Latin America during the Second World War

Latin America during the Second World War

Données clés

Faculté	Lettres
Département	Département d’histoire générale
Professeur(s)	Aline Helg
Cours	The United States and Latin America: late 18th and 20th centuries

Lectures

• The Americas on the eve of independence
• The independence of the United States
• The U.S. Constitution and Early 19th Century Society
• The Haitian Revolution and its Impact in the Americas
• The independence of Latin American nations
• Latin America around 1850: societies, economies, policies
• The Northern and Southern United States circa 1850: immigration and slavery
• The American Civil War and Reconstruction: 1861 - 1877
• The (re)United States: 1877 - 1900
• Regimes of Order and Progress in Latin America: 1875 - 1910
• The Mexican Revolution: 1910 - 1940
• American society in the 1920s
• The Great Depression and the New Deal: 1929 - 1940
• From Big Stick Policy to Good Neighbor Policy
• Coups d'état and Latin American populisms
• The United States and World War II
• Latin America during the Second World War
• US Post-War Society: Cold War and the Society of Plenty
• The Cold War in Latin America and the Cuban Revolution
• The Civil Rights Movement in the United States

While the countries of Latin America were officially neutral during World War II, many of them supported the Allies by providing resources such as raw materials and food. However, their involvement was limited compared to the major players in the war and the impact of the conflict on the region was relatively limited. Some countries, like Mexico and Brazil, did send troops to fight in the war, but their contributions were small compared to the larger Allied powers.

President Lazaro Cardenas of Mexico was known for his progressive and anti-fascist stance, and he did raise concerns about the Spanish Civil War and the involvement of fascist powers like Italy and Germany. He attempted to bring the issue to the international community through the League of Nations, but his request for intervention was not supported by France and England. Despite this, Cardenas remains a respected figure in Mexican history for his social reforms and his commitment to democracy and anti-fascism.

None of the countries in Latin America officially aligned themselves with the Axis powers during World War II. In fact, most Latin American countries maintained a neutral stance throughout the conflict and did not actively participate in the fighting. However, many of them did support the Allies by providing resources and supplies, and some countries, such as Mexico and Brazil, did send troops to fight in the war. But overall, Latin America's involvement in the war was limited and their impact on the outcome of the conflict was relatively small.

Languages

Español Français

European Refugees in Latin America: 1934 - 1939

During the 1930s, as political instability and persecution increased in Europe, many people fled to other countries, including Latin America, in search of safety and a better life. Many refugees, including artists, intellectuals, and political activists, sought refuge in Latin America, where they could escape the fascist and Nazi regimes in Europe. Some countries in the region, such as Argentina and Brazil, were particularly welcoming to these refugees and provided them with opportunities to rebuild their lives and pursue their careers. The arrival of these refugees had a significant impact on the cultural and intellectual life of the region and many made lasting contributions to their new communities.

Jews migration

The Evian Conference was held in 1938 to address the issue of the growing number of refugees fleeing Europe. However, many countries, including the United States, were reluctant to admit large numbers of refugees, including Jews, due to concerns about immigration quotas and public opinion. Under Rafael Trujillo's regime, the Dominican Republic offered to admit up to 100,000 Jews. Still, this offer was not widely taken up and most Jewish refugees could not find safe haven in Latin America. Despite the limitations, some Jews could find refuge in the region and start new lives, but the vast majority of those who sought asylum could not escape the horrors of the Holocaust. The motivations behind Rafael Trujillo's offer to admit Jewish refugees were not entirely humanitarian. While Trujillo did present the offer as a humanitarian gesture, it was also part of a larger political strategy to improve his image and deflect attention from human rights abuses in the Dominican Republic. Trujillo was facing international pressure, including from the United States, over his role in the massacre of thousands of Haitians. The offer to admit Jewish refugees was seen as an attempt to improve his image and distract him from this issue. Additionally, Trujillo's regime was characterized by racial ideologies that saw the Dominican population as too "Africanized," and he saw the arrival of white European refugees as a way to "whiten" the population and promote his vision of a purer, more European Dominican Republic. Despite Trujillo's motivations, the offer was not widely taken up, and most Jewish refugees could not find safety in the region.

