Welfare State and Biopower

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Lietuviškas

Introduction to Political Science

Intellectual legacy of Émile Durkheim and Pierre Bourdieu in social theory ● The origins of the fall of the Weimar Republic ● Intellectual legacy of Max Weber and Vilfredo Pareto in social theory ● The notion of "concept" in social sciences ● History of the discipline of political science: theories and concepts ● Marxism and Structuralism ● Functionalism and Systemism ● Interactionism and Constructivism ● The theories of political anthropology ● The three I's debate: interests, institutions and ideas ● Rational choice theory and the analysis of interests in political science ● An analytical approach to institutions in political science ● The study of ideas and ideologies in political science ● Theories of war in political science ● The War: Concepts and Evolutions ● The reason of State ● State, sovereignty, globalization and multi-level governance ● Theories of violence in political science‎‎ ● Welfare State and Biopower ● Analysis of democratic regimes and democratisation processes ● Electoral Systems: Mechanisms, Issues and Consequences ● The system of government in democracies ● Morphology of contestations ● Action in Political Theory ● Introduction to Swiss politics ● Introduction to political behaviour ● Public Policy Analysis: Definition and cycle of public policy ● Public Policy Analysis: agenda setting and formulation ● Public Policy Analysis: Implementation and Evaluation ● Introduction to the sub-discipline of international relations ● Introduction to Political Theory

The welfare state is intrinsically linked to contractualisation between citizens and politicians. This social contract implies that citizens agree to cede some of their rights or freedoms to the state (by paying taxes, for example) in exchange for the protection and provision of public services. Under the welfare state, this contract becomes more complex, as citizens grant the state the power to intervene significantly in the economy and society to promote general well-being. The state is authorised to redistribute wealth through taxation and spending, to regulate private enterprise to protect workers and consumers, and to provide public services such as education and healthcare. This is why the legitimacy of the welfare state is based on public consensus on the appropriate role of the state in the economy and society.

In modern states, citizens are linked by a social contract, which is a tacit agreement rather than an explicit contract. This contract is facilitated, managed and developed by the state and political institutions. This social contract is based on the mutual understanding that each individual agrees to give up a certain freedom, or accept certain obligations, in return for the security, protection and benefits provided by the state. For example, citizens agree to pay taxes and obey the laws established by the state, and in return the state provides services such as education, infrastructure, public health and security. This social contract is essential for maintaining order and stability in a society. It can be reviewed and revised as society evolves and citizens express new expectations of their government. This is usually done through democratic political mechanisms such as elections, lobbying and activism. Citizens can also engage directly in the political process by voting, standing for election, or participating in social movements. The way in which the social contract is conceived and implemented can have a significant impact on the nature of the modern state, including whether it functions as a welfare state and how this role of the welfare state is conceived and perceived by citizens.

How did the modern state come into being?

Ancient Greek philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle gave much thought to the 'polis' and laid the foundations for many of our contemporary ideas about politics and government. The "polis", or city-state, was the main political structure in ancient Greece. It was conceived as a community of citizens who shared a set of rights and duties and who were collectively responsible for managing their common affairs. The "polis" was both a political entity - a community of citizens organised under a specific political regime - and a place, a physical space where this community resided. Plato and Aristotle had distinct views on how best to manage the polis. Plato, in his work The Republic, described an ideal city governed by "philosopher-kings" who possessed both the philosophical wisdom and the virtue necessary to govern justly. He argued that justice arose from each individual doing what he or she was naturally suited to do. Aristotle, on the other hand, adopted a more pragmatic and empirical approach in his analysis of the 'polis'. In his 'Politics', he examines a large number of existing political regimes and explores their strengths and weaknesses. Aristotle argued that the best form of government depended on the particular circumstances of each polis, although he generally favoured a moderate regime that avoided the extremes of wealth and poverty. These ideas have had a lasting influence on Western political thought, including contemporary notions of citizenship, democracy, social justice and government. Although our modern societies are far more complex and diverse than the city-states of ancient Greece, many of the questions that Plato and Aristotle posed about the nature of political power, justice and the well-being of citizens remain relevant today.

The agora was a central feature of political life in ancient Greece. The agora was an open public square where citizens gathered to debate and discuss the affairs of the city. It was a meeting place for commerce, political speeches, the adjudication of court cases and the conduct of various civic activities. Athenian democracy, in particular, was characterised by the active participation of citizens in public debates. All citizens (which, in ancient Greece, meant free men - women, slaves and foreigners were excluded) had the right to speak at the assembly (the Ecclesia), which met on the hill of the Pnyx, and to participate in decisions concerning the laws and policies of the city. The agora, as a place for political debate, is often seen as the embodiment of the democratic ideal of civic participation and public deliberation. Dialogue and debate were seen as essential means of achieving truth and wisdom in political matters. This tradition of public debate and citizen participation continues to influence our contemporary ideas about democracy and politics.

Le débat est l'un des fondements de la démocratie. C'est à travers le débat ouvert et la délibération que les citoyens peuvent participer activement à la vie politique, exprimer leurs opinions, écouter celles des autres, et parvenir à un consensus ou à un compromis sur les questions d'intérêt public. La possibilité pour tous les citoyens d'exprimer librement leurs points de vue, de contester les points de vue des autres et de s'engager dans une discussion éclairée sur les enjeux sociaux et politiques est une condition préalable à une démocratie saine et fonctionnelle. Ce processus permet non seulement de prendre des décisions équilibrées et justes, mais aussi de légitimer ces décisions aux yeux de la population. C'est dans le cadre de ces échanges que se manifeste le pouvoir du politique : la capacité à discuter, à délibérer, à persuader et à négocier pour atteindre des objectifs communs. Ce processus se déroule généralement dans des lieux symboliques de la politique - que ce soit l'agora de la Grèce antique, le parlement dans les démocraties modernes, ou les médias et les réseaux sociaux dans notre monde numérique d'aujourd'hui. La manière dont ces débats sont organisés, qui y participe et comment les décisions sont prises, tout cela dépend des structures politiques et sociales de chaque société. Par conséquent, bien que le débat soit fondamental pour la démocratie, la manière dont il est mis en œuvre peut varier considérablement en fonction du contexte.

