中东地区的政治和宗教潮流

中东地区的政治和宗教潮流

Données clés

Professeur(s)	Yilmaz Özcan
Cours	当代中东：国家、民族和社区

Lectures

• 中东的概念
• 中东地区的语言、宗教和文化
• 中东地区的帝国和国家
• 中东地区的政治和宗教潮流

Languages

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日本語

阿拉伯民族主义

阿拉伯民族主义是一种意识形态，根据这种意识形态，阿拉伯人构成了一个由特定的特征(文化、宗教、历史)捆绑在一起的民族，而这些特征必须在政治层面上构成：文化/民族边界必须与政治边界相对应。自奥斯曼帝国灭亡以来，阿拉伯民族主义一直受到质疑。Ba'athism代表的是复兴党运动，是大众的，而纳赛尔主义代表的是来自上层的精英。

它的起源可以追溯到1916年的阿拉伯起义，尽管其开始的时间可以追溯到更早：1517年，奥斯曼帝国征服了埃及（占领开罗）；1533年，巴格达（今伊拉克）被奥斯曼帝国人占领，从此奥斯曼帝国控制了全部领土；1798年，拿破仑-波拿巴远征埃及，标志着奥斯曼帝国与英国的联盟开始；等等。奥斯曼帝国是第一个被奥斯曼人征服的阿拉伯国家。

这个过程的另一个来源是青年土耳其人的革命。从1909年起，该运动陷入了专制主义（参见对亚美尼亚人的大屠杀）。此外，土耳其语被置于该运动的机构和利益中心。1913 年，一些西方化的阿拉伯知识分子在巴黎组织了第一次阿拉伯人大会。埃及代表以观察员的身份去了那里，由于文化上的原因，他不认为自己是阿拉伯人，因为埃及人在英国人的统治下，文化上的原因，已经有了不同的发展。

尽管如此，阿拉伯人和领土一样，还是出现了分裂。但由于第一次世界大战的原因，以及纳粹在该地区的宣传和欧洲的知识分子活动的影响，泛阿拉伯主义正在兴起。尽管如此，泛阿拉伯主义的失败还是留下了一个真空地带，使伊斯兰教得以发展。

泛阿拉伯主义

在一战的背景下，从中心/外围的角度看，传统的名流们会试图与西方人建立联盟：我们可以说到麦加的侯赛因郡主--他建立阿拉伯王国的企图会因为几个任务的缘故而失败。失望的心情是巨大的。战争结束时，费萨尔在萨提-胡斯里的陪同下，成为教育部长，也是阿拉伯民族主义的第一个理论家。他受到德国民族观念的影响，他倾向于把语言和文化方面作为决定什么是阿拉伯和非阿拉伯的要素。

由于冲突期间所做的承诺被打破，这种演变将在二战期间继续下去----塞克斯-皮科协定就是一个很好的例子。一些因素将加速这一进程：法西斯或纳粹的宣传----巴格达正在出现一场亲纳粹政变。关于阿拉伯独立的争论也很多。

Baasism

土耳其吞并圣地亚哥德亚历山大（叙利亚），将激起复兴阿拉伯复兴的复兴党的出现。1947年召开的复兴党第一次代表大会，非常强调统一（领土）、独立（自治）和阿拉伯社会主义（实现现代国家的改革）。另一个特点仍然是该运动的非宗教性，因此是世俗主义的，同时也是少数民族必须与阿拉伯民族同化，反犹太复国主义占主导地位。

Michel Aflak（1910-1989年），大马士革希腊东正教徒，1943年创立复兴党。他在叙利亚和伊拉克都将担任该党总书记一职。

这种意识形态将不断发展，我们看到不同国家的民族部分的发展。巴萨主义一被同化上台，就出现了改革，也出现了暴力（分裂、战争、镇压）的形式。早在1958年，复兴党的计划就通过建立阿拉伯联合共和国（1961年失败）而形成。