With the help of American Jewish organizations, a small number of German Jews could find refuge in the Dominican Republic before eventually emigrating to the United States. The American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee and other organizations helped to facilitate their resettlement, providing them with financial and practical support as they started new lives in the Americas. Despite the limited number of refugees who could find safety in the Dominican Republic, the assistance provided by American Jewish organizations played an important role in helping those in need and highlighting the humanitarian crisis facing European Jews.

Argentina was one of the few countries in Latin America that offered a relatively welcoming environment for Jewish refugees fleeing Europe before and during World War II. There was already a significant Jewish community in Argentina, dating back to the late 19th and early 20th centuries when many Jews fled Russia to escape persecution. This established community provided a supportive network for new arrivals and helped them to settle in their new country. Argentina had a relatively open immigration policy, and many Jewish refugees could obtain visas and start new lives there. As a result, Argentina became one of the largest destinations for Jewish refugees in Latin America, and the Jewish community in the country continued to grow and thrive.

Political refugees

In addition to Jewish refugees, many political refugees fled Europe to escape political persecution during the 1930s and 1940s, including socialists and communists who were targeted by fascist regimes in Italy, Spain, and Germany. Many of these refugees found asylum in Latin America, including in countries like Argentina, where they could continue their work and contribute to their new communities' intellectual and cultural life. Some of these refugees went on to teach at universities and engage in other forms of public intellectual work, helping to shape their new countries' political and intellectual landscape. Their presence also contributed to the growth of left-wing political movements and intellectual currents in Latin America, and helped to build connections between Latin American and European intellectual communities.

Republican spaniards

The Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) resulted in the defeat of the Spanish Republicans and the establishment of Franco's dictatorship in Spain. Many Republicans and socialists fled Spain to escape persecution and sought asylum in other countries, including France. Under President Lazaro Cardenas, the government of Mexico stood out for its willingness to help these refugees. Through an agreement with the Vichy government in France, Mexico offered asylum to approximately 12,000 Spanish Republicans and socialists between 1939 and 1942. This group of refugees included a large number of civil servants from the Spanish Republic, as well as teachers, intellectuals, and artists, and women made up a significant portion of the refugees, estimated at around 40%. The arrival of these refugees had a significant impact on Mexican society and culture, and helped to strengthen ties between Mexico and the Spanish-speaking world.

The arrival of Spanish Republicans and socialists in Mexico significantly impacted Mexican culture and intellectual life. These refugees brought a wealth of cultural and intellectual knowledge, as well as political and artistic perspectives, and helped enrich Mexican society. They also contributed to the development of Mexican leftist political movements and helped to solidify ties between Mexico and the Spanish-speaking world.

The Mexican government refused to recognize Franco's regime and instead extended recognition to the Spanish government in exile, which was based in Mexico. This position reflected Mexico's opposition to fascism and support for the Spanish Republicans, and helped to cement further Mexico's reputation as a leader in the fight against fascism and dictatorship in the region.

The arrival of Spanish Republicans and socialists in the Dominican Republic was part of Trujillo's broader plan to "whiten" the population of the country and strengthen the Hispanic and white elements while downplaying the Afro-Caribbean elements of the population. Trujillo saw the arrival of these refugees as an opportunity to improve the image of the Dominican Republic, both domestically and internationally, and to attract more investment and support from the Spanish-speaking world.

Trujillo's motivations were not purely humanitarian. He was known for his brutal regime and treatment of minority groups in the Dominican Republic, including the massacre of thousands of Haitians in 1937. Nevertheless, the arrival of Spanish Republicans and socialists in the Dominican Republic helped to strengthen the country's cultural and intellectual ties with Spain and the Spanish-speaking world, and had a lasting impact on the country's development.

In addition to Mexico and the Dominican Republic, Spanish Republicans and socialists also sought asylum in other countries in the region, including Chile, Cuba, and Argentina. These refugees were welcomed in these countries, both for their political and cultural contributions, as well as for their skills and knowledge. In Argentina, for example, many Spanish Republicans and socialists helped strengthen the country's cultural and intellectual life and contributed to its development as a regional leader.

