括训练精锐部队和购置武器，以应对与阿拉伯社区和邻国的更广泛冲突。哈加纳的成立是犹太复国主义运动史上的一个重要发展，在导致 1948 年以色列国成立的事件中发挥了重要作用。哈加纳组建了后来成为以色列国防军（IDF）的核心，即以色列国的正式军队。
犹太复国主义团体与傀儡列强的合作在以巴冲突的发展中发挥了重要作用，特别是英国，它在第一次世界大战后从国际联盟获得了管理巴勒斯坦的授权。这种合作对犹太复国主义运动的发展至关重要，但也加剧了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的紧张和愤怒。犹太复国主义者与英国代理当局之间的关系错综复杂，有时甚至相互冲突，但犹太复国主义者试图利用这种关系来推进他们在巴勒斯坦的目标。在巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人看来，犹太复国主义者建立犹太民族家园的努力往往得到了英国的支持，或至少得到了英国的容忍，这加剧了紧张局势和不信任。
委任统治时期犹太复国主义战略的一个重要方面是在巴勒斯坦购买土地。1929 年成立的犹太机构在这一战略中发挥了关键作用。犹太人机构是一个向英国当局代表犹太社区的组织，负责协调巴勒斯坦犹太复国主义项目的各个方面，包括移民、定居点建设、教育以及至关重要的土地购买。犹太人在巴勒斯坦购置土地是冲突的主要根源，因为这往往导致当地阿拉伯人流离失所。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人将购买土地和犹太人移民视为对他们在该地区的存在和未来的威胁。这些土地交易不仅改变了巴勒斯坦的人口构成和地貌，还加剧了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的民族主义情绪。
1937 年是英国管理巴勒斯坦委任统治地的转折点，面对犹太人和阿拉伯人社区之间不断升级的紧张局势和暴力，英国撤离的迹象初露端倪。以巴冲突的复杂性和激烈性对英国维护和平与秩序的努力提出了挑战，导致英国日益认识到不可能同时满足犹太复国主义的愿望和巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的要求。
1937 年，英国调查委员会皮尔委员会发表报告，首次建议将巴勒斯坦分为两个独立的国家，一个犹太国家，一个阿拉伯国家，耶路撒冷由国际社会控制。这一建议是对暴力升级的回应，特别是在 1936-1939 年阿拉伯大起义期间，巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人为反对英国统治和犹太人移民而发动的大规模起义。由于种种原因，双方都拒绝了皮尔委员会提出的分治计划。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯领导人拒绝该计划，因为它意味着承认在巴勒斯坦建立一个犹太国家。另一方面，尽管一些犹太复国主义领导人认为该计划是朝着建立一个更大的犹太国迈出的一步，但其他领导人则拒绝接受该计划，因为该计划没有满足他们对领土的期望。
这一时期，双方都出现了极端主义团体。在犹太人方面，伊尔贡和莱希（又称斯特恩帮）等组织开始对巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人和英国人采取军事行动，包括爆炸袭击。与犹太社区的主要防卫组织哈加纳相比，这些组织采取了更加激进的方式来实现犹太复国主义的目标。在阿拉伯方面，暴力活动也愈演愈烈，对犹太人和英国利益发动了袭击。阿拉伯人的反抗表明，反对英国政策和犹太人移民的呼声日益高涨。英国无力解决冲突，双方的极端主义反应造成了日益不稳定和暴力的气氛，为未来的冲突奠定了基础，并使寻求和平、持久地解决巴勒斯坦问题的努力更加复杂化。
