Coups d'état and Latin American populisms

Coups d'état and Latin American populisms

Données clés

Faculté	Lettres
Département	Département d’histoire générale
Professeur(s)	Aline Helg
Cours	The United States and Latin America: late 18th and 20th centuries

Lectures

• The Americas on the eve of independence
• The independence of the United States
• The U.S. Constitution and Early 19th Century Society
• The Haitian Revolution and its Impact in the Americas
• The independence of Latin American nations
• Latin America around 1850: societies, economies, policies
• The Northern and Southern United States circa 1850: immigration and slavery
• The American Civil War and Reconstruction: 1861 - 1877
• The (re)United States: 1877 - 1900
• Regimes of Order and Progress in Latin America: 1875 - 1910
• The Mexican Revolution: 1910 - 1940
• American society in the 1920s
• The Great Depression and the New Deal: 1929 - 1940
• From Big Stick Policy to Good Neighbor Policy
• Coups d'état and Latin American populisms
• The United States and World War II
• Latin America during the Second World War
• US Post-War Society: Cold War and the Society of Plenty
• The Cold War in Latin America and the Cuban Revolution
• The Civil Rights Movement in the United States

The rise of populist ideologies in Latin America after WWI was due to a number of factors, including the failure of liberal democratic governments to address the economic and social needs of the masses, widespread poverty and inequality, and widespread political instability. The Great Depression of 1929 had a devastating effect on the region, exacerbating these existing problems and leading to widespread unrest and political violence.

In Colombia, the period was marked by the rise of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán and his populist movement, which promised to address the needs of the poor and working-class. However, Gaitán's assassination in 1948 sparked a period of political violence known as "La Violencia," which lasted for over a decade.

In Cuba, the 1930s saw the rise of the populist leader Fulgencio Batista, who promised to address the needs of the poor and working-class. However, his regime was marked by widespread corruption and political violence, and he was eventually overthrown by Fidel Castro and the communist movement in 1959.

In Brazil, Getúlio Vargas came to power in 1930, promising to address the needs of the working-class and the poor. Despite initially implementing a number of reforms, including a minimum wage and labor laws, Vargas's regime became increasingly authoritarian and was eventually overthrown in 1945.

This article will provide a comprehensive examination of the political, economic and social changes in Latin America between the First World War and the Great Depression of 1929 that led to the emergence of populist ideologies. It aims to examine the effects of the Great Depression on Latin America as a whole, while subsequently focusing on three specific case studies - Colombia, Cuba, and Brazil.

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The great changes of the 1920s

In the 1920s, Latin America saw significant economic, political, and social changes. The region's economies experienced a boom after World War I that lasted until the late 1920s. The prosperity was driven by factors such as increased demand for Latin American goods and favorable global economic conditions.

This period in Latin American history is referred to as the "dance of the millions" due to the rapid growth of the gross national product in many countries and the influx of foreign investment, particularly from the United States, into South American countries. The term reflects the apparent prosperity and optimism of the time, as the region's economies boomed and many saw an opportunity for wealth and success.

During the "dance of the millions," foreign investments into Latin America increased significantly, and the region's economies continued to rely heavily on the export of agricultural products and minerals to acquire the foreign currency needed for importing manufactured goods. The decline in European imports due to the Great War created an opportunity for industrialization in many Latin American countries. Sectors such as textiles, food and beverage production, building materials, and instrument manufacturing saw significant growth during this period. This marked a turning point in the region's economic development and signaled a shift towards a more diversified and industrialized economy.

The Great War in Europe also marked the beginning of US imperialism in Central America, the Caribbean, and South America. The United States saw the conflict as an opportunity to extend its influence and control over the region, particularly in sectors previously dominated by the British. This marked a shift in the balance of power and the emergence of the United States as a dominant player in the politics and economics of Latin America. The US intervention in the region brought about significant changes, including the establishment of US-friendly governments, the introduction of American-style democracy, and the expansion of US economic interests. This period marked the beginning of US hegemony in the region, which would have lasting effects on Latin America's political and economic landscape.