The question of democracy as a 'natural state' is complex and the subject of much debate among philosophers and political scientists. The idea that a certain type of government or social structure is "natural" can be interpreted in several ways. One way is to say that democracy is "natural" in the sense that it is consistent with human nature. For example, some political philosophers argue that the ability to reason, communicate and cooperate with others is a fundamental characteristic of human beings. Therefore, a political system that allows and encourages these activities, such as democracy, would be consistent with our nature. On the other hand, others argue that democracy is not necessarily 'natural', but rather the product of specific historical and social processes. For example, modern democracy as we know it today is the result of centuries of political struggle, social and economic change, intellectual revolution and technological transformation. It is also important to note that what is considered 'natural' can vary according to different conceptions of human nature and society. For example, those who believe in the innate competitiveness of human beings might see a form of government based on competition, such as free-market capitalism, as more 'natural'. Ultimately, whether democracy is a 'natural state' depends on how we define what is 'natural' and how we understand the relationship between human nature and society. This question continues to generate fascinating and important debates in political philosophy and social studies.

The notion of public space is fundamental to politics, particularly in a democracy. The public sphere is the place where citizens come together to discuss, debate and exchange ideas on issues of common interest. It is a forum where people can express their views, challenge those of others and learn from different perspectives. In ancient Greece, this public space was the agora, an open square where citizens gathered to discuss the affairs of the city. Today, public space can take many forms: legislative assemblies, public gatherings, the media, online forums, social networks and so on. The public arena plays several important roles in a democracy. Firstly, it facilitates debate and deliberation, which are essential for informed and legitimate decision-making. Secondly, it enables citizen participation, by giving people the opportunity to express themselves and become involved in the political process. Finally, it fosters transparency and accountability, by enabling citizens to monitor government action and hold politicians to account. The nature and quality of public space can vary considerably depending on a variety of factors, such as civil liberties, access to information, levels of education and civic competence, the diversity of voices represented, and the quality of dialogue and deliberation. Consequently, creating and maintaining a healthy and dynamic public space is a constant challenge for any democracy.

Public space is both the place (physical or virtual) where political debate takes place and the process of that debate itself.

• The place of debate: Public space can be a physical place, such as a town square, a meeting room, a legislative assembly, or even a café, where people gather to discuss political issues. In today's world, public space also includes virtual spaces, such as online forums, blogs and social networks, where political debates take place.
• The process of debate: More than just a place, the public arena is also the process by which citizens, groups, political parties, the media and other actors express their views, exchange ideas, challenge each other's opinions, and reach consensus or compromise on issues of public interest. It is through this process that citizens can influence public policy, monitor government action, and actively participate in the democratic life of their community.

Speech is the main tool in this debate process. Through speech, the players express their ideas, argue in favour of their positions, respond to the arguments of others, and try to persuade others of their point of view. The quality of speech - its clarity, precision, persuasiveness and honesty - is therefore essential to the quality of political debate in the public arena.

In the classical Greek city-state, the distinction between the public and private spheres was fundamental. Each had its own roles, responsibilities and norms, and together they structured the social, economic and political life of the city.

• The public sphere: This was the area of public affairs and politics. It was dominated by free citizens - usually adult males - who participated in the assembly and other political institutions of the city. It was also the arena for public debate, where citizens discussed and deliberated on matters of public interest. The agora, which served as a market and meeting place, was a central location in the public sphere.
• The private sphere: This was the domain of the home and the family, including personal relationships, the upbringing of children, the management of household goods and family religious rituals. In classical Greek society, this sphere was largely separate from the public sphere and was often the responsibility of women and slaves.

The distinction between the public and private spheres is a key feature of many societies, including that of ancient Greece, and plays a crucial role in the organisation of social and political life. The public sphere is the domain of public affairs, which includes government, politics, law and everything that concerns society as a whole. It is the place where citizens come together to discuss, debate and make decisions on matters of common interest. It is also the place of civic engagement, where citizens can actively participate in the democratic life of their community. The private sphere, on the other hand, concerns those aspects of life that are generally considered to be the domain of the individual or the family. This includes such things as domestic life, personal relationships, private property, and personal beliefs and values. Matters that fall within the private sphere are generally considered to be outside the realm of public intervention, unless necessary to protect the rights or welfare of others.

Traditionally, in many cultures, the head of the family, often the father, had considerable authority in the private sphere. He was responsible for decision-making in the home, raising children, managing family finances and other domestic matters. However, these norms have changed significantly over time and vary greatly from culture to culture. In many modern societies, authority within the family is increasingly shared between parents, and children are often encouraged to participate in family decisions in an age-appropriate way. Indeed, each individual lives in these two spheres, the public sphere and the private sphere. Everyone has roles and responsibilities in both spheres, and the way we navigate between them can have a significant impact on our personal lives, our relationships and our participation in society.

The concepts of the public and private spheres are dynamic and evolve over time, reflecting social, cultural, economic and political changes. Definitions of what is considered 'public' and 'private' can vary greatly depending on the historical, cultural and political context. For example, changes in attitudes and policies regarding gender equality have had a significant impact on the private sphere. There was a time when women were largely confined to the private sphere, dealing mainly with domestic chores and child-rearing. However, over the course of the twentieth century, many countries have seen a significant increase in women's participation in the public sphere, including work, education and politics. Similarly, technological advances, particularly the internet and social media, have also blurred the traditional boundaries between public and private. Information and interactions that were once considered private can now be easily shared and disseminated in the digital public space, raising new questions about confidentiality, freedom of expression and online security. Different political systems and modes of governance also have a major influence on the definition and relationship between the public and private spheres. For example, in liberal democracies, there is generally a strong distinction between public and private, with legal protections for privacy and individual freedom. However, in authoritarian regimes, the private sphere can be much more limited, with extensive government surveillance and restrictions on freedom of expression and association.

