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This belief in American superiority led to the justification of various actions taken by the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, such as the annexation of Hawaii and the Spanish-American War, which led to the acquisition of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. It also played a role in the intervention in Latin American countries, such as the support for the overthrow of democratically-elected governments in favor of authoritarian leaders who were more amenable to American interests. This belief in American exceptionalism and the idea of spreading American values and institutions to other nations is still present in American foreign policy to this day.
This belief in American superiority led to the justification of various actions taken by the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, such as the annexation of Hawaii and the Spanish-American War, which led to the acquisition of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. It also played a role in the intervention in Latin American countries, such as the support for the overthrow of democratically-elected governments in favor of authoritarian leaders who were more amenable to American interests. This belief in American exceptionalism and the idea of spreading American values and institutions to other nations is still present in American foreign policy to this day.


More concretely, around 1890, businessmen and entrepreneurs from the United States settled not only in Latin America but also in Hawaii. What is important to know is that these entrepreneurs, supposedly chosen by social Darwinism, did not act alone. They are generously supported by the U.S. federal government and public finances.
Social Darwinism played a significant role in the expansionist policies of the United States during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The theory, which posits that certain races or groups are inherently superior to others, was used to justify the acquisition and domination of territories inhabited by "inferior" peoples. This belief in the moral and racial superiority of white Americans was often used to justify the annexation of territories such as Hawaii and the Philippines, as well as the exploitation of resources and labor in Latin America. The concept of Manifest Destiny, which held that it was the divine destiny of Americans to expand their influence and civilization across the hemisphere, was also closely tied to Social Darwinism. Many politicians, theologians, and strategists of the time believed that by spreading American values and institutions, they were fulfilling a moral obligation to uplift and civilize "inferior" races.
 
This support from the government and public finances took various forms, such as subsidies for shipping and communication infrastructure, military protection for American interests, and the use of diplomacy to open up markets and protect American investments. In addition, the U.S. government also supported these entrepreneurs by creating a favorable legal and political environment for them to operate in, through the use of treaties, trade agreements, and other forms of international law. Overall, this support from the U.S. government allowed American entrepreneurs to expand their economic and political influence in these territories, and played a significant role in the continued expansion of the United States throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries.es.


Under [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alfred_Thayer_Mahan Alfred Maham], the United States developed a modern navy capable not only of protecting the coasts of the United States, but also of competing with the British Royal Navy, which had hitherto dominated the seas.
Under [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alfred_Thayer_Mahan Alfred Maham], the United States developed a modern navy capable not only of protecting the coasts of the United States, but also of competing with the British Royal Navy, which had hitherto dominated the seas.

Version du 27 janvier 2023 à 17:08


The United States began to rise as an imperial power in the late 19th century, following the conclusion of the Spanish-American War in 1898. The war resulted in the US acquiring control of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines and marked the beginning of the US's emergence as a global power.

In the following years, the US intervened in various countries in the Western Hemisphere, including Mexico, Honduras, and Nicaragua, in order to protect American economic interests and maintain stability in the region. These interventions laid the foundation for the Big Stick Policy, which was articulated by President Theodore Roosevelt in the early 1900s. The policy stated that the US would intervene in the affairs of Latin American countries in order to protect American economic interests and maintain stability in the region.

However, by the 1920s, the US was facing domestic economic challenges and many Americans were becoming increasingly isolationist and opposed to the idea of intervening in foreign affairs. Additionally, the Big Stick Policy had led to a number of interventions and occupations in Latin American countries, which had resulted in widespread resentment and hostility towards the US.

In response, President Herbert Hoover announced the Good Neighbor Policy, which stated that the US would no longer intervene in the affairs of Latin American countries and would instead seek to build friendly relations with them through cooperation and mutual respect. The Good Neighbor Policy marked a shift away from the interventionist policies of the past and towards a more peaceful and cooperative foreign policy.

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Reminder

Map of territorial acquisitions in the United States of America.

During the first half of the 19th century, the United States experienced significant territorial expansion, both to the west and to the south. This expansion was driven by a combination of factors, including the desire for new land, resources, and markets, as well as a belief in American exceptionalism and the "manifest destiny" of the US to expand its territory and influence.

One of the key ways in which the US expanded its territory during this time was through war. The most notable example is the Mexican-American War, which occurred between 1846 and 1848. The war was sparked by disputes over the boundary between Texas, which had recently been annexed by the US, and Mexico, and ultimately resulted in the US gaining control of large parts of what is now the American Southwest, including present-day California, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, New Mexico, and parts of Colorado, Wyoming, Kansas, and Oklahoma.