These changes in Latin America's political and economic landscape during the "dance of the millions" profoundly impacted society. They continued the trends that had begun in the 1850s, with the decline of small peasantry in favour of large haciendas, and the concentration of the labor force in certain sectors, such as plantations, mines, factories, transport, administration, civil service, and services. The progressive mechanization of agriculture, along with the massive immigration of Europeans to countries like Argentina and Brazil, led to the displacement of many small farmers and sharecroppers, who were forced to migrate to cities in search of new opportunities. This migration from rural to urban areas is known as the "rural exodus." These social changes contributed to the growing poverty and inequality in the region. They set the stage for the rise of populist ideologies that would offer solutions to the challenges faced by the working-class and poor.

The rapid industrialization and urbanization of the region led to a significant shift in the population structure of Latin America. The percentage of the population living in rural areas declined dramatically, from 75% in Argentina to 90% in Peru and Central America, as rural migrants flocked to the cities in search of new opportunities. The growing populations of the cities presented new challenges for the traditional elites, as it became increasingly difficult to maintain social order in the face of poverty and inequality. The shift from rural to urban societies was a defining feature of the period, and would have lasting effects on the political and economic landscape of the region.

The changes brought about by the "dance of the millions" and the shift towards urban societies were further compounded by the development of trade and communication networks. This allowed for the exchange of ideas and ideologies across borders and the arrival of new groups of immigrants. From Mexico, new political and social ideologies were introduced, as well as from socialist and fascist Europe and Bolshevik Russia. The arrival of Jewish immigrants also brought new perspectives and ideas to the region. All of these factors contributed to a growing sense of social and political ferment, as the traditional elites struggled to maintain control in the face of these new challenges. The intersection of these forces set the stage for the rise of populist ideologies that would define Latin America's political landscape in the years to come.

The influx of new ideologies and perspectives challenged the dominant control of the traditional elites and the Catholic Church. The arrival of these new ideas threatened the existing order, and the regimes of order and progress that had been in place for decades could no longer maintain their grip on power. The impact of these developments was felt throughout Latin America, as the political and social landscape of the region was transformed. The rise of new ideologies, combined with the growing poverty and inequality brought about by industrialization and urbanization, set the stage for the populist movements that would come to define the region in the years to come.

The massive influx of rural migrants transformed Latin America's cities and urban culture. In every country, people from different cultural regions were brought together in the capitals and large cities, creating a melting pot of diverse backgrounds and traditions. The impact of this migration was felt in all aspects of urban life, from the growth of slums and shantytowns, to the transformation of cultural norms and values. The arrival of these rural migrants brought new challenges and opportunities, as they struggled to adapt to the unfamiliar urban environment and find a place in the region's rapidly changing social and economic landscape.

Despite often facing rejection and discrimination, these rural migrants played a significant role in national integration. Their presence in the cities brought their regional traditions and cultural heritage with them, enriching the urban fabric. The need for literacy in urban life led to a growth in education, with schools becoming more widely available, resulting in a more literate population. Additionally, the advent of radio and cinema in the cities during the 1920s added a new dimension to urban life and provided new avenues for communication, entertainment, and cultural expression. These developments brought new challenges and opportunities, and helped shape the emerging national identity of Latin America in the years to come.

During the 1910s and 1920s, other significant social changes took place in Latin America. A new middle class emerged: intellectuals, small business owners, entrepreneurs, teachers, and civil servants from the capitals and large cities. This group sought stability and a place in society, but they no longer wished to be controlled by the traditional elites or foreign capital. The rise of this new middle class brought new perspectives, ideas, and aspirations, and helped shape the region's political, social, and cultural landscape. This group played an important role in the growing sense of national identity and developing a more democratic and inclusive society.

During this time, the number of university students was also growing, primarily consisting of young men from the upper middle class. These students brought new energy, ideas, and ambitions to the universities, and helped shape the region's intellectual and cultural life. The growth of the student population also reflected broader social and economic changes, as increasing numbers of families sought to provide their children with higher education and greater opportunities in the future. The growth of this intellectual elite helped to create new avenues for political and cultural engagement, and played an important role in shaping the future of Latin America.

In 1918, students emerged as a political force in Latin America. They called for university autonomy and were influenced by various ideologies, including socialism, anarchism, the Mexican Revolution, and indigenism. This awakening of student political activism reflected a growing interest in their respective countries' development and the working classes' education. The students saw themselves as agents of change and sought to use their newfound political voice to shape the future of Latin America. This period marked the beginning of a new era of regional political and intellectual engagement. The students would continue to play an important role in shaping its future.