Sparta, one of the best-known city-states of ancient Greece, was very different from Athens in terms of its social, political and cultural structure. While Athens is often celebrated as the cradle of democracy and Western philosophy, Sparta was a rigorously disciplined and hierarchical warrior society, known for its unique military system. Life in the city-state of Sparta was heavily geared towards preparation for war. Spartan boys began their military training at the age of seven in a rigorous educational system known as the agoge. They were taken away from their families and lived in barracks until the age of 20, when they became fully-fledged soldiers. This training emphasised discipline, endurance, survival and combat skills. As a result, the distinction between the public and private spheres in Sparta was very different from that in Athens. Private life was largely subordinated to the demands of the state, and family, education and other aspects of private life were tightly regulated to serve the purposes of the military state. This led to a very different society from Athens, with very different values and institutions. However, it is important to note that the social and political structure of Sparta, like that of Athens, was the product of specific historical conditions and should not be considered representative of all of ancient Greece.

The public sphere concerns everything relating to the community in general, including government affairs, public infrastructure, laws, education, public health and, in many cases, religion. It is the space where public discussions, debates and negotiations about community affairs take place. In the public sphere, citizens have the opportunity to participate actively in decisions that affect the common good. This participation can take many forms, from voting in elections to social activism, volunteering and community service. What's more, the public sphere is often the place where citizens' rights and responsibilities are defined and negotiated.

In ancient Greece, the concept of citizenship was closely linked to the ability to participate in the public sphere. Only free men (usually adult males born to citizen parents) were considered full citizens and had the right to participate in public affairs, such as voting in assemblies, holding public office and serving in the army. Slaves, by contrast, were excluded from the public sphere and were regarded as 'things' or property rather than people with political rights. Slaves in ancient Athens were generally used for manual labour and domestic service and had no political or civil rights. In addition, the situation of women and foreigners (metecs) was also limited, as they were not considered full citizens.

In Greek and Roman antiquity, there was a very clear distinction between citizens and non-citizens (mainly slaves, but also women and foreigners in certain contexts). In these societies, the status of citizen conferred certain rights and privileges, including the right to participate in the governance of the city. Citizens could vote, debate in the assembly, hold public office and had specific legal rights. This status was often hereditary and generally reserved for free men. Slaves, on the other hand, were considered to be property and were deprived of these rights. They were generally used for manual labour and domestic service, and were subject to their master's authority. Their lives were largely confined to the private sphere, and they were excluded from participation in public life. However, these distinctions were not fixed and could change over time. In Rome, for example, it was possible for a slave to be freed and become a citizen, although this process was often complex and required the approval of the slave's master. These ancient systems of citizenship and slavery are very different from modern notions of civil and human rights. Today, the majority of societies consider that all individuals, regardless of their gender, ethnic origin or social status, have the right to participate in public life and are entitled to equal legal protection. Slavery is now universally condemned and prohibited by international law.

In the context of ancient Greece, public space was an essential component of political life. It was the place where citizens gathered to discuss the affairs of the city, debate problems and take collective decisions. The "polis", or city-state, was the entity that was governed, and its governance was a collective activity that required the commitment and participation of citizens. The agora, or market square, was a central public space in most ancient Greek cities. It was a gathering place for citizens, where they could debate and discuss issues of importance to the city. The agora was also the site of many other types of activity, including commercial transactions, social events and religious rituals. The idea of a public space has remained central to politics throughout history. Although the specific forms of public space have evolved over time, the idea of a place where citizens can come together to discuss and debate public affairs is still at the heart of many political systems. In contemporary societies, public space also includes the media, social networks and other communication platforms where political discussions can take place.

The presence of a public space, in the literal sense of the word, does not necessarily mean that there is a democracy in place. The term "public space" refers to a place where citizens can meet, exchange views and debate freely, without fear of repercussions. In a true democracy, the public space is a place where differences of opinion are tolerated and even encouraged, where debate is possible and valued. In a dictatorship, on the other hand, spaces that may appear to be public are often used in very different ways. They may be used for demonstrations of force or mass gatherings orchestrated by the regime, but these gatherings are usually carefully controlled and do not allow for genuine debate or dissent. In such contexts, public space can be used as a tool for control and manipulation, rather than as a place for democratic dialogue and deliberation. It is therefore essential to understand that the true public space in a democracy is not limited to the mere existence of a gathering place, but also includes specific values and practices, such as freedom of expression, respect for differences of opinion and the possibility of actively participating in the political process.

The notion of public space in a democracy is profoundly different from that in a dictatorship. In a democracy, public space is a place of free expression and deliberation, where citizens have the right to express themselves, to debate and to oppose government decisions. Democratic public spaces are open, inclusive and respect freedom of expression. In a dictatorship, however, public space may exist as a physical place, but it is often tightly controlled and monitored by the state. Public gatherings may be heavily regulated, and freedom of expression is generally severely restricted. In this context, public space becomes a tool of control for the regime, rather than a place for debate and dissent. Even in democracies, the nature of public space can be contested and evolve over time. Technological change, for example, has created new public spaces in the digital realm, such as social networks and online forums. These spaces can offer new opportunities for dialogue and democratic participation, but they can also pose new challenges in terms of regulation and guaranteeing fairness and freedom of expression.

Historically, the distinction between private and public space has been a fundamental feature of many political and social systems. Private space is generally associated with domestic and family life. It is the place for personal and intimate interactions, such as marriage, child-rearing and domestic activities. It is a space of security and comfort, but also of constraints and restrictions, as it is often governed by very precise social norms and rules. The public space, on the other hand, is the domain of politics and citizenship. It is the space of civic life, where citizens can come together to discuss and debate public affairs. It is the place for political debate, collective decision-making and action for the common good. These two spaces have distinct roles and functions, but they are also interdependent and constantly interact. For example, decisions taken in the public space can have an impact on private life, and vice versa. What's more, the way in which these spaces are defined and structured can vary considerably depending on the cultural, social and political context.