The US also expanded its territory through the purchase of land. One of the most significant examples of this was the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, in which the US purchased a vast tract of land from France, which included present-day Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska, parts of Minnesota, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Montana.

Additionally, the US also expanded through colonization, for example the Oregon trail, where thousands of American settlers migrated to the Pacific Northwest during the 1840s and 1850s, which led to the eventual American annexation of the territory.

Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny were two major doctrines that significantly shaped American foreign policy and territorial expansion during the 19th century.

President James Monroe issued the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, which stated that any attempts by European powers to colonize or interfere with the affairs of the newly independent nations of the Western Hemisphere would be viewed as a threat to the security and stability of the United States. It established the US as the dominant power in the Americas and helped to shape American foreign policy for the next century.

Manifest Destiny, on the other hand, was a belief that it was the God-given mission of the United States to expand its territory and influence across North America and to spread its system of government, economy and culture. This idea was used to justify the territory territorial expansion the annexation of Texas, the Mexican-American War, and the settlement of the American West.

Together, these two doctrines helped to shape American foreign policy and territorial expansion during the 19th century and beyond. The Monroe Doctrine helped to establish the US as the dominant power in the Americas, while Manifest Destiny provided a justification to the expansion and the spread of American influence.

By around 1850, the territorial expansion of the United States had reached its present-day boundaries, with the exception of Alaska, which was purchased from Russia in 1867. The western border of the US had been expanded through a combination of war, the purchase of territories, and colonization, including the Mexican-American War, the Louisiana Purchase, and the settlement of the American West.

In terms of expansion northwards, the boundary between the US and Canada was established through a series of treaties and agreements, including the Treaty of Paris in 1783, which ended the Revolutionary War, and the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, which ended the War of 1812. In addition, the agreement with England in 1818 established the 49th parallel as the border between the US and Canada from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains.

So, expansion northwards to Canada was no longer possible after the agreement with England in 1812. The map of today's UniAs a result, the States was almost complete by 1850, except Alaska, which was the last territory to be acquired.

After the capture of northern Mexico as a redue toxican-American War, the US acquired many territories, including present-day California, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, New Mexico, and parts of Colorado, Wyoming, Kansas, and Oklahoma. These territories were relatively spared, and the US government saw them as opportunities for expansion and settlement.

However, the issue of slavery and the balance between slave and abolitionist states became a major political problem in the years following the war, and it complicated any further expansion southwards. The question of whether the new territories acquired from Mexico should allow slavery or not was a contentious issue, and it ultimately led to. The compromise of 1850 sought to resolve the issue by allowing California to enter the Union as a free state while the other territories were left to decide the question of slavery through popular sovereignty.

The Compromise of 1850 helped temporarily resolve the balance between slave and abolitionist states. Still, it prevented the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, which was largely caused by the expansion of slavery into the new territories. So, the question of the balance between slave and abolitionist states became a major significance for any expansion southwards, ultimately leading to the civil war.

Private annexation attempts

William Walker.

In addition to government-led expansion and territorial acquisitions, there were also private annexation attempts in territories considered to be natural areas of the United States, including the Caribbean and Central America. These private annexation attempts were often led by American business interests, such as railroad companies, mining companies, and agricultural interests, who sought to expand their operations and gain access to new markets and resources.

One example of private annexation was the attempt by American businessman William Walker to conquer and annex parts of Central America, including Nicaragua, in the 1850s. Walker, who was a former medical doctor, lawyer and journalist, led a group of American mercenaries in an effort to establish himself as the ruler of Nicaragua and to annex it to the United States. Walker's efforts were ultimately unsuccessful, and he was executed by the government of Honduras in 1860.

The private annexation attempts by groups of adventurers in Cuba and by William Walker in Nicaragua were driven by a desire to expand the United States and to increase American economic and political influence in the region. These attempts were motivated by a variety of factors, including the desire for economic gain and the belief in the idea of American exceptionalism.

However, these attempts also risked tipping the balance in favor of slavery, which was a deeply divisive issue in the United States at the time. The annexation of Cuba or Nicaragua would have added new slave states to the Union, which would have further exacerbated the tensions between the slave and abolitionist states. As a result, these private annexation attempts met with opposition from the United States government and ultimately failed.

In addition, it's important to note that these private annexation attempts also met with opposition from local people and other countries in the region, as they would have resulted in the loss of sovereignty and control over their territories.

William Walker's actions were widely condemned in the United States, and he became a controversial figure. He was widely seen as a rogue adventurer who had acted without the support or authorization of the US government. His actions were seen as a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, which was a US policy intended to prevent foreign colonization or any other kind of political control of the region by European powers.