In the 1920s, workers in various industrial sectors began to organize themselves into unions and showed interest in socialist, anarchist, and communist ideologies. This trend was largely influenced by European immigrants who brought these ideologies with them to Latin America. Sectors such as state mines, factories, oil, and cigarette factories were particularly affected by this trend as workers in these industries sought to improve their working conditions and wages through collective action. This was a significant development as it marked the beginning of organized labor in Latin America and signaled a growing awareness among workers of their rights and the importance of collective action in achieving their goals.

The military, an important source of employment and political influence, became a major actor in Latin America's political and social evolution during this time. With increasing frequency, military coups d'état occurred, often led by young officers who sought to modernize their countries, but also to assert their own power. The rise of populist ideologies, such as those of the military regimes of Mexico and the populist government of Getulio Vargas in Brazil, reflected the growing discontent of the urban working classes and rural populations with the existing political and economic systems. These changes would have a profound impact on Latin America in the years to come, including the devastating effects of the Great Depression of 1929.

In response to the changing social and economic landscape, the army increasingly positioned itself as a political force, breaking free from the control of traditional parties and the Catholic Church. This shift marked the emergence of the military as a potential alternative to the status quo in Latin America.

This leads to the emergence of a new political force, the military, which aims to present itself as an alternative to traditional political parties and the Catholic Church. The officers, primarily from the middle class and from provincial towns, seek to have the army play a more active role in the country's economic development.

This leads to a shift towards a more democratic political system and the participation of previously marginalized groups, including women and working-class individuals, in the political sphere.

The influence of extreme right-wing ideologies is growing among Latin American politicians and military personnel. With the advent of new technologies such as cinema and radio, these politicians can now extend their reach and spread their discourse to a wider audience, shaping the nation's political landscape.

Latin American populisms

It is in this context that Latin American populisms took shape in the 1920s. These populisms would dominate politics from the 1930s to the 1950s.

Populism is often associated with Perón, but it is later, as it surfs on a wave from the 1920s and 1930s.

Latin American populism of this period is a movement that attempts to integrate the working classes into national politics without changing the social order; it is aimed primarily at the urban masses, workers, the petty bourgeoisie, rentiers, rural migrants, students, intellectuals, and soldiers.

These are the urban classes whose radicalization threatens to bring about social revolution for fear of losing the social order. Populism rejects the class struggle for class solidarity, defending the idea of a corporatist state that would hierarchically rule the national family between vertical coalitions of patronages.

Rafael Molina Trujillo.

Populism is usually led by a charismatic leader who often responds to the macho type, i.e. a strong, authoritarian, but sympathetic man with whom the people can identify emotionally.

He is a benevolent, paternalistic, great leader of populism who is there because he understands and protects the people, but at the same time he is a leader who does not tolerate provocation and opposition. He uses the mass media to gain popular support, but at the same time he is a movement that does not really have a complex ideology, at the heart of his ideology is nationalism and a vague promise of development with social justice.

This means a strong state that intervenes in economic and social affairs, moreover in order to hide internal social conflicts populism often unites the masses against a common foreign enemy which can be US imperialism, the Chinese emigrant or the Afro-Caribbean immigrant or the Jewish immigrant in the case of Argentina.

The most terrible case of populism is that of Trujillo, who was trained in the National Guard by the Marines and who remained in power for a long time. In 1937 he had between 15,000 and 20,000 Haitian peasants massacred by the army on the border.

Impact of the Great Depression in Latin America

Economic

The Great Depression in the United States is producing enormous shock waves in Latin American nations and an economic slump from which they will only emerge after the Second World War; the more the country depends on exports of raw materials or agricultural products to the United States, the more shocking and terrible it is, but those who also export to European countries are also seriously affected by the crisis.

The fall in consumption in the United States leads to a sharp drop in demand and Latin American countries are therefore deprived of a large part of their income, in addition to the fall in the prices of these products on the world market and on average the total value of Latin American exports between 1930 and 1934 is half of what it was between 1925 and 1929.