In Chile, Spanish Republicans and socialists also helped enrich the country's cultural and intellectual life and contributed to developing the country's leftist political movements. They helped build bridges between Cuba and the Spanish-speaking world in Cuba, and their influence can still be seen in the country's political and cultural landscape today.

The arrival of Spanish Republicans and socialists in Latin America helped to strengthen the region's cultural, political, and intellectual ties with the Spanish-speaking world, and had a lasting impact on the development of the countries that welcomed them.

Economy

The Second World War had a significant impact on the economies of Latin America. The disruption of trade routes and the suspension of European imports led to increased opportunities for local industries to grow and develop. This resulted in the expansion of manufacturing and production in sectors such as textiles and heavy industry, including metallurgy. Additionally, the demand for raw materials from the Allied powers boosted the export-oriented economies of the region, particularly in areas such as agriculture and mining.

Brazil and Mexico were two of the largest economies in Latin America during the Second World War and both saw significant changes during the conflict. In Brazil, the cessation of European imports created opportunities for local industries to start up or expand, leading to the development of its manufacturing sector. This included growth in industries such as textiles, food processing, and heavy industry, including steel production. The Brazilian government also implemented policies to promote industrialization, including import substitution and the creation of state-owned companies.

Mexico also experienced significant economic changes during the war. The country's oil exports, which were crucial to the war effort, increased dramatically, boosting its economy. Additionally, the demand for labor in the United States, which was a major trading partner of Mexico, led to an increase in migration and remittances, which helped to stimulate the Mexican economy. However, Mexico also faced challenges during the war, including inflation and a shortage of goods, which put pressure on the country's economy.

The war created new markets for Latin American goods as the Western Allies turned to the region for supplies to support their war efforts. This increased demand for certain products, such as rubber from Brazil and beef from Argentina, and boosted their respective economies. Additionally, the war resulted in an influx of foreign investment into the region, particularly from the United States, which helped to modernize infrastructure and support economic growth.

However, it is important to note that the war also negatively affected the region's economies. In addition to the inflation and shortage of goods mentioned earlier, the war's end resulted in the cessation of war-time demand for Latin American goods, leading to a decline in economic activity. Furthermore, the shift of economic power from Europe to the United States following the war led to a reconfiguration of the global economic system, which had long-term implications for the economies of Latin America.

The war brought both opportunities and challenges to the economies of Latin America. The increased demand for certain goods created new markets and opportunities for growth, but also resulted in inflation and shortages of certain goods. The strain of supporting the war effort through increased production and reduced consumption also put pressure on the region's economies.

Despite these challenges, the Second World War had a profound impact on the economies of Latin America. It helped to spur the development of key industries and sectors, especially in countries with large domestic markets such as Brazil and Mexico. The war led to the expansion of local industries and the development of new markets, and laid the foundation for continued economic growth and development in the post-war era.

During the Second World War, the increased demand for raw materials and agricultural products from the United States created new export opportunities for many Latin American countries. This resulted in a rise in demand for these products, which outpaced production and increased prices. This, in turn, helped boost these countries' economies as they accumulated reserves. Additionally, the influx of foreign investment and the modernization of infrastructure that came with the war helped support the region's economic growth and development.

This increased demand for raw materials and agricultural products often came at the expense of local consumption, which led to shortages and inflation. Furthermore, the end of the war resulted in the cessation of war-time demand, leading to a decline in economic activity and a reconfiguration of the global economic system, which had long-term implications for the economies of Latin America.

Countries like Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico became significant suppliers of raw materials, such as rubber and coffee, and agricultural products, like beef, to the Allies. This increased demand allowed these countries to increase their production and exports and to earn higher prices for their goods, which helped to stimulate economic growth and improve living standards.

For example, Brazil became a major rubber producer, which was in high demand for military uses, while Argentina exported large amounts of beef to the Allies. Mexico's oil exports, which were crucial to the war effort, also increased dramatically, boosting its economy.