The notion of American exceptionalism was a justification used to justify American expansionism, but it also led to the belief that American ways were superior to those of other nations, which led to a disregard for the people and cultures of other countries, which in turn led to resistance and opposition to American expansionism.

Despite his lack of success and his controversial legacy, William Walker's actions had a significant impact on the political and social history of Central America, and he remains a controversial figure in the region. His private annexation attempts were one of the many examples of American expansionism in the 19th century, which was driven by economic interests and a belief in the idea of American exceptionalism.

After his execution, many of his followers were captured, executed, or forced to leave the country. His actions were widely criticized in the United States, and he became a controversial figure. He was seen as a rogue adventurer who had acted without the support or authorization of the US government. His actions were seen as a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, which was a US policy intended to prevent foreign colonization or any other kind of political control of the region by European powers.

His actions in Central America were also met with resistance and opposition from local people, and his legacy in the region is still debated by historians. Some view him as a heroic figure who sought to bring modernization and progress to the region, while others see him as a ruthless dictator who sought to impose his will on the people of Central America.

Another example of private annexation attempts was in Hawaii, where American planters and businessmen sought to annex the islands to the United States in order to gain access to the Hawaiian sugar market. The annexation of Hawaii was a complicated process, which involved the political and economic interests of many different actors, including American planters, merchants, and politicians, as well as the Hawaiian monarchy and local inhabitants.

In the late 19th century, American planters and businessmen had invested heavily in Hawaiian sugar plantations and had come to dominate the Hawaiian economy. They saw annexation as a way to gain access to the American market and to protect their investments from foreign competition. American politicians, such as President Cleveland, also saw Hawaii as a valuable strategic location, as it would be a valuable naval base for the United States.

The annexation of Hawaii was eventually achieved in 1898, following a coup d'etat that was supported by American interests. The annexation of Hawaii was accomplished by a joint resolution of Congress, which was signed into law by President McKinley. It was a controversial move, which was opposed by many Hawaiian nationalists and by some Americans who believed that annexation would undermine American democratic values and lead to the subjugation of a sovereign nation.

U.S. expansion was suspended during the Civil War between 1861 and 1865, as the country was focused on the conflict between the Union (north) and Confederacy (south) over issues such as slavery and states' rights. After the Civil War ended in 1865, the country was reunited and slavery was abolished with the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution.

After the Civil War, the United States resumed its expansionist policies, with a renewed emphasis on economic growth and territorial expansion. The country continued to push westward, as the government sought to settle and develop the remaining western territories. This was done through a variety of means, including treaties with native tribes, the purchase of land from Mexico and other countries, and the annexation of new territories, such as Alaska in 1867.

Additionally, the United States also sought to expand its influence and control in other parts of the world, including the Caribbean and Central America, through various means such as the Big Stick Policy and the Good Neighbor Policy. The Big Stick Policy relied on economic and military pressure to assert American dominance, while the Good Neighbor Policy relied on diplomacy and cooperation to achieve the same goals. The United States also continued to pursue its expansionist policies in Asia and the Pacific.

Expansion through the acquisition of counter territories

1898 political cartoon: "Ten Thousand Miles From Tip to Tip" meaning the extension of U.S. domination (symbolized by a bald eagle) from Puerto Rico to the Philippines. The cartoon contrasts this with a map of the smaller United States 100 years earlier in 1798.

The United States acquired Alaska from Russia in 1867 through a treaty of cession in which Russia sold the territory to the United States for $7.2 million. The acquisition of Alaska was met with mixed reactions in the United States, with some viewing it as a valuable acquisition of valuable natural resources. In contrast, others viewed it as a "waste of money" on an inhospitable and remote territory.

In 1867, the United States also acquired the Midway Islands in the Pacific Ocean. This was done through a guano-mining claim under the Guano Islands Act of 1856, which authorized American citizens to take possession of any unclaimed islands for the purpose of mining guano.

In 1878, the United States also acquired a coal station in the Samoan Islands in the Pacific. This was done in order to establish a coaling station for American naval ships in the Pacific and to protect American commercial interests in the region. The coal station was acquired through a treaty with the local Samoan leaders.

These acquisitions of Alaska, Midway Islands, and the Samoan Islands were part of a broader expansionist policy of the United States in the 19th century aimed at securing strategic locations, natural resources, and access to new markets. This expansion also aimed to project American power and influence in different regions and protect American commercial interests.