The nineteenth century saw the emergence of the social sphere as a distinct domain between the private and public spheres. This change was largely the product of the industrial revolution and the emergence of modern capitalism, which created new forms of social and economic relations. The social sphere encompasses a set of relationships, institutions and activities that affect society as a whole, but are not the direct responsibility of the state (the public sphere) or the family (the private sphere). This includes areas such as the economy, education, health, culture, work and so on. The emergence of this social sphere has introduced new dynamics into the way society is organised and governed. On the one hand, it has created new opportunities for cooperation and social progress. On the other hand, it has also introduced new forms of inequality and conflict, as well as new forms of power and control. This third sphere has also influenced the way in which power is exercised and structured in society. Michel Foucault, for example, developed the concept of 'biopower' to describe the way in which modern power is exercised not only through direct coercion, but also through the control and management of biological and social processes. This type of power, according to Foucault, is particularly evident in the social sphere, where the state and other institutions exercise control over aspects such as health, education, work, etc.

The concept of the social contract is a key mechanism for linking the private, public and social spheres in modern political philosophy. The social contract establishes a kind of symbolic link between individuals and the political structure of society, involving a negotiation between individual freedoms and collective responsibilities. Under the social contract, individuals agree to submit to the authority of the state (or an agreed political authority) in exchange for protections and services that contribute to their well-being and to the stability of society. This social contract may include aspects such as national defence, law enforcement, protection of civil rights, and other public services such as education and health. The social contract can also be seen as a way of defining the responsibilities of individuals towards society. For example, under the social contract, individuals may be required to pay taxes, obey laws, or contribute more generally to the well-being of society. Within the social contract, the social sphere also plays an important role, as it is within this sphere that the institutions and structures (such as trade unions, charities, businesses, etc.) that contribute to the achievement of society's objectives and provide important services that contribute to the general welfare are located.

Classical theories of the social contract

The notion of the social contract is a central concept in modern political philosophy. It was developed by philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, although their conceptions of the contract differ. Overall, the idea is that individuals agree to give up some of their freedoms in exchange for the protection and security offered by the state. It is a mutual agreement, in which individuals agree to abide by the laws and rules of society, and in return the state undertakes to protect their rights and freedoms. In general, the social contract is seen as a way of resolving the fundamental dilemma of life in society: how to reconcile individual rights and freedoms with the requirements of social cooperation and public order.

• Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) formulated the idea of the social contract in his work Leviathan. For Hobbes, the state of nature is a state of war between all against all, where life is "solitary, poor, brutish and short". To avoid this state of chaos, individuals agree to enter into a social contract, ceding their power to an absolute sovereign who is responsible for maintaining order and peace.
• John Locke (1632-1704), in his Two Treatises on Civil Government, takes a more optimistic view of the state of nature, which he sees as a state of freedom and equality. According to Locke, the social contract is concluded to protect the natural rights to life, liberty and property. If a government does not respect these rights, the citizens have the right to overthrow it.
• Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) proposed a different conception of the social contract in his book Du contrat social. For Rousseau, the social contract is an agreement by which individuals come together to form a political community, giving up some of their freedom in exchange for the protection of the whole. The sovereign, according to Rousseau, is the expression of the general will of the community, not a separate authority.

These concepts of the social contract have influenced the development of modern political systems, in particular the emergence of liberal democracy. They have also influenced the way we think about the rights and obligations of citizens and the state, as well as questions of justice and equality.

The social contract is a fundamental idea for our modern democracies. It represents the idea that society and its organisation are not imposed arbitrarily or dictated by a higher authority, but are the result of a mutual agreement between citizens. From this perspective, the social contract is a form of consent on the part of the governed: citizens agree to abide by certain rules and restrict certain behaviours, and in exchange they expect protection and social benefits from the State. It is a process of contractualisation of social and political relations. This idea has important implications for democracy. It highlights the idea that the legitimacy of government depends on the consent of those it governs. It also underlines the need for active citizen participation, because the social contract is not simply a fixed agreement, but one that must be constantly renegotiated and revised to meet the changing needs and aspirations of society. Finally, the social contract also serves to emphasise the importance of individual rights and freedoms, which are often seen as preconditions for a democratic society. In exchange for their consent to the authority of the State, citizens expect their fundamental rights to be respected and protected by it. So without this contractualisation of relations, without this idea of a mutual agreement binding citizens and the State, it would be difficult to conceive of a democracy.

The social contract implies both rights and duties for every individual in a society. Rights can include such things as the right to life, liberty, property, the protection of the law, education, health, and many others. These rights are often enshrined in the constitutions and laws of democratic countries, and are supposed to be guaranteed by the state. On the other hand, an individual's duties under the social contract may include such things as obeying the law, paying taxes, respecting the rights and freedoms of others, and participating in civic life (for example, by voting). In exchange for guaranteeing their rights, individuals agree to fulfil these duties. In a healthy democracy, there must be a balance between rights and duties. If individuals do not respect their duties, this can undermine social order and the functioning of democracy. Similarly, if the state does not respect or guarantee the rights of individuals, this can lead to oppression and injustice. So the contractualisation of relations within society through the social contract is a cornerstone of democracy, because it enables a balance to be struck between the rights and duties of individuals and the state.

The social contract, as theorised by thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, is the foundation of modern state theory. The social contract represents the idea that the political and social structure of a society is not simply imposed from above, but is the product of a mutual agreement between citizens. Within this framework, individuals agree to submit to certain rules and give up some of their natural rights, in exchange for the protection and benefits offered by the state. In this way, the legitimacy of the state and of political power is based on the consent of the governed. This is why the social contract is often referred to as a 'pact' between citizens and the State: it is an agreement to live together in an organised society, where each party has rights and duties. This is a key idea in the conception of the modern state and is fundamental to understanding how our democracies function. Indeed, the social contract is constantly at stake in political life: at every election, at every public debate, we renegotiate, as it were, the terms of our social contract.

There can be no modern state without agreement, without the institution of a sovereign state contract. These three elements are essential to understanding the theory of the social contract and the functioning of the modern state.

• Natural law theories: These theories are based on the idea that certain rights are inherent in man by nature, independently of any social or political construction. These natural rights can include the right to life, liberty, property, etc. Natural law theorists such as Locke, Hobbes and Rousseau consider that these rights pre-exist the state and form the moral and philosophical basis of the social contract.
• The social contract: the social contract is a mutual agreement, a convention that individuals enter into with each other to form an organised society. Under this contract, individuals agree to give up some of their natural rights in exchange for the security and order that the State is supposed to provide. The social contract therefore lays down the rules and standards that regulate community life and the relationship between individuals and the State.
• The principle of sovereignty: Finally, sovereignty is a key concept in modern state theory. It is the supreme power of the State over its territory and its citizens. Sovereignty is the ultimate authority that enables the state to enact and enforce laws, maintain order and defend the community. The principle of sovereignty is intrinsically linked to the social contract: individuals accept the sovereignty of the State in exchange for the benefits that the social order brings.