The increased demand for these goods allowed Latin American countries to accumulate reserves, which helped to support economic growth and development in the post-war era. Additionally, the influx of foreign investment and the modernization of infrastructure that came with the war helped to lay the foundation for continued economic growth and development in the region.

The war created new markets for Latin American goods. It provided an impetus for industrialization in the region as countries sought to meet the demand for war-related goods and materials. This industrialization helped to spur the development of key industries and sectors, especially in countries with large domestic markets, such as Brazil and Mexico.

The war also led to an influx of foreign investment into the region, particularly from the United States, which helped to modernize infrastructure and support economic growth. Furthermore, the increased demand for raw materials and agricultural products created new export opportunities for many Latin American countries, which allowed them to earn higher prices for their goods and to accumulate reserves, providing a boost to their economies.

In contrast to the United States and other countries that were directly involved in the war, Latin America did not experience significant social changes due to the conflict. Since most Latin American countries did not participate in the war, their populations were not significantly mobilized, and most of their citizens remained at home. This helped mitigate the war's social impact in the region, and allowed Latin American countries to maintain a relatively stable social and political environment throughout the conflict.

The war indirectly impacted the region, particularly in terms of increased government intervention in the economy and the mobilization of resources for the war effort. Additionally, the influx of foreign investment and the modernization of infrastructure that came with the war helped to spur economic growth and development in the region, which had long-term social and political implications.

The Second World War had a limited impact on the traditional gender roles and societal structure in Latin America, as the majority of the population remained at home due to the region's limited participation in the conflict. This lack of mobilization prevented a significant alteration of gender roles, such as an influx of women into the workforce or new roles assumed by women in the military. However, the indirect effects of the war, such as infrastructure modernisation and increased foreign investment, had long-term implications for women's education and employment opportunities and may have laid the foundation for changes in gender roles and social norms in the post-war era.

The increased economic activity and the inflow of foreign capital that resulted from the war had limited social impacts in Latin America, such as improved living standards and increased opportunities for education and employment. However, these changes were relatively limited compared to the more profound social and economic transformations that took place in many other parts of the world that were directly involved in the conflict. Nevertheless, the Second World War did play a significant role in the development of the economies of many Latin American countries and helped to spur the growth of key industries and sectors in the region.

Politics

In the decades leading up to the Second World War, Latin America experienced the emergence of populist political movements, which could be characterized as either right or left-wing. At the same time, there was also a growth of the workers' movement in the region, particularly in urban centers, industrial areas, and agricultural zones. The conflict of the Second World War served to further enhance the trade unionism in these areas, leading to a strengthening of the workers' movement.

In the context of the Second World War, the establishment of trade unions, socialist parties, and communist parties under Soviet influence was a common occurrence throughout Latin America. The Communist parties were controlled by Moscow's Kominterm, which emphasized their primary objective of opposing fascism. This priority was strictly observed across the region, becoming even more pronounced after the invasion of the Soviet Union by Hitler in 1941.

In the short-term, the labor movement in Latin America saw positive effects as a result of the war, but negative consequences emerged in the long-term. In many democratic countries during the conflict, liberal governments came to power, and these governments associated the Communist parties with the government, leading to a perception of communism as a viable political ideology. This, in turn, had negative implications for the long-term prospects of the labor movement in the region.

The Communist parties under the control of Moscow's Kominterm agreed to reform the trade union movement in Latin America. The trade unions typically aligned themselves with the ruling political party, as was the case in Colombia and Cuba. In 1940, Batista was elected in Cuba on a broad platform of national unity, which included the integration of Communist Party members into his regime.

In the long-term, this strategy proved to be a losing one for the labor movement and left-wing parties. The unions and parties found themselves in a position of dependence on the government, which led them to adopt a more nationalistic and protectionist stance that focused on defending workers' rights and social benefits rather than promoting internationalism. This shift had negative consequences for the development of the labor movement in the region.