With the purchase of Alaska and the acquisition of the Midway Islands and the Samoan Islands, the United States began to focus on a different type of territorial expansion in the South Pacific. Instead of acquiring new territories for settlement or colonization, the United States began to acquire territories to facilitate trade and access to new markets.

Several factors drove this change in focus. One of the main reasons was the strong revival of European, Russian and Japanese imperialism in the late 19th century. As other imperial powers were expanding their territories and influence in different regions of the world, the United States sought to establish a presence in these regions in order to protect American commercial interests and to project American power and influence.

Another reason was the rapid industrialization and economic growth of the United States in the late 19th century. American entrepreneurs and businesses were looking for new markets and opportunities to expand their operations outside the country's borders. Acquiring trading territories in the South Pacific gave American businesses access to new markets, resources and opportunities.

In this new context, American foreign policy began to be framed by the concept of the Open Door Policy, which aimed to maintain the territorial integrity and political independence of China while also protecting American economic interests in the region, and the Big Stick Policy, which sought to extend American influence in the Caribbean and Central America through a show of military force and intervention.

In the late 19th century, the United States had become a major industrial and agricultural power with a rapidly growing population. With this expansion of industry and agriculture, American businesses and entrepreneurs were looking for new markets to sell their goods and services.

At the same time, the United States was also looking to extend its influence and protect its interests in the regions around its southern border, particularly Mexico. With the rapid industrialization and economic growth of the United States, it was also looking to expand its commercial markets in the Caribbean and Central America, where other imperial powers, such as European countries, Russia and Japan, were also seeking to establish a presence.

This drive to expand commercial markets and extend influence in the region was reflected in American foreign policy, which was characterized by the Open Door Policy and the Big Stick Policy. Both policies aimed at protecting American economic interests and projecting American power and influence in the region while also maintaining other countries' territorial integrity and political independence.

Under the rule of Porfirio Diaz in the late 19th century, Mexico had a significant population of American settlers, particularly in the northern regions of the country. These American settlers were primarily involved in the mining, industrial and agricultural sectors and played a significant role in the development of these industries in Mexico.

During this time, the United States had significant economic interests in Mexico and the American settlers were able to exert significant influence over the Mexican economy. Diaz's government was open to foreign investment and the American settlers were able to establish themselves as a powerful economic force in the region, especially in the mining, oil and railroad sectors.

However, it's worth noting that the American settlers were not interested in colonizing Mexico, instead, they were more focused on controlling the resources, such as mines, oil and other recent industry, and to some extent, the haciendas (farms), for the benefit of their own country. The United States was looking to gain access to Mexican resources and markets to fuel its own economic growth, rather than outright colonization.

During this time, the United States began to adopt a more assertive foreign policy, known as the Big Stick Policy, which emphasized the use of military force and economic pressure to assert its influence in the Americas and beyond. This policy was championed by President Theodore Roosevelt, who believed that the United States should play a more active role in world affairs and exert its power to promote stability and protect American interests. However, as the country entered the 20th century, the Big Stick Policy began to be criticized for its aggressive and interventionist approach, leading to the emergence of the Good Neighbor Policy under President Franklin D. Roosevelt. This policy sought to improve relations with Latin American countries through diplomacy and mutual cooperation, rather than coercion and intervention. This change in foreign policy was driven by a growing recognition of the limitations of the Big Stick Policy and the desire to build stronger and more cooperative relationships with countries in the region.

This shift in American expansionism and imperialism during the late 19th century can be attributed to several factors, including a desire for new commercial markets, a belief in the superiority of the American way of life, and the influence of racist ideologies such as the "one drop of blood rule". The United States sought to expand its influence by acquiring territories that would serve as trading partners and provide access to new markets, rather than through colonization and the displacement of indigenous populations as was done during the conquest of the West. This shift in strategy also reflected a growing belief in the inferiority of non-white populations, which influenced American attitudes towards expansion in Latin America and the Caribbean.[8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17][18]

New conception of the Destiny Manifest

Alfred Mahan in 1904.

This new conception of Manifest Destiny, which emerged in the late 19th century, focused on economic expansion rather than territorial expansion. American businesses and corporations sought to gain access to resources and markets in other countries, while also seeking to exert political and economic influence over these nations. This shift in American foreign policy was reflected in the new doctrine of the "Big Stick" and the "Good Neighbor" policy, which emphasized the use of economic and political power to exert influence over other countries, rather than outright annexation or military conquest.