The rule of law to be built must be a state that respects the natural rights of individuals, that is based on a fair and balanced social contract, and that exercises its sovereignty responsibly and in the interests of the common good. For their part, individuals must respect the authority of the State, follow the laws and rules established by the social contract, and participate actively in democratic life to ensure that the State remains faithful to its obligations.

The social contract interacts with the concepts of natural law and sovereignty to create the modern state.

• Natural law: This is the basis of our understanding of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual, independent of any political structure or system. These rights are seen as inherent to the human condition.
• The social contract: This is the mechanism by which individuals agree to give up some of their natural rights in exchange for the protection and benefits offered by society. It is a kind of transaction: by giving up a certain amount of freedom, we gain security and stability.
• The principle of sovereignty: The social contract gives rise to the sovereign state, which has the power to enforce the social contract. The State has a duty to protect the rights and freedoms of its citizens, to maintain order and peace, and to act in the interests of the community.

These three concepts interact and evolve together as part of the development of the modern state. They form the basis of our current understanding of democracy and human rights. At the same time, they are continually debated and redefined in the light of changing socio-political contexts and the challenges facing our societies.

Grotius and the social contract

Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) was a Dutch jurist widely recognised as one of the founding fathers of international law. He played a key role in developing the concept of natural law, which had a significant influence on later theories of the social contract.

According to Grotius, natural law is universal and immutable, based on the rational and social nature of humanity. For him, even in the absence of God, these natural laws would still exist because they are intrinsically linked to human nature. He also drew a distinction between "jus naturale" (natural law), which is universal, and "jus gentium" (law of nations), which is a set of customs and practices established by human societies. Grotius did not deal directly with the need for a social contract, as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau would later do. However, his understanding of natural law laid the foundations for these theories, in particular the idea that individuals can agree to give up some of their natural rights in exchange for the protection of the state. For this reason, Grotius's work was crucial to modern political philosophy and influenced the social contract thinkers who followed him.

Hugo Grotius supported an integrated vision of natural law, the social contract and sovereignty. For him, these three concepts form a continuum, enabling the peaceful and just coexistence of individuals within a society. In Grotius's view, natural law is a law inherent in human nature that applies to all individuals. They are universal rational and ethical principles that govern the behaviour of human beings. These natural rights are inherent in the individual and cannot be taken away, even by contract. The social contract, on the other hand, is a mechanism whereby individuals agree to transfer some of their natural rights to a collective authority, such as a state, in exchange for protections and benefits. This contract is an agreement that enables individuals to live together in an orderly and secure manner. It guarantees respect for natural rights while establishing an authority that can enforce those rights. Finally, sovereignty is the ultimate power of this collective authority or state. It is the power to act autonomously, without outside interference, in the management of society's affairs. Within the framework of the social contract, sovereignty enables the authority to enforce the contract and protect natural rights. Thus, for Grotius, these three elements are linked and mutually reinforce each other to create a harmonious and just society.

According to Hugo Grotius, individuals can voluntarily consent to the transfer of some of their natural rights to a central authority, such as the state, in order to establish a framework of security and peaceful coexistence. It is not a question of renouncing these rights, but rather of consenting to their regulation by an authority recognised by all, with a view to guaranteeing their mutual respect. Grotius argued that this was necessary in order to emerge from the 'state of nature', characterised by uncertainty and chaos, and to create a stable, secure society that respected the rights of every individual. Grotius' concept is fundamental to the development of modern international law and the theory of the social contract. According to Grotius, this contract between individuals and the state is not only about earthly matters, but also has a spiritual dimension. By behaving ethically and respecting the rights of others, people honour God, who is seen as the ultimate source of natural law. That said, it is important to note that although Grotius conceptualised these ideas in a religious context, his theories have been widely adopted and adapted in secular contexts and are still a mainstay of political and legal thought today.

In the contract, he defines the idea of a transfer from governed to governors. This is one of the central ideas of social contract theory as developed by various thinkers from the modern era onwards. Citizens agree to give up some of their natural rights, such as the right to take justice into their own hands, in exchange for the protection of the state and the maintenance of social order. This transfer of rights implies trust in the state, which is supposed to act in the interests of the community. However, this transfer of power from the governed to the governors is governed by the social contract, which ideally establishes a balance between the rights and responsibilities of each party. Citizens comply with the laws and regulations established by the State, while the State is obliged to respect the fundamental rights of citizens and to promote the general welfare. Failure by either party to comply with these obligations may be considered a breach of the social contract.

Under the social contract, voluntary association is the first stage in this process. Individuals voluntarily decide to come together to form a society, recognising that they will benefit from doing so in terms of security, peace, prosperity and so on. In the second phase, these individuals agree to submit to a certain degree of authority - usually embodied by a government or state. They give up some of their natural rights, such as the right to take justice into their own hands, in exchange for the protection of their other rights by the state. Subjection is not seen as oppressive coercion, but rather as a voluntary acceptance of the responsibilities and obligations necessary to live in a society. This may include obeying the law, paying taxes, participating in the common defence, etc. At the same time, the state is obliged to respect and protect the rights of its citizens. It's a delicate balance to maintain, and it's one of the reasons why social contract theory has been and continues to be a subject of debate and discussion among philosophers and political scientists.

Étienne de La Boétie, a sixteenth-century French philosopher and humanist, is best known for his "Discourse on Voluntary Servitude". In this treatise, he tackles the issue of mass obedience to authorities, particularly a tyrant. La Boétie wonders why people agree to live under tyranny, and puts forward the idea that servitude is often voluntary. He argues that people submit to domination not through coercion or force, but through a kind of social conditioning or habituation. La Boétie's main argument is that tyranny survives thanks to the consent of the people it oppresses. He therefore suggests that civil disobedience, or simply refusing to cooperate with the tyrant, is the most effective way of overthrowing a tyranny. Although the voluntary servitude described by La Boétie seems contradictory to the idea of the social contract, where individuals agree to give up some of their freedom for security and stability, the two concepts are in fact complementary. They both emphasise the importance of citizens' active and conscious participation in political life if a society is to function properly.