1947年，面对托管巴勒斯坦紧张局势和暴力的持续升级，联合国提出了一个新的分治计划，试图解决以巴冲突。联合国大会第181号决议建议的这一计划设想将巴勒斯坦划分为两个独立的国家，一个是犹太国家，另一个是阿拉伯国家，耶路撒冷则置于一个特殊的国际制度之下。根据联合国的分治计划，巴勒斯坦的划分方式将使两个国家的人口各占多数。耶路撒冷地区，包括伯利恒，将被确立为国际管理下的分离体，因为它对犹太人、基督徒和穆斯林都具有重要的宗教和历史意义。然而，联合国的分治计划遭到了大多数阿拉伯领导人和人民的反对。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人和阿拉伯邻国认为，该计划没有尊重他们的民族和领土要求，在土地分配方面也不公平，因为当时犹太人在巴勒斯坦只是少数。他们认为该计划是西方列强亲犹太复国主义政策的延续，侵犯了他们的自决权。
以犹太机构为代表的巴勒斯坦犹太社区接受了该计划，将其视为建立犹太国家的历史机遇。对犹太人来说，该计划代表了国际社会对其民族愿望的承认，是迈向独立的关键一步。阿拉伯人拒绝分治计划导致该地区冲突和对抗加剧。随后，暴力不断升级，最终导致了 1948 年的战争，也被称为以色列独立战争或巴勒斯坦人的大灾难（Nakba）。这场战争导致以色列国于 1948 年 5 月成立，数十万巴勒斯坦人流离失所，标志着一场延续至今的旷日持久冲突的开始。
1948 年 5 月以色列国宣布独立以及随后发生的事件是中东历史上至关重要的一章，产生了重大的政治、社会和军事影响。英国在巴勒斯坦的委任统治期满后出现了政治真空，以大卫-本-古里安为首的犹太领导人试图通过宣布以色列独立来填补这一真空。这一宣言是对 1947 年联合国分治计划的回应，标志着犹太复国主义愿望的实现，但同时也是该地区重大武装冲突的催化剂。外约旦、埃及和叙利亚等阿拉伯邻国的军事干预旨在阻挠犹太国家的建立，支持阿拉伯巴勒斯坦人的要求。这些国家联合起来反对建立以色列，计划消灭这个新生的国家，重新确定巴勒斯坦的政治地理格局。然而，尽管阿拉伯军队最初在数量上占据优势，但却逐渐被组织日益严密、战斗力日益强大的以色列军队击退。
苏联对以色列的间接支持，主要是通过东欧卫星国提供武器，在扭转当地力量对比方面发挥了作用。在冷战对抗日益加剧的背景下，苏联的这种支持与其说是出于对以色列的好感，不如说是为了削弱英国在该地区的影响力。1949 年结束战争的一系列停火协议为以色列留下了比联合国分治计划多得多的领土。战争造成了深远的悲剧性后果，包括大批阿拉伯巴勒斯坦人流离失所，由此产生的难民和权利问题一直困扰着和平进程。独立战争还巩固了以色列在该地区的核心地位，标志着持续至今的阿以冲突的开始。
1967 年 6 月发生的 "六日战争 "是以阿冲突历史上的另一个决定性时刻。这场冲突使以色列与埃及、约旦、叙利亚以及黎巴嫩（其次是黎巴嫩）对峙，导致该地区地缘政治发生重大变化。战争开始于 1967 年 6 月 5 日，当时以色列认为其边界上的阿拉伯军队威胁迫在眉睫，于是对埃及发动了一系列先发制人的空袭。这些空袭迅速摧毁了地面上的大部分埃及空军，使以色列获得了至关重要的空中优势。在随后的日子里，以色列扩大了对约旦和叙利亚的军事行动。冲突迅速展开，以色列在多条战线上取得了胜利。在六天的激战中，以色列成功地从埃及手中夺取了加沙地带和西奈半岛，从约旦手中夺取了约旦河西岸（包括东耶路撒冷），从叙利亚手中夺取了戈兰高地。这些领土成果使以色列控制的领土面积扩大了两倍。六日战争对该地区产生了深远而持久的影响。它标志着阿以冲突的转折点，加强了以色列的军事和战略地位，同时加剧了以色列与阿拉伯邻国的紧张关系。战争还对巴勒斯坦人民产生了重大影响，因为以色列对西岸和加沙的占领给巴勒斯坦问题带来了新的动力和挑战。此外，加沙地带、约旦河西岸和戈兰高地的丧失对有关阿拉伯国家，特别是埃及和叙利亚是一个重大打击，并在阿拉伯人中造成了幻灭和绝望的气氛。战争还为今后的冲突和谈判，包括以色列与其邻国之间的持久和平进程奠定了基础。