纳赛尔主义

它是以埃及总统加迈勒-阿卜杜勒-纳赛尔的思想为基础的阿拉伯政治意识形态。它是以阿拉伯社会主义为核心，加强阿拉伯人的团结，阿拉伯人的彻底独立（1922年在埃及）。是在政权建立后出现的一种意识形态（与巴萨主义不同）。1958年成立的阿拉伯联合共和国是纳赛尔主义思想的体现之一。阿拉伯联合共和国的目的之一是将叙利亚建立为埃及的一个省。有专家认为，1979年埃及与以色列签订的《戴维营协议》标志着泛阿拉伯主义的终结。埃及将被排除在阿拉伯联盟之外。

阿拉伯国家联盟（阿拉伯联盟）

1944年，埃及政府考虑建立一个阿拉伯国家联盟的发展结构。提出了几个项目：大叙利亚(西岸和外约旦河谷)、肥沃的新月、建立联盟等。亚历山大议定书》为未来的联盟奠定了基础，一年后，即1945年，阿拉伯国家联盟的首字母缩写为 "阿拉伯国家联盟"，该联盟将于一年后生效。其创始成员有埃及、沙特、伊拉克、约旦、黎巴嫩、叙利亚和北也门。其体制使决策复杂化。阿拉伯世界的特点是多样性非常大，这使得任何区域性的倡议都非常复杂。此外，阿拉伯国家之间几乎没有什么经济交流。

1971年，阿拉伯共和国联盟的成立并没有带来任何具体的结果。在马格里布地区，曾试图将各国联合起来，但没有成功。在伊朗发生伊斯兰革命后，海湾国家成立了一个协商委员会，但没有成功。

泛伊斯兰教

瓦哈比教

阿拉伯主义或阿拉伯民族主义的源头之一是特别重要的：瓦哈比主义，它可以被定义为净化伊斯兰教、征服灵魂的意志，根据原始原则，萨拉夫（"祖先"、"前辈"），即伊斯兰教的前三代。它的主人公穆罕默德-本-阿卜杜勒瓦哈布（1703-1792年），宣扬改革主义和清教徒的伊斯兰教，与穆罕默德-伊本-沙特（1710-1765年）在这一计划中结盟，向奥斯曼帝国哈里发提出挑战，导致这一问题日益政治化。该条约将导致建立第一个沙特酋长国，即达里亚酋长国。本-阿卜杜勒瓦哈布将负责宗教事务，伊本-萨乌德负责政治和军事事务。这一协议成为沙特家族和本-阿卜杜勒瓦哈布的追随者之间的 "相互支持和分享权力的契约"，这一契约持续了近300年，为沙特的扩张提供了思想动力。

阿拉伯现代主义或 "nahda"

阿拉伯文艺复兴或纳赫达在埃及正在形成。阿拉伯现代主义的主要理论家阿夫哈尼（1839-1897年），33岁时定居于此。在穆夫提（穆斯林法律的解释者）穆罕默德-阿布杜赫的帮助下，他创立了伊斯兰现代主义，目的是改革许多制度。这个过程也将导致阿拉伯世界在历史的重新发现基础上的文化发展：以回归历史和光荣传统为标志的文化阿拉伯主义。在这场运动中，没有教派之分，重点在于语言。政治党派、协会、联盟和组织应运而生。

阿卜杜勒哈米德二世(1842-1918年)的泛伊斯兰主义代表了阿拉伯民族主义更多的政治方面。建立了中央集权、调查和镇压的程序。一些积极分子被流放到埃及。

以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突

巴勒斯坦的概念早在奥斯曼帝国时期就有了：它来自于古代。在伊斯兰教扩张时期，圣地被称为圣地。随着时间的推移，特别是欧洲人的征服之后，巴勒斯坦这个词就被使用了。于是，这个地区的居民就用这个词来定义未来阿拉伯国家建立的领土。

在19世纪的时候，许多争夺这块领土（教会、国家、势力等）的争夺，导致圣地发生冲突。这就是为什么在耶路撒冷的情况下，该城被置于君士坦丁堡的直接管辖之下，而奥斯曼帝国的其他地区则不是这样。