The notion of transferring certain individual rights to a governing authority is central to the theory of the social contract formulated by Hugo Grotius and other political thinkers. Under this contract, individuals agree to give up a certain amount of their freedom in exchange for the security, order and protection provided by the state. For example, a person might give up the right to take the law into their own hands (a right they would have in a state of nature) in order to allow the state to maintain order and administer justice in a fair and organised manner. According to Grotius and his contemporaries, the transfer of these rights is not unilateral or authoritarian, but relies on the voluntary consent of individuals. This is what distinguishes a state governed by the rule of law from a tyranny. In a state governed by the rule of law, individuals agree to submit to the authority of the state because they recognise that it is in their collective interest to do so.

Hugo Grotius developed what is known as the concept of "natural law". According to him, there are fundamental and inalienable rights that are inherent in all individuals, independently of positive law (laws created by humans). These natural rights are generally considered to be of divine or universal origin, and therefore unalterable by humans. According to this theory, although individuals agree to transfer some of their rights to the state through the social contract, this must not violate the principles of natural law. For example, although individuals may consent to the state administering justice, this does not authorise the state to violate the fundamental rights of the individual, such as the right to life or the right to liberty. Thus, the form of government that derives from the social contract must respect and protect these natural rights. If it fails to do so, it is in breach of the social contract and loses its legitimacy. As a result, natural law serves as both the foundation and the limit of state power.

Hobbes and the social contract

The frontispiece to "Leviathan" is the work of the engraver Abraham Bosse.

Thomas Hobbes, the 17th-century English philosopher, is well known for his pessimistic view of the state of nature, which he describes in his book Leviathan. According to him, in this state of nature, where there is no authority to impose rules or ensure security, life would be "solitary, poor, brutish and short". People would be in constant conflict over resources, power and security. Because of this "war of all against all" (bellum omnium contra omnes), Hobbes believes that men are naturally driven to seek a means of escaping this precarious condition of life. They would therefore choose to enter into a "social contract", whereby they would transfer all their rights to a sovereign authority (which Hobbes calls Leviathan) in exchange for its protection. For Hobbes, the social contract is not an altruistic act or the product of a desire to live in harmony with others, but rather a rational response to the state of nature. Individuals agree to give up their freedom in exchange for security and peace. Sovereign authority, which is the product of this contract, has absolute power to guarantee order and peace. This view contrasts with that of other philosophers such as John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who take a more optimistic view of the state of nature and see the social contract as a guarantee of individual rights rather than a total surrender of these rights to the state.

Hobbes' vision of the social contract is based on a realistic and often pessimistic conception of human nature. For Hobbes, individuals do not enter into a social contract out of love for the community or democratic idealism, but rather to escape a violent and conflictual state of nature. In this state of nature, he argues, each individual is driven by his own selfish interests to pursue the satisfaction of his desires and to protect himself from others. Without a central authority to impose order, the result is a constant war of "all against all". In this context, the social contract is therefore a form of selfish rationality: individuals recognise that they have an interest in cooperating to escape the violence and insecurity of the state of nature. In other words, they agree to cede part of their freedom to a sovereign authority in exchange for security and order. But this also implies a paradox: even once the social contract has been concluded, the potential for conflict remains, because individuals remain, according to Hobbes, fundamentally selfish. It is therefore up to the sovereign authority, Leviathan, to maintain order and prevent a relapse into the state of nature.

The social contract is a central concept in political philosophy, as it helps to explain the formation of societies and states, as well as the mutual obligations between citizens and the state. The social contract, as conceived by various philosophers, serves as a tool for imagining how a society can emerge from the state of nature, which is often perceived as a state of conflict and chaos, to create an ordered and peaceful society. Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau, among others, all proposed different versions of the social contract, but the basic idea remains the same: individuals agree to limit some of their natural rights and transfer some of their power to a central authority (the state) in exchange for the protection of their other rights and social order. The ultimate aim of the social contract is therefore to create a society in which peace and security are maintained and the rights of individuals are respected. It provides a framework for understanding how and why individuals agree to live under the authority of a state, and what the state's duties and obligations are towards its citizens.

In the thinking of Thomas Hobbes, the social contract is more a rupture than a simple transfer of natural rights. In his best-known work, Leviathan, Hobbes presents a rather bleak vision of the state of nature, in which life is "solitary, poor, brutish and short". In this state of nature, every individual has the right to do everything in his power to preserve his own life, leading to a state of "war of all against all". Faced with this chaotic situation, individuals voluntarily choose to transfer some of their rights to a sovereign (an individual or a group of individuals) in exchange for protection and security. It is this transfer of rights that constitutes the social contract. This contract, according to Hobbes, is not simply a transfer of certain natural rights from the individual domain to the collective domain. Rather, it is an exchange in which the individual gives up his natural rights (in particular his right to do whatever he deems necessary for his survival) in exchange for the security and order that the sovereign can provide. So, for Hobbes, the social contract represents a break with the state of nature. It creates a new reality in which individuals agree to limit their natural rights in order to live together in an orderly and peaceful society under the authority of a sovereign.

Hobbes' vision is that, by entering into the social contract, individuals agree to limit their natural rights and transfer some of their freedoms to the state. This is done in order to guarantee a certain form of collective order and security. In the state of nature, every individual has the right to do everything in his power to defend himself and survive. This can lead to a state of constant war, where everyone lives in constant insecurity. The State, on the other hand, has the power to maintain order and guarantee everyone's safety. In exchange for this protection, individuals agree to give up some of their natural rights and to abide by the laws and rules laid down by the state. This is known as the social contract. According to Hobbes, this agreement is non-negotiable. Once an individual has accepted the social contract and entered society, he or she cannot choose to return to the state of nature. The social contract is a permanent agreement that requires constant obedience to the laws of the state.