This belief in American superiority led to the justification of various actions taken by the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, such as the annexation of Hawaii and the Spanish-American War, which led to the acquisition of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. It also played a role in the intervention in Latin American countries, such as the support for the overthrow of democratically-elected governments in favor of authoritarian leaders who were more amenable to American interests. This belief in American exceptionalism and the idea of spreading American values and institutions to other nations is still present in American foreign policy to this day.

Social Darwinism played a significant role in the expansionist policies of the United States during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The theory, which posits that certain races or groups are inherently superior to others, was used to justify the acquisition and domination of territories inhabited by "inferior" peoples. This belief in the moral and racial superiority of white Americans was often used to justify the annexation of territories such as Hawaii and the Philippines, as well as the exploitation of resources and labor in Latin America. The concept of Manifest Destiny, which held that it was the divine destiny of Americans to expand their influence and civilization across the hemisphere, was also closely tied to Social Darwinism. Many politicians, theologians, and strategists of the time believed that by spreading American values and institutions, they were fulfilling a moral obligation to uplift and civilize "inferior" races.

This support from the government and public finances took various forms, such as subsidies for shipping and communication infrastructure, military protection for American interests, and the use of diplomacy to open up markets and protect American investments. In addition, the U.S. government also supported these entrepreneurs by creating a favorable legal and political environment for them to operate in, through the use of treaties, trade agreements, and other forms of international law. Overall, this support from the U.S. government allowed American entrepreneurs to expand their economic and political influence in these territories, and played a significant role in the continued expansion of the United States throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries.es.

Under Alfred Maham, the United States developed a modern navy capable not only of protecting the coasts of the United States, but also of competing with the British Royal Navy, which had hitherto dominated the seas.

The aim was to protect the new American trading empire and to support Washington's overseas policy.

The first test of this navy will be in the Pacific in Hawaii, which was already at the time a place where many U.S. planters were growing sugar with a large number of slaves and workers from Asia.

In order to be able to continue to dominate this territory, in 1893 these planters organized a coup d'état supported by the United States Navy overthrowing the Queen's Royal Government; in 1898 the United States annexed this strategic island where they would later build the Pearl Harbour naval base.

Imperialism declared under President William McKinley: 1898, War against Spain

Election poster from 1900 showing McKinley standing on the gold standard supported by soldiers, sailors, businessmen and workmen.

1898 is also and above all the year in which the United States under President William McKinley entered the war against Spain for control of Cuba.

At that time, Cuba already had many American planters where they had sugar cane plantations.

In this war against Spain Cuba will be the first target, but also Puerto Rico, Guam and the Philippines.

At the beginning of 1829, Spain lost all its eastern American colonies except Cuba and Puerto Rico because of the Haitian revolution and the white Creole elites were too afraid that a war of independence in their islands would trigger a massive revolt of their own slaves; in Cuba especially the elite has been profiting since the beginning of the 19th century from the fall of Santo Domingo, having become the first sugar-producing land on the continent - the new pearl of the West Indies thanks to 1.5 million African slaves imported between 1800 and 1850; this Creole elite does not want to risk its fortune in a war of independence either.

After the abolition of slavery in the United States in 1865, Cuban planters launched a first war of independence in 1868 in which they were supported by many Afro-Cubans, notably General Antonio Maceo. This war will go on for 10 years without achieving independence, Spain abolished slavery in Cuba in 1886, but it was not until 1895 that Cubans launched a new war of independence under the intellectual leadership of Jose Martin and the military leadership of Maceo.

In spite of victories these two leaders died quickly, 1896 the situation seems to have reached an impasse; at that time the United States is going through an economic crisis and the economic circles are looking for new markets abroad and Cuba seems to be finally ripe to be seized, but to do so it is necessary to seize the public opinion of the United States.

Washington sends a warship called the Maine to explode, killing 260 sailors and officers; even though Spain's responsibility was never proven, this is the pretext that the United States will use to start the war.

Spain is very quickly defeated and cedes almost all of what remains of its empire: Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam and the Philippines for $20 million. None of the islands will have a say in this treaty signing the beginning of U.S. imperialism per se or, in less brutal terms, "the civilizing mission of the white man".

The racism behind corporate America is out in the open. The United States transforms Puerto Rico into a protectorate, Cuba is militarily occupied until 1902, but the United States forces the Cuban Congress to approve the Platt amendment that limits Cuban sovereignty and authorizes the United States to intervene militarily to defend life, property and freedom in Cuba, which it will do several times.

With the Platt amendment, Washington is forcing Cuba to rent a military base at Guantánamo for almost $1,000 a year for almost perpetuity.