Social

The mines and plantations are laying off many of their workers, who are going to swell the population of the cities in search of work; there is the rise in unemployment, the rise in underemployment, the dislocation of families which is increasing dramatically.

In countries where people live in poverty, misery and distress are terrible, but somewhere they are less spectacular and less publicized than in the United States. Misery was already there before, so the increase in misery is less dramatic than in the United States, but it is no less severe.

Politics

The Latin American economic slump is reflected in politics; from 1930 to 1935, almost all Latin American countries experienced more or less violent regime changes.

The United States, which was itself mired in the economic crisis, no longer intervened, and in fact its policy of good neighbouring was not going to succeed in preventing coups d'état and violent seizures of power.

The case of Colombia: crisis absorbed by coffee growers

Economic

Colombia does not see a sudden change in power, Colombia's economy in 1929 was largely dependent on its coffee exports, 75% of which went to the United States.

After 1929, the world price of coffee plummeted, income from coffee fell, Colombia's import volumes fell by 63%, but in all other economic indicators Colombia fared better than the rest of Latin America. The volume of exports falls by only 13%, GNP falls by only 2.4%, and there is no coup d'état or revolution, only a historic transfer of government from the Conservative party to the government for more than 50 years thanks to a system of politics that completely marginalized the Liberal party, which passed to the Liberals in 1930 after the division of the Conservatives and the election of a Liberal president.

The lesson from Colombia is helpful in understanding some of the reactions today.

Economically, the reason for this transition is the way coffee is produced. Since the 1920s, large landowners who are also major exporting merchants have sold most of their coffee-growing land to small farmers.

This allows the former large landowners to concentrate on buying the coffee crops and exporting the coffee. When the crisis hits, it is mainly the small coffee farmers who are bearing the brunt of the fall in prices; they sell coffee at very low prices without reducing production, in fact they exploit themselves, they force themselves, their women and children to work just as hard in order to earn almost nothing.

This is possible, because many of them live in semi-autarky and have their own vegetable garden, they can survive without buying almost anything until they get out of this very difficult time.

Politics

Alfonso López Pumarejo, President of the Republic of Colombia from 1934 to 1938, then from 1942 to 1946.

At the political level, the transfer of power was done because in 1930 the Conservatives had the bad idea of dividing themselves between two presidential candidates, which allowed the Liberals to win with a candidate from the elite with traditional views.

It is only in 1934 that there is a new election that sees Alfonso Lopez elected who launches a populist program called "revolución en marcha" inspired by the Mexican revolution with a small reform of the constitution, universal suffrage for men, he launches education programs, unionization, there is also a small recognition of the Indian communities in Colombia.

At the political level, the transfer of power was done because in 1930 the Conservatives had the bad idea of dividing themselves between two presidential candidates, which allowed the Liberals to win with a candidate from the elite with traditional views.

It is only in 1934 that there is a new election that sees Alfonso Lopez elected who launches a populist program called "revolución en marcha" inspired by the Mexican revolution with a small reform of the constitution, universal suffrage for men, he launches education programs, unionization, there is also a small recognition of the Indian communities in Colombia.

From 1937 onwards, Lopez was attacked by a fascinating extreme right inspired by the model of General Franco in Spain who had to give up part of his reform programme and in particular a timid land reform.

Lopez succeeded in integrating part of the urban and working classes behind liberalism, he also succeeded in limiting the damage of the Great Depression, but the countryside was not really affected by these reforms; the small coffee producers who had been self-exploiting for all these years were on the verge of an explosion that would occur in a civil war during the Second World War called the "violencia" that would cause the death of more than 250,000 peasants and a huge rural exodus.

The case of Cuba: Revolution and military coup d'état

Cuba is an economy that has depended on sugar since the end of the 18th century, first cultivated by slaves until its abolition in 1886, then by rural workers, often seasonal workers from Jamaica or Haiti, who were brought to work on the large, underpaid plantations in the United States.

In 1930, half of the cultivated land belonged to American citizens in Cuba, they also owned almost all the mines, transport, communications, a large part of the banks and trade.

Between 1929 and 1933, the price of sugar fell by more than 60% and Cuban sugar exports plunged by more than 80%. The large landowners responded by cutting production, lowering agricultural wages by 75%, massively laying off and deporting thousands of seasonal workers from Haiti and Jamaica. Hundreds of small factories and stores went bankrupt; by 1933 a quarter of the working population was unemployed and 60% of the population lived below the subsistence minimum.