For Thomas Hobbes, the social contract does not emerge from an altruistic desire for peace or cooperation between individuals. Instead, it is the result of a pragmatic recognition of the realities of the state of nature. In the state of nature, according to Hobbes, life is "solitary, poor, brutish, and short" because of the absence of rules and social order. Consequently, individuals seek to escape from this state not out of love for their fellow human beings, but out of fear of violence and danger. By submitting to the authority of a sovereign (whether an individual, a group or a political entity), they create a social contract that offers a measure of security and stability. Although the social contract is partly motivated by selfishness, it is not without moral implications for Hobbes. Once the contract is established, it imposes duties and obligations on individuals, including the obligation to respect the rights of others and to abide by the laws of society.

Two key concepts in Hobbes' social contract are consensus and union.

• Consensus refers to the collective agreement of individuals to cede some of their natural rights to a sovereign or government in exchange for security and order. This means that individuals voluntarily agree to limit their freedom (for example, their freedom to harm others) in order to create a safer and more stable society.
• Union, on the other hand, refers to the idea that individual wills are brought together into a single entity or collective will. Individuals cede their autonomy to a sovereign, who then acts on their behalf. This unity is essential to maintain social cohesion and prevent a return to the state of nature, characterised by chaos and violence.

For Hobbes, the social contract is irreversible: once individuals have transferred their rights to the sovereign, they cannot take them back. This guarantees the stability of society and avoids the risk of a return to the state of nature.

The nature of the social contract varies according to the philosophers and their models. If we look at the examples of Grotius and Hobbes, their ideas on the social contract differ in several key ways. Grotius sees the social contract as a means of institutionalising and perpetuating divine natural law. For him, the contract is a tool for moving from the state of nature to an organised political society, while respecting the natural rights of individuals. Hobbes, on the other hand, saw the social contract as a necessary break with the state of nature. In his view, individuals must surrender some of their natural rights to a sovereign in order to guarantee peace and security. The social contract, from this perspective, is fundamentally a means of controlling and limiting human actions to prevent the violence and chaos of the state of nature. So while both philosophers recognise the importance of the social contract in the formation of society and the state, they differ in their views of how the contract is formed and what it means for individuals and society.

The concept of reciprocity is central to Thomas Hobbes' theory. The idea is that individuals voluntarily surrender some of their natural rights to a sovereign, in exchange for security and public order. This reciprocity is essential to establish social balance and order. Without it, individuals risk returning to the state of nature, characterised by insecurity and violence. According to Hobbes, the sovereign (or government), in assuming these responsibilities, is obliged to guarantee the security and well-being of society. If the sovereign failed to maintain this balance, Hobbes argued, individuals would have the right to disobey or resist. So, although the social contract implies the transfer of some of their rights, individuals are not completely powerless. They still have the right to expect the sovereign to fulfil its obligations. Hobbes' conception of reciprocity is distinct from that of other social contract thinkers such as John Locke or Jean-Jacques Rousseau. For example, Locke suggests that if the government does not respect the natural rights of individuals, they have the right to overthrow it. Rousseau, on the other hand, suggests that the social contract should allow for collective participation in political decision-making to ensure the expression of the general will.

Democracy is often considered to be the best political system because it allows citizens to participate actively in the decision-making and governance process. This ensures that citizens' rights are respected and that they have a say in how the country is governed. Furthermore, democracy is based on the principle of equality, which means that all citizens have the same right to vote and the same opportunities to participate in government. The contractual aspect of democracy is also important. In a social contract, individuals agree to give up some of their natural rights in exchange for the protection and security provided by the state. In a democracy, this contract is often formalised in a constitution, which establishes the rules of governance and protects the fundamental rights of citizens.

For Hobbes, the creation of the state through the social contract responds to a fundamental need for security, both internally and externally.

• External security refers to protection against foreign threats. This includes defence against invasion or attack by other states, but also the management of international relations to avoid conflict. It is in this sense that the state is given a monopoly on legitimate violence, i.e. the exclusive right to use force to protect its citizens.
• Internal security refers to stability and order within the state. This includes protection against crime, but also the management of internal conflicts, whether political, social or economic. For Hobbes, the fear of disorder and conflict in the state of nature encourages individuals to enter into a social contract and submit to a sovereign authority.

This is why, for Hobbes, the social contract is not just about giving up certain rights, but also about accepting a form of obedience to the state. In exchange, the state has an obligation to guarantee security and peace for all its citizens.

According to social contract theory, individuals agree to give up some of their freedom in exchange for certain protections from the state. This 'contractualisation' of the relationship between the state and individuals takes the form of reciprocal rights and duties. On the one hand, citizens agree to obey the laws and regulations established by the state. In return, the State has a duty to guarantee the security of its citizens, to defend their fundamental rights and to ensure justice. Moreover, in a modern state, the state also has a duty to provide certain essential public services (education, health, infrastructure, etc.) and to look after the general well-being of the population. In other words, the social contract aims to establish a kind of balance between individual freedoms and the common good. Individuals agree to limit their individual freedom (for example, the freedom to do what they want without respecting the rights of others) in order to obtain collective security and stability, guaranteed by the State.

Pufendorf and the social contract

Samuel von Pufendorf was a 17th-century German jurist and philosopher who contributed to the theory of the social contract. His thought was a continuation of the ideas of Thomas Hobbes, although he differed from him on certain important points. Pufendorf is best known for his contributions to international law and the theory of natural law. He supported the idea that the state of nature was a state of war and that individuals, out of self-preservation, would agree to enter into a social contract. However, unlike Hobbes, Pufendorf believed that the state of nature was governed by certain moral laws or laws of nature, which prohibited individuals from harming others.

With regard to the social contract, Pufendorf was notable for his insistence on the role of reciprocity and mutuality in the formation of society. For him, the social contract was not limited to a transfer of rights to a sovereign to ensure security, but also included a series of mutual obligations between citizens. He argued that these obligations were essential to social cohesion and the promotion of civil peace. Pufendorf also introduced the idea that the social contract could take different forms depending on the cultural and historical specificities of each society. He argued that, although the social contract was universal, the specifics of its implementation could vary from one place to another.