From 1900 it is also the Open Door Policy, i.e. the Open Door Policy already defined at the end of the 19th century in Asia requiring the imperial powers to respect the principle of equal trade opportunities for all nations.[19][20][21][22][23][24][25][26]

Cette politique devient la pierre angulaire de la politique étrangère des États-Unis c’est-à-dire que les États-Unis exigent l’ouverture des marchés aux compagnies étasuniennes puis ensuite le but est d’arriver à dominer ces marchés.

The Panama Canal

Construction work on the Gaillard Cup in 1907.

It is the Americas that remain their privileged zone of expansion, the Caribbean, Central America with the opening of a canal between the Atlantic and the Pacific at the centre of the scheme is something that has been advocated since the 1870s; for the politicians of the United States, it is the best way to dominate inter-oceanic trade and to prevent any attack on the territory of the United States.

It will be President Theodore Roosevelt who will realize this. He volunteered in Cuba in the rifles riders, when he was President of the United States he led the opening of the Panama Canal.

At that time Panama was a department of Colombia, but at the end of the 19th century Colombia was in the throes of one of its many civil wars and Roosevelt's government pushed the Panamanian rebels to declare the independence of Panama sending warships to ensure their victory.

Colombia gave in and in 1903 and the United States signed a treaty with the new nation of Panama obtaining the canal zone and 100 years of control of the canal, the canal was completed in 1914 thanks to a workforce that came mainly from Jamaica and Barbados.

As early as 1903, the United States appropriated the Caribbean and Central America

US military interventions and occupations in Latin America: 1903 - 1934

The letter in which Roosevelt first used his now-famous phrase.

As early as 1903, but especially after the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, the United States considered the Caribbean as its own Mediterranean and intervened there at will: "speak softly and carry a big stick".[27][28][29][30][31]


The navy intervened a lot in Cuba, Mexico in 1914 and from the moment the Europeans entered the First World War then the United States could do whatever they wanted occupying Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua and in 1917 they bought the Virgin Islands from Denmark.

United States Military Occupations

Behind the occupations there is still the Monroe doctrine, but supplemented by the corollary Roosevelt, which comes from the fear of interference by European powers that have lent money to the nations of Central America and the Caribbean; the European nations seeing that Central America and the Caribbean cannot repay this debt intervene militarily.

« Chronic injustice or powerlessness resulting from a general loosening of the rules of civilized society may ultimately require, in America or elsewhere, the intervention of a civilized nation and, in the Western Hemisphere, the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, albeit reluctantly, in flagrant cases of injustice and powerlessness, to exercise international policing power. »

— Theodore Roosevelt, Roosevelt Corollary[32]

This doctrine calls on Latin American nations to stabilize their finances and their regimes if they do not want to be the object of civilizing intervention by the United States. In addition, the United States arrogates to itself the mission of protecting these small nations.

Unlike France and England, the United States manages in these years to develop an empire without having many colonies, so it is a much cheaper empire to maintain.

It is an empire characterized by political and economic control punctuated by naval expeditions. In all cases except Mexico, the intervention is justified both to the American public and to the outside world by the argument that the judicious application of military force will lead to the establishment of democracy in the region.

Intervention Scenario

1904 cartoon showing Roosevelt with his "big stick" on patrol in the Caribbean Sea.

As Wilson cruelly expressed it « I'm going to teach the nations of America how to elect good men »[33]

Even in the United States democracy was limited, the labor movement was severely repressed, women did not vote until 1920 and blacks in the South until 1964.

What U.S. politicians imagine as democracy in Latin America are aristocratic republics where the only interests represented are of the respectable element of the "better class" and not of the "rabble.

All this is particularly interesting, because we see that there is a racialization of the relationship of US foreign policy which echoes the relationship between blacks and whites at the same time; the dominated are turbulent barbarians almost naked, but not dangerous that a good master has to train and tame to make them responsible adults; in the same period Ku Klux Klan develops notably through the film The Birth of a Nation acclaimed among others by President Wilson.

Firstly, the US interventions are aimed at preventing European powers from taking military action against Latin American nations that do not pay their debts. To this end, Washington is encouraging US banks to assume the debts of European banks by guaranteeing the repayment of debts; this is called Dollar Diplomacy.

As Europe plunges into the First World War, these interventions are intended to guarantee the American banks the repayment of financial loans, but also to guarantee the geopolitical domination of the United States in the region against the European powers, but also to protect the plantations, the mines belonging to American citizens on the continent and in particular everything belonging to the United Fruit Company, to protect the Panama Canal and to convert the Caribbean into an American Mediterranean.