In power since 1924 has been President Gerardo Machado, a nationalist liberal turned dictator.

During the crisis, the opposition radicalizes against him through strikes, attacks, sabotage, communist, socialist and anarchist movements very strong already in the 1920s in Cuba; repression becomes more and more bloody.

Washington tries to intervene by sending a negotiator, but without a solution; in August 1933 a general strike paralyses the country, the army releases the dictator who goes into exile and a very heterogeneous coalition takes power, but is unable to control the general anarchy.

Fulgencio Batista in Washington, D.C. in 1938.

It was a period of riots, strikes, and the taking of sugar plantations by workers who set themselves up as a kind of Bolshevik conglomerate; soon afterwards soldiers and officers of a barracks in Havana led by Sergeant Batista mutinied.

Unexpectedly, they received the support of civilians who transformed their mutiny into a military putsch, resulting in a 100-day revolutionary government governed by decree to "return Cuba to Cuba" and free it from US control.

It was then that women in Cuba gained universal suffrage, university autonomy, workers, including cane cutters, a minimum wage and other social benefits, and a start was made on agrarian reform.

These reforms are too radical for the right and far right, too timid for the Marxist left and unacceptable to Roosevelt's United States.

The United States does not intervene militarily, but convinces Batista to take the power he assumes through civilian presidents and then directly as dictator until the Castro revolution of 1959.

The Case of Brazil: Military Coup and Fascist Regime

There's a military coup and a fascist regime.

Economics

Brazil's economy is fairly diversified, but exports are mainly coffee; unlike Colombia, coffee is grown by seasonal workers, European immigrants, but above all Brazilian migrants, who are subject to large landowners who continue to dominate their strongholds without sharing.

In 1930, the government of the first Brazilian republic of order and progress, this government did not take coherent measures in the face of the crisis that provoked a conflict over the presidential election, because only a small section of society had the vote and could elect the president.

Three states out of seventeen refuse to accept the result of the election causing uprisings, the military will overthrow the civilian government giving power to Vargas, a cattle breeder and governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul.

Politics

We can see that all the power in Brazil as history moves from the sugar northeast to Rio de Janeiro to the south where economic interests, power and cattle breeding like coffee production are concentrated.

Once in power, Vargas began by eliminating the socialist and communist left and then turned to the fascist right, then called "integralist" and secretly financed by Mussolini's Italy.

In 1937, Vargas banned all political parties launching a second coup directly supported by the army imposing the Estado Novo on the Brazilians; it was a corporatist state inspired by Mussolini's Italy and Salazar's Portugal.

This dictatorship is characterised by nationalism, the development of the army, state intervention in the economy, state control of trade unions, censorship and political repression.

This Estado Novo lasted until 1954, throughout the Second World War, when the army provoked another coup d'état and forced Vargas into exile.

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  Integralist propaganda poster - 1937.

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  Fundamentalist greeting, "Anauê", of indigenous origin meaning "You are my brother" and ancient indigenous war cry.

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  New State propaganda.

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  Edda Mussolini, daughter of Benito Mussolini, was received by Ademar de Barros during his visit to São Paulo in 1939. The Estado Novo was sympathetic to Nazi fascism.

Conclusions

The crisis of 1929 brought all American companies, not only from the United States but also from Latin America, to the brink of the abyss.

It shows the weaknesses of economic liberalism, a relative liberalism, since it is a liberalism in which the State basically helps the hacendados, industrialists, corporations, banks and at the same time represses the workers.

This crisis reveals the deep inequalities of all these societies and all of them need a charismatic leader who unites and reassures the population; all of them also resort to nationalism, including the United States under Roosevelt.

Populism allows the ruling classes to avoid or suppress revolutions, as in Cuba in 1933, but they often have to put in place social legislation to protect the workers and the poor.

Everywhere, the big losers are in the countryside the small peasants and in the cities the big losers are the socialist and communist parties and trade unions which are suppressed or integrated into a large national party with certain social benevolence.

Social tensions are suppressed, but they have not disappeared and will erupt again after the Second World War.