在奥斯曼帝国灭亡后，英国人继续用 "巴勒斯坦 "或 "叙利亚南部 "来界定他们的任务。站在以色列一边，他们说的是 "阿拉伯国家"，而这个国家还没有形成。阿拉伯民族主义的进程一开始就不是很清楚----我们注意到移民的浪潮以及政治宗教的利害关系是后者的决定因素。捍卫土地是以阿拉伯主义的名义进行的。

当地的势力平衡显然有利于犹太复国主义者。双方的紧张关系会导致屠杀、暗杀和攻击。1938-1939年大起义期间，以色列统治阶级遭到阿拉伯人的攻击。英国人考虑到困难，请求国际联盟帮助，由国际联盟成立皮尔委员会，于1937年实施两国第一次分治计划。阿拉伯方面拒绝了这一计划，犹太修正主义者也拒绝了--而犹太人却普遍接受了这一计划。紧张局势一直持续到1947年，英国人把他们的任务交给联合国，联合国将提出第二个分治计划。

1948年的巴勒斯坦大逃亡或Nakba（"灾难"）指的是内战导致数十万阿拉伯人被赶出领土。另一方面，难民问题与巴勒斯坦移民社群的形成有关。因此，该运动在1958-59年前后重新定义了自己，强调巴勒斯坦的特性---并脱离阿拉伯领导人。主导该运动的亚西尔-阿拉法特不再以捍卫阿拉伯主义或建立阿拉伯国家为目标，而是要求散居国外的巴勒斯坦人要求建立一个巴勒斯坦国。从此，武装斗争就成了解放巴勒斯坦的手段。

早在1963年，从约旦开始对以色列进行军事行动。阿拉法特鉴于其军事上的成功，开始受到阿拉伯人的赞赏。很快，以色列的报复行动迫使约旦驱逐了巴勒斯坦战斗人员，他们将在黎巴嫩定居。那里的情况也发生了变化：发生了几起事件，包括暗杀以色列驻伦敦大使未遂事件，导致了1982年6月以色列入侵黎巴嫩，以转移驻扎在那里的火箭弹并击退叙利亚军队，从而引发了 "加利利和平行动"。此外，巴勒斯坦人在黎巴嫩的形象下降，因为他们也发现自己也卷入了内战。该运动将总部迁往北非。就在它向下修正目标----甚至考虑建立两个国家的想法时，它被起义这一振兴巴勒斯坦的民众运动所拯救。在冷战结束时，这将导致奥斯陆协议的达成，亚西尔-阿拉法特受到赞扬。

另一方面，与以色列的谈判失败，特别是在定居点和难民问题上的谈判失败。民族主义阵营，特别是哈马斯，指责阿拉法特无能、腐败和裙带关系。结果，哈马斯获得了政治权力，尽管它主张对巴勒斯坦运动采取更多的伊斯兰化方式：这就是向第三阶段的过渡。

像起义一样，在对犹太人进行圣战的渴望中，武装斗争又重新开始了。2006年，由政治派和武装派组成的巴勒斯坦伊斯兰教运动哈马斯赢得了选举，但也被欧洲国家和美国视为恐怖分子。特别是巴勒斯坦内部出现了两个政府的概念。如今，领土四分五裂，失业和腐败使权力机构脆弱不堪。

库尔德人的情况

这场运动要对抗奥斯曼帝国解体后产生的国家。"库尔德斯坦 "一词至少在12世纪就已经存在了。1514年的萨菲维克人（伊朗人）与奥斯曼帝国的战争标志着库尔德人的土地第一次出现了裂痕。这都是一个利害关系的问题：有的库尔德人站在沙赫一边，有的站在奥斯曼人一边。1639年，一项条约原则性地确定了领土的边界：事实上，这些边界从20世纪40年代开始才存在。

在泛伊斯兰主义的标志下，出现了一个新的政治时代，库尔德人的自治权被废除了，尽管为上述人口(部落)创造了某些福利和权利。这并没有阻止他们与亚美尼亚等邻国人口之间的竞争。