The U.S. Army and Navy disembark with great pomp and circumstance in an indebted country, lay down its authorities without fighting, militarily occupy the country while installing a provisional government composed of high-ranking officers of the U.S. Army and a few docile representatives of the country's elite.

High-ranking U.S. officials took control of customs and appropriated the import-export taxes they paid to U.S. banks, which recovered their loans.

The Marines are also preparing for the post-occupation period so that the country remains under US control; they are training law enforcement to protect the new regime, large landowners and large plantations. Sometimes they force the country to reform its constitution, as in Haiti[34] which will have to remove the ban on land ownership for non-whites that has existed since the Haitian revolution, but they are also holding national elections with a virtually guaranteed winner from the United States.

The purpose of these occupations is not to bring democracy. When we look at the work of these occupations, almost nothing is invested by the United States in infrastructure that would be for national development and education, nor is anything done to train public officials to improve agriculture or change the political culture.

The aim is to assert US dominance in the region and to protect US economic and strategic interests in the region, be they banking or the United Fruit Company.

1933: Roosevelt and the Good Neighbor Policy

With the arrival of Democrat Franklin Roosevelt to power in 1933, Washington's policy toward Latin America seemed to change abruptly.

From 1930 to 1935, almost all of Latin America was shocked by the Great Depression and underwent political changes of more or less violent regimes, but Washington no longer responded with military intervention.

Roosevelt proclaims that unilateral intervention in the affairs of other nations creates disorder, but also aversion against the United States. He will turn his country towards the Good Neighbor policy.

It must be seen that since the United States itself is in the midst of the deepest economic crisis in its history, it cannot continue to apply the Big Stick policy, since in the 1930s it would have to intervene in almost all of Latin America, since there is political and social unrest in almost every country.

The Good Neighbor Policy is an avatar of the Big Stick policy. Indeed, Roosevelt does not question American hegemony or the protection of American interests in the region; he proposes another way to ensure and consolidate this supremacy.

He notes that the policy pursued so far has been ineffective and costly, leading to the rise of nationalism and protectionism and a rejection of the United States in most Latin American countries.

Roosevelt also sees that the decline in Europe's political and economic influence since the First World War has greatly reduced the need for the United States to intervene militarily. He envisions the priority use of economic and diplomatic pressure to bring Latin American nations into alignment with US needs.

To convince Latin America that change is taking place, Washington signs agreements with Latin American nations on non-intervention and non-interference in each other's affairs; however, the US government does not hesitate to interpret certain principles of non-intervention to its advantage by asserting that active defence of the economic interests of US citizens and companies abroad is not an intervention in the internal affairs of other countries, but merely the protection of its citizens.

The new weapon is economic influence, first through increased trade, and since 1934 the federal government has created an import-export bank that provides loans to U.S. exporters to stimulate economic recovery in the United States. This state bank also makes large development projects in Latin America carried out by American companies.

In addition, Washington signed bilateral trade treaties with Latin American nations and gave them most-favored nation status, resulting in increased dependence on the United States that was already substantial before 1929 and increased dramatically in the 1930s. This dependence benefits the American companies that help the United States emerge from the economic crisis.

Culture was the final component of the Good Neighbor policy; the Roosevelt government sought to emphasize the unity of the New World against the Old.

As the Europe of the Great Depression succumbs to totalitarianism, the Americas are defending justice and democracy, he said. To that end, the State Department is creating a cultural division whose goal is to promote progress and understanding in the Americas, but above all to promote a positive image of the United States.

Brazilian President Getúlio Vargas (left) and US President Franklin D. Roosevelt (right) in 1936.

The State Department's Cultural Division broadcasts radio programs in Latin America, publishes a widely distributed magazine, controls film production in Hollywood, and prohibits the airing of films that are critical of the United States.

The best evidence that the Good Neighbor Policy does not make much difference is that in the 1930s almost all of the countries that suffered from the Big Sticks were ruled by pro-Washington dictators from armies or rural guards trained under occupation by Marines ; the Duvalier in Haiti, Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic Somoza in Nicaragua, Batista in Cuba are examples of those men who come out of these rural or national guards and become presidents and dictators or directly dictators.

Roosevelt is quoted as saying of Somoza “he is a son of a bitch but at least he is our son of a bitch[35][36]”. While enriching themselves astronomically, these dictators ensure US domination and protect US economic interests in their country by muzzling the opposition and violently repressing the working classes.

Latin American Responses to Big Stick and Good Neighbor Policies

The balance of power is fundamentally unequal, as early as 1950 the last attempts to found a Latin American federation failed and the immense region is divided into more than 20 different nations with almost no communication between them.