Before the Second World War, Communist parties were banned in many Latin American countries, including Brazil, where trade unionism was dependent on the government. In Mexico, the government formed the Institutional Revolutionary Party and a single trade union under the leadership of Cardenas. In the long-term, the effects of this political alignment between the government and labor movement proved to be negative. The labor movements lost their autonomy and became affiliated with the government, compromising their ability to independently advocate for workers' rights and interests.

In the context of the Second World War, right-wing ideologies became prominent in Latin America, including the influence of Mussolini's fascism. The corporatist dictatorships of Salazar in Portugal and Franco in Spain, established in 1933, exerted a significant impact, particularly among conservative Catholic segments of society in various countries. This influence was facilitated by Catholic Social Action, a Vatican-directed movement aimed at creating a Catholic workers' countermovement that renounced the notion of class conflict.

/For the conservative elites, they see in the dictatorial regimes of Europe the possibility of economic dirigisme, authoritarianism with the obsession to control the popular masses imagining to apply similar regimes to Latin America and to copy the regimes of order and progress that we saw developing from 1870 - 1880 in order to impose a social order, to control work and to segment the economy leaving the private sector to develop with the protection of the State.

A trend was emerging with a very strong Catholic extreme right that attacked the workers' movement, communism and freemasonry. There are strong political confrontations on the model of Spain during the civil war, which are very strong and often end in very strong repression of the workers' and peasants' movements.

In 1930 and 1940, many Latin American countries were dictatorships. In countries that are not dictatorships, such as Colombia, an ultra-Catholic right-wing is relentlessly attacking the ruling liberal party, which has made an alliance with the socialist party, accusing them of freemasonry, socialism and communism.

From neutrality to war against the Axis

Nazism after 1933 tried to strengthen its ties with Latin American nations in order to secure a supply of raw materials. They tried to develop an important diplomatic activity especially towards Argentina and Chile because already at the end of the 19th century Prussia had links with these two countries providing military missions in order to train these armies on the Prussian model.

Small communities of German immigrants are found in Argentina, Guatemala and Uruguay forming local Nazi parties estimated to have 8,000 adherents in Latin America, but at the same time it has 25,000 adherents in the United States. However, it was virtually impossible for them to gain a foothold in Latin America, anti-Semitism could find followers, but outside Argentina there were virtually no Jews, while the glorification of the Aryan race was hardly likely in Latin America where the overwhelming majority was mestizo.

In spite of the fact that many leaders are interested in what is being done in Italy, Portugal and Spain, no country allies itself with the Axis countries.

This shows that Europe has lost influence to the United States. The latter is mobilising Latin America under its aegis by developing the principle of non-intervention by one country in another.

At the same time, at the end of 1938 a Declaration of Continental Solidarity was adopted and in September 1939 the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the American States adopted a position of neutrality in the war.

In 1940, after the defeat of France and the Netherlands, these same ministers decided to place the colonies of South America and the Caribbean under the trusteeship of the American States in order to preserve the neutrality of the Americas, Germany did not make any attack, particularly against Martinique and Guadeloupe.

Latin America's entry into the war will be in the wake of the United States; it is through the attack on Pearl Harbour that Latin American countries will declare war on Germany and Japan, mainly Central American and Caribbean countries where the United States had intervened in the 1920s. However, this is a statement in the United States movement.

What is most ironic is that almost all of them are dictatorships that are joining the allied forces.

The only countries that have independent policies are Mexico and Brazil, which decided to remain neutral at that time.

In 1942, the United States called a conference in Rio de Janeiro to break off diplomatic and trade relations with the Axis powers. From then on, the United States put pressure on Brazil, Mexico and Argentina to declare war on the Axis.

Some countries have a greater or lesser margin of manpower, including Mexico, with its 2,000 km of common borders with the United States, which declares war on the Axis in 1942 and sends a squadron to the Pacific; it is a decision that stems from the fact that Cardenas has no sympathy with the Axis forces, but it has also just won the arm wrestling over the nationalization of Mexican oil. Roosevelt has agreed that US companies will be compensated by Mexico.