1973 年 10 月爆发的赎罪日战争是以色列-阿拉伯冲突史上的一个重要里程碑。这场战争是由埃及和叙利亚对以色列的联合突然袭击引发的，战争发生在犹太历中最神圣的赎罪日，这加剧了战争对以色列民众的心理影响。埃及和叙利亚的进攻是为了夺回在 1967 年六日战争中失去的领土，特别是西奈半岛和戈兰高地。战争一开始，埃及和叙利亚军队就取得了重大胜利，挑战了以色列军事优势的观念。然而，以色列在总理果尔达-梅厄和国防部长摩西-达扬的领导下，迅速调集部队进行有效反击。
这场战争产生了重大影响。赎罪日战争迫使以色列重新评估其军事和安全战略。最初出其不意的攻击凸显了以色列军事情报的不足，并导致以色列的准备和防御理论发生重大变化。在外交上，这场战争成为未来和平谈判的催化剂。双方遭受的损失为 1978 年在美国总统吉米-卡特的主持下达成《戴维营协议》铺平了道路，并促成了 1979 年以色列与埃及的第一份和平条约。该条约是一个转折点，标志着以色列首次得到阿拉伯邻国的承认。这场战争还产生了国际影响，尤其是引发了 1973 年的石油危机。阿拉伯产油国利用石油作为经济武器，抗议美国对以色列的支持，导致石油价格大幅上涨，全球经济受到影响。因此，赎罪日战争不仅重新定义了阿以关系，还产生了全球性后果，影响了能源政策、国际关系和中东和平进程。这场战争标志着人们认识到阿以冲突的复杂性以及采取平衡方法解决冲突的必要性方面迈出了重要一步。
1979 年，《戴维营协议》的签署标志着中东和平进程中的一个重要里程碑。这些协议是在美国总统吉米-卡特的主持下谈判达成的，是以色列总理梅纳赫姆-贝京和埃及总统安瓦尔-萨达特之间艰难而大胆谈判的成果。这些谈判的倡议是在 1973 年赎罪日战争之后提出的，这场战争凸显了和平解决旷日持久的阿以冲突的迫切需要。1977 年，安瓦尔-萨达特勇敢地决定访问耶路撒冷，打破了许多政治和心理障碍，为以色列和埃及之间的直接对话铺平了道路。
和谈在马里兰州的戴维营（Camp David）总统撤退地举行，期间进行了激烈的谈判，反映了以色列和埃及之间深刻的历史分歧。吉米-卡特的亲自干预对双方保持接触、克服僵局起到了重要作用。最终达成的协议包括两个不同的框架。第一份协议为巴勒斯坦在约旦河西岸和加沙地带被占领土上的自治奠定了基础，而第二份协议则直接促成了埃及和以色列之间的和平条约。该条约于 1979 年 3 月签署，导致以色列撤出自 1967 年以来占领的西奈半岛，以换取埃及承认以色列国并建立正常的外交关系。
以埃和平条约是一次革命性的突破，改变了中东的政治格局。它标志着两国战争状态的结束，为该地区未来的和平努力开创了先例。然而，该条约也激起了阿拉伯世界的激烈反对，萨达特于 1981 年遇刺身亡，人们普遍认为这是对他与以色列和解政策的直接回应。最终，《戴维营协议》和随后的和平条约表明，在一个冲突旷日持久的地区，和平谈判是可能的，同时也凸显了实现中东持久和平所固有的挑战。这些事件不仅对以埃关系，而且对地区和国际动态都产生了深远影响。
巴勒斯坦难民返回家园的权利仍然是以巴冲突中一个复杂而有争议的问题。这项权利是指巴勒斯坦难民及其后裔返回他们在 1948 年以色列国成立时离开或流离失所的土地的可能性。1948 年 12 月 11 日通过的联合国大会第 194 号决议指出，应允许希望返回家园的难民返回家园，并与邻国和平共处。然而，该决议与联大其他决议一样，并不具有确定法律或确立权利的能力。相反，它具有建议性质。因此，尽管联合国已多次确认该决议，但迄今为止该决议尚未得到执行。
联合国近东巴勒斯坦难民救济和工程处（近东救济工程处）成立于 1949 年，为 500 多万已登记的巴勒斯坦难民提供支助。与 1951 年关于一般难民的公约不同，近东救济工程处还包括 1948 年难民的后代，这大大增加了相关人数。1978 年在戴维营谈判达成的和平协定或 1993 年的《奥斯陆协定》等都承认巴勒 斯坦难民问题是和平进程框架内的一个谈判议题。然而，这些协定并没有明确提及巴勒斯坦难民的 "返回权"。难民问题的解决一般被认为是以色列与其邻国通过双边协议解决的问题。