During the Mexican revolution, Mexico under Cárdenas succeeded in nationalizing its oil industry, while the United States renounced military intervention.

What must also be seen is that these military occupations are not carried out without resistance. In Haiti, the organization of the Cacos, who are peasant guerreros, is matted in blood. In the case of Augusto Sandino, no sooner had the agreements been concluded than dictator Somoza had him assassinated in Nicaragua.

Immigration of Latin Americans to the United States

Finally, over the long term, military interventions and good neighbourliness not only facilitated the economic penetration of the United States into Latin America, but also encouraged the demographic penetration of Latin Americans in the United States.

A century later, these Hispanic immigrants are changing not only the demographics, but also the radical relationships, culture and politics of the United States.

Annexes

  • Bailey, Thomas A. (1980), A Diplomatic History of the American People 10th ed., Prentice Hall, ISBN 0-13-214726-2
  • Barck, Jr., Oscar Theodore (1974), Since 1900, MacMilliam Publishing Co., Inc., ISBN 0-02-305930-3
  • Beale, Howard K. (1957), Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power, Johns Hopkins Press
  • Berman, Karl (1986), Under the Big Stick: Nicaragua and the United States Since 1848, South End Press
  • Bishop, Joseph Bucklin (1913), Uncle Sam's Panama Canal and World History, Accompanying the Panama Canal Flat-globe: Its Achievement an Honor to the United States and a Blessing to the World, Pub. by J. Wanamaker expressly for the World Syndicate Company
  • Conniff, Michael L. (2001), Panama and the United States: The Forced Alliance, University of Georgia Press, ISBN 0-8203-2348-9
  • Davis, Kenneth C. (1990), Don't Know Much About History, Avon Books, ISBN 0-380-71252-0
  • Gould, Lewis L. (1991), The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, University Press of Kansas, ISBN 978-0-7006-0565-1
  • Hershey, A.S. (1903), The Venezuelan Affair in the Light of International Law, University of Michigan Press
  • LaFeber, Walter (1993), A Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations: The American Search for Opportunity. 1865 - 1913, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-38185-1
  • Perkins, Dexter (1937), The Monroe Doctrine, 1867-1907, Baltimore Press
  • Roosevelt, Theodore (1913), Theodore Roosevelt: An Autobiography, The Macmillan Press Company
  • Zinn, Howard (1999), A People's History of the United States, Harper Perennial, ISBN 0-06-083865-5
  • Congress and Woodrow Wilson’s, Military Forays Into Mexico. An Introductory Essay By Don Wolfensberger - Congress Project Seminar On Congress and U.S. Military Interventions Abroad - Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Monday, May 17, 2004
  • Foreign Affairs,. (2015). The Great Depression. Retrieved 29 October 2015, from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/1932-07-01/great-depression
  • Dueñas Van Severen, J. Ricardo (2006). La invasión filibustera de Nicaragua y la Guerra Nacional. Secretaría General del Sistema de la Integración Centroamericana SG-SICA.
  • Rosengarten, Jr., Frederic (1976). Freebooters must die!. Haverford House, Publishers. ISBN 0-910702-01-2.
  • Scroggs, William O. (1974). Filibusteros y financieros, la historia de William Walker y sus asociados. Colección Cultural Banco de América.
  • La guerra en Nicaragua, 1860, del propio William Walker, traducida al español en 1883 por el italo-nicaragüense Fabio Carnevalini y reeditada en 1974 y 1993.
  • Obras históricas completas, [[1865]], de Jerónimo Pérez, reeditada en 1928 por Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Zelaya y más adelante en [[1974]] y [[1993]].
  • Con Walker en Nicaragua, ([[1909]]), de James Carson Jamison, quien fue capitán de su ejército y estuvo en sus expediciones. * La Guerra Nacional. Centenario, 1956, de Ildefonso Palma Martínez, reeditada en 2006 en el Sesquicentenario de la Batalla de San Jacinto.
  • El predestinado de ojos azules, [[1999]], de Alejandro Bolaños Geyer
  • Investigación más completa sobre William Walker en el mundo
  • Harrison, Brady. William Walker and the Imperial Self in American Literature. University of Georgia Press, August 2, 2004. ISBN 0-8203-2544-9. ISBN 978-0-8203-2544-6.

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  33. Statement to British envoy William Tyrrell (November 1913), explaining his policy on Mexico
  34. Constitution de 1918, présentée le 12 juin 1918. Constitution préparée par les États-Unis qui occupent le pays depuis 1915. Adoptée par plébiscite.
  35. Brainy Quote, FDR
  36. Blood on the Border: Prologue