1919年，新成立了库尔德人政治组织：这是库尔德民族主义的第一个迹象。塞夫尔条约》规定了库尔德人的领土自治，这可能导致独立。然而，国家不会产生。

• 安置区被分割开来（法国、英国、俄国），盟军不愿意质疑他们的计划。
• 亚美尼亚人的自治引起了目标领土的矛盾。
• 库尔德人的民族主义很弱，无法动员群众。共同体因优柔寡断而受到损害：拒绝塞夫尔将共同体与土耳其民族主义联系在一起的单一领土的可能性就是其中之一。

Turkish Kurdistan

In 1924, the words "Kurdish" and "Kurdistan" were banned in Kemalist Turkey as part of a process of assimilation and acculturation: populations were displaced, theorising that Kurds were in fact "mountain" Turks - which explains the differences at the linguistic and cultural levels. A context of permanent revolt is thus emerging. But Turkey's identity crisis at the end of the Second World War was to lead to the development of an interest in the Kurdish language, culture and history, a revival of Kurdish nationalism. In the end, coups d'état and repression with nationalist tendencies during the following years undermined the interests of the Kurdish community.

The armed struggle began in 1984, at the instigation of the PKK (the Kurdish Labour Party), supported by the Russian communist left. Since 1946, the Soviet Union has taken a close interest in the situation in this region: the Communists support Iranian Azerbaijan, self-proclaimed autonomous republic against the Iran of Rezah Pahlawi (son) - Cf. Iranian-Soviet conflict. Since the 2000s, tension has been rising again because of Shiite Islam in Iran, whereas the Iranian Kurds are mostly Sunni.

Iraqi Kurdistan

Iraqi Kurdistan is linked to the question of the Mosul villaet (see British Mandate). In 1925, the League of Nations decided to annex Mosul to the Iraqi mandate. The resurrectional movement never dried up in Iraq, which represents the specificity of Kurdish nationalism in the country. Nevertheless, the agreements with Iraq are a failure, especially with the fact that Iran no longer supports Kurdish nationalism. In 1991, when Saddam Hussein lost the war, the Kurds took the opportunity to establish de facto autonomy: the constitutionalisation of this autonomy took place as soon as Saddam Hussein's regime fell. However, since the American withdrawal in 2009, the Kurds have suffered pronounced marginalisation from central Iraq. Even more recently, the referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan in September 2017 was opposed by Baghdad.

Syrian Kurdistan

In the 1960s, the Syrian nationalist government aggravated the division between the different Kurdish communities - along the lines of a railway line. In the 2000s, the first demonstrations for an autonomy for Syrian Kurdistan emerged: the Kurds took advantage of the chaos in the country to establish a de facto one.

Since the Anglo-American intervention on Iraqi soil in 2003, aggravated by the ensuing civil war - including the Syrian crisis since 2011 - the hope of creating stable nation states has become very fragile, if not non-existent, in the Middle East. Paradoxically, the borders are still there, witnessing a very strong geopolitical history.

Ralph Peters believes that the reality on the ground (political, cultural and religious differences) calls into question borders that do not meet the expectations of the societies on the ground: countries find themselves shaped according to national, ethnic and religious criteria. This map was the subject of much debate, including within NATO.

There is a broad consensus that the national experiment has failed. Although Bashar Al-Assad is winning the war, the Syrian nation will no longer exist in the same way as before the conflict (as will the way of governing). Moreover, borders do not demarcate communities: they are linked, if not territorially, through the notion of religion, historical heritage, etc. The Syrian nation will no longer exist in the same way as before the conflict (as will the way of governing). The concept of diaspora includes all these elements.

The Persian Gulf

Some states prefer to call it "Arab Gulf". Today, the Gulf is a symbol of prosperity and luxury. It includes Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. To understand its evolution, one has to look at British policy in the region.

Historically, the Gulf was linked to Mesopotamia with the pearl trade, with centres in Bahrain and Oman. Poor regions traded in pearls, fishing and sea trade. The region experienced a certain boom with the Abbasids, but as soon as they declined, the situation became problematic again. This void was soon replaced, as from the 15th century, the European powers invested in the region: the spice trade and maritime trade in general were the main vectors. With the arrival of Great Britain, trade was strengthened through the intensification of trade with India.