In December 1942, Brazil, then led by Vargas, declared war on the Axis. Like Mexico, Brazil is a force that the United States cannot dominate at will. The United States' other obsession was that Brazil could serve as a bridgehead between Germany and the rest of the world. That is why Brazil carries a certain amount of weight, while the United States decides to use Brazil in its own strategy to take over Europe.

Vargas negotiates with the United States while talking to Germany in order to frighten the United States; when Germany proves incapable of supplying arms and when the United States decides to finance an arms factory, Brazil pretends to attack a submarine in order to declare war on the Axis and send troops to Italy in particular.

Escudo del GOU (águila imperial y al centro imagen del General San Martín).

South American countries usually declare war in 1945, but this does not prevent them from helping the allies by delivering raw materials. The last country to declare war and Argentina in April 1945 three days before Hitler's death, it is to the advantage of the country to maintain neutrality while supplying raw materials to England and the United States.

Perón in Argentina is a late populism. In the early 1940's Argentina was in a political stalemate. Its political system no longer corresponded to society, even the Radical Party and the Socialist Party were still dominated by a land oligarchy and old Argentine families who used electoral fraud to stay in power, at the same time no new parties represented the cities.

Popular discontent mounted and the military watched this with increasing impatience until 1943 when a group of military officers, the United Officers Group, overthrew the civilian government in the name of the people. Immediately, it dissolved the congress and banned all political parties.

Perón is an ambitious trade unionist, trained in the army, having spent time in Mussolini's Italy and Nazi Germany. In 1943, he became Minister of Labour and Vice-President. From this position, he built his political base. The United States viewed this with great concern, as Argentina had still not declared war and in 1943 when the GOU took power the United States refused to recognize him, accusing him of being an authoritarian and pro-Nazi country; however, Perón did not declare war on Nazi Germany until it collapsed.

In 1946, when Perón presented himself as the protector of the poor, the U.S. ambassador led a campaign to denounce Perón as a fascist who reinforced Argentine nationalism and favored Perón's election.

The Roosevelt administration's security program against "dangerous enemy aliens."

It's a little-known program similar to the one for Japanese Americans. This security program is launched against "dangerous foreigners of enemy nationality".

It is a program that leads 15 Latin American countries to deport Germans to the United States, of Japanese and Italians to be interned in concentration camps in Texas. All the property of these enemy aliens is seized and confiscated.

The paradox of this problem is that only a very small part of these minorities have anything to do with Nazism. Of the 4,000 Germans deported, only 8 were later identified as spies in the service of Nazi Germany.

None of the three countries where there are large German colonies participate in this program. Mexico refuses to participate.

These deportees come from countries where Germans are few in number. 50% of Germans from Honduras, 30% from Guatemala, and 20% from Colombia are deported. The overwhelming majority of these deportees are "good neighbours" in Roosevelt's Good Neighbour Policy and many of them are anti-fascist opponents and Jews who fled Nazi Germany.

This has a lot to do with the representations that the American government and American citizens have of Latin America. They are convinced that Hitler wants to use Brazil to attack the United States and that they are unable to resist Hitler's propaganda.

These fears are entrusted by the British services which were intended to force the United States out of its neutrality; all these reports have been recognised as disinformation by England in order to force the United States into war.

This belief was based on contempt for the government in Washington. Propaganda will support this mystification, from this representation the government of Roosevelt asks the countries of Latin America to establish a list of suspects and to deport them to the United States while confiscating their goods, they are Germans, but also all those who own businesses and industries run by Germans, because in the imagination they would be likely to trade with Germany.

The American embassies draw up a list of politically or economically suspect individuals and very often these governments act confidentially, because they do not establish any proven sympathy, but the listed individuals are arrested and their properties are confiscated, and in some cases, such as Somoza in Nicaragua, which responds eagerly to Washington's requests to confiscate the properties of Germans who will later pass into the hands of American companies.

We find ourselves in a situation where these tactics will be used again in the Cold War.

European refugees in Latin America after the war

The Nazi refugees will not be bothered in the Cold War and will be involved in the American dictatorships in the 1960s.

Annexes

• Enemy alien
• Italian-American internment
• German-American internment