British policy was abused by pirates and by the various princes who fought each other in war. From 1798, the threat also became French. From then on, Great Britain concludes special pacts with local players - the treaty with Oman to prevent French expansionism. The same procedure will be applied in relations with pirates. These treaties, which appeared in the 19th century, would determine British economic and strategic policy insofar as their renewal made it possible to secure the Gulf: although the region was unstable, more and more privateers and princes pledged not to wage war against each other.

Some states took advantage of the outbreak of the First World War to strengthen their international position: Kuwait signed an agreement with Great Britain to strengthen the protectorate. After the independence of India and Pakistan, the British decided to withdraw from that region in the 1960s. All the local princes, having made alliances with the British, were going to ask themselves the question of the future of the region: the creation of the states we know today was taking place at that very moment. Shortly afterwards, the discovery of oil changed the situation and led to renewed Western interest in the region: the second wave of independence took place in the 1970s.

Political Islam

It is an ideology, a political programme, whose aim is to conquer power in order to Islamize society according to the reading of certain religious sources and texts by the actors of the said ideology.

It appeared as soon as pan-Arabism (a movement of opposition to Western domination) failed. The destruction of Israel, symbol of foreign power, also returns in this imaginary. According to specialists, this era began in 1979, when the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel was signed: the Egyptian "betrayal" only reinforced the antagonisms towards the Jewish state.

Several characteristic features:

• Fundamentalism is also part of political Islam (and in the Muslim world since the 8th century). Wahhabism (18th century), a very rigorous, revolutionary fundamentalism, plays a very important role.
• Fundamentalism is a will to make history in order to return to the foundations of religion.
• Colonization, a concrete manifestation of European domination over the Arab world, is an integral part of the political imagination.
• The struggles for independence as a reaction to Western penetration: the Islamic tradition is strongly imprinted in it, and the religious concept will contribute a great deal to it. The ideology of national liberation.

The origin of this movement, in our century, can be traced to the Muslim Brotherhood (Egypt, 1928), whose protagonist is Hassan Al-Banna. This organization will appear on the political scene to support the Islamization of Egyptian society. The originality of the movement lies in the fact that this political organization has a paramilitary force - the presence of the military tradition and the British on the territory. It considers the Koran as its constitution. The movement will have its ups and downs. Although it is not in favour of armed action, it will still take part in the 1948 war (pretext of treason) as well as in the 1952 revolution.

Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), the theoretician of a potential Islamic state, was to play a very important role in the role of political Islam: tortured, repressed because he was a dissident, he theorized that such societies - westernized, led by the pan-Arab nationalist - could not be built on the basis of Islam. They have fallen into "Jahiliya", thus legitimizing the use of violence (against a Muslim ruler). He will be condemned to death and will decide not to resort to the decision in order to reactivate the imagination of the martyrs.

While his thinking remains marginal, things change in 1979. The ideological plan was upset by the pan-Arab failure, as was the symbolic, affected by the agreement with Israel. Elsewhere, the presence of Soviet forces in Afghanistan would lead to a war lasting from 1979 to 1989, pitting the USSR against the Mujaheddin ("holy warriors"). The notion of martyrs became widespread in the struggle against any power (Western, communist...), contributing to the development of the movement. Some states want to react by promoting Islamist policies, taking advantage of the context to establish their monopoly of authority (in unstable regions).

In the 1990s, specialists concluded that political Islam had failed because Islamist movements had not succeeded in taking power. It soon became clear that the conclusion was too hasty: once the war was won against the Soviets leaving Afghanistan, the jihad would be launched against the United States and its crusader allies, Israel.

The rhetoric, approaches and tactics are different, because violence is now sacrificial. We are moving beyond the stage of martyrdom, it takes a completely different form: the appearance of (suicide) attacks, the use of terrorism. The actors have evolved: activist elites are joining Al Qaeda. We are also witnessing the relocation of these actors, which will mainly take place in Iraq. The situation in the country is peculiar, because the Shiite minority is regaining power in a context of total chaos - the Baath Party has been banned since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime. With the Sunni population pushed out of power, the Shiites become the first target of al-Qaeda (see al-Tawihd de al Zarqaoui) in Iraq. From 2014, the formation will be designated as an Islamic state.