Samuel von Pufendorf is known for his desire to separate questions of law and politics from theology. He argued that governance should be based on positive laws, i.e. laws made by human beings, rather than on divine or religious principles. Pufendorf argued that, although the principles of natural law could be discovered by reason, it was necessary to establish positive laws to govern the conduct of individuals in society. These positive laws, he argued, must be established through a social contract, in which individuals agree to give up some of their natural freedom in exchange for the security and order offered by a government. It was this vision that made Pufendorf one of the first thinkers to clearly separate the fields of theology and political philosophy. This separation was crucial to the later development of the theories of the social contract and natural law, which played a key role in establishing democratic principles and human rights in modern societies.

The idea of the double contract suggests that the process of establishing a democratic society involves two main stages.

The first is convention, where individuals, by a kind of tacit agreement, agree to give up some of their individual freedom for the common good. This is essentially the process of establishing a social contract. Through this contract, individuals agree to live according to specific rules that limit their actions in order to promote cooperation and peaceful coexistence.

The second stage is the assembly of contracting parties, which can be understood as the establishment of a government or political entity by the people. In a democracy, this is generally a process where citizens choose their representatives who will have the power to make political decisions on their behalf. This is an essential aspect of representative democracy, where power is delegated to elected representatives to manage public affairs.

These two stages are crucial to understanding how a democratic society is structured and functions. Democracy is based on the idea that power emanates from the people, and these two stages describe the process by which that power is put into practice.

Social contract theories, as developed by thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, generally involve this double contract.

1. The first, consensual contract, is one in which individuals, recognising the necessity of social order for their own well-being, voluntarily agree to give up some of their individual rights and freedoms in order to create a civil society. This surrender of rights is compensated by the protection and benefits that civil society offers - security from violence, access to justice, etc. It is a collective pact in which each individual agrees to submit to the authority of a higher entity (the State) for the common good.
2. The second contract concerns the choice of sovereign or government. This is the process by which the members of society agree on who should have the power to make decisions for the group. This can be done through elections, where citizens choose their leaders, or through other forms of consensus. In a democracy, this process is normally achieved by voting. This second contract establishes a pact between the government and the people, where the government promises to protect and serve the people, and the people agree to abide by the government's laws and regulations.

In short, the first contract establishes civil society and the second establishes the government of that society.

In his conception of society and the social contract, Pufendorf emphasises the importance of positive laws. Positive laws, in this context, are the laws established by human beings within society to govern their behaviour and interactions. These laws can be modified and adapted as society evolves. Pufendorf separated the field of theology (revealed or divine laws) from that of law and politics (natural and positive laws). For him, the social contract and governance should not be based on theology, but rather on rational, natural principles and positive laws agreed by society. This separation paved the way for the emergence of more secular thinking in politics, where the state is seen not as a divine agent, but as a human institution, created to serve the interests of the people who live within it. It has also enabled the development of a public space in which issues of governance, rights and responsibilities can be discussed and negotiated independently of any religious considerations.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the social contract

Jean-Jacques Rousseau, an 18th-century philosopher, also contributed to the theory of the social contract in his major work, "Du contrat social, ou Principes du droit politique", published in 1762. His vision of the social contract is distinct from that of Hobbes or Pufendorf.

For Rousseau, the state of nature was characterised by freedom and equality, but it was also full of uncertainty and fear. To escape this state of nature, individuals would enter into a social contract, thereby creating a political community or state. Rousseau's unique contribution to the theory of the social contract is the idea of the "general will". By entering society through the social contract, individuals give up all their natural rights and become part of the community. This gives rise to a general will, which represents the collective will of the people and guides society. The laws of society are the expression of this general will. Rousseau maintains that sovereignty resides entirely in the people and cannot be alienated. Consequently, any law that violated the social contract would be illegitimate. Moreover, Rousseau believed that the social contract had to be constantly renewed to maintain the legitimacy of society and its government. This idea influenced many democratic and revolutionary movements after him.

In Rousseau's "Discours sur l'origine et les fondements de l'inégalité parmi les hommes", he explains that the origin of social inequality lies in the establishment of private property. In the state of nature, according to Rousseau, people lived simply, satisfying their basic needs without much conflict. However, with the development of agriculture and metallurgy, people began to establish territories and claim private property. This created a situation where some had more than others, leading to social inequalities. These inequalities were then reinforced by the creation of governments, which, according to Rousseau, were set up to protect the interests of the rich and powerful, rather than the general welfare of all individuals. According to Rousseau, the solution to this problem is a social contract, in which each individual gives all his or her rights to the community. In exchange, each individual receives the protection of the community as a whole. This is the concept of the "general will", which makes it possible to maintain freedom while ensuring equality and justice for all.

For Rousseau, the introduction of private property marked the transition from the state of nature to civil society, a transition that, in his view, exacerbated inequalities between individuals. In the state of nature, human beings lived simply, satisfying their basic needs without major conflicts. However, with the establishment of private property, individuals began to accumulate wealth and power, creating socio-economic divisions and fuelling conflict. In his conception of the social contract, Rousseau proposed a solution to this problem. According to him, individuals must give up their natural freedom (and therefore their right to private property) in favour of the community. In exchange, they receive the protection of the community as a whole and become part of the "general will". This general will represents the common interest, which is distinct from the particular interests of individuals. In other words, the social contract aims to establish an egalitarian and just society, in which socio-economic inequalities are minimised. This is why Rousseau's concept of the social contract is often associated with democracy and social equality. It emphasises the importance of citizens' active participation in political decision-making and promotes equality by ensuring that the decisions taken reflect the general will, rather than the particular interests of a few.

Rousseau identified that the introduction of new technologies and private property exacerbated social inequalities, leading to rivalry and exploitation. In this sense, the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few - what he described as despotism - was a problem inherent in the civil society he criticised. According to Rousseau, this imbalance in the distribution of wealth and the resulting power leads to injustice and exploitation. To restore equity and social justice, he proposed the establishment of a social contract, whereby individuals agree to cede some of their rights and freedoms to a common authority (the community or state) in exchange for protection and equality. From this perspective, the social contract aims to establish a form of government in which citizens are equally involved in decision-making and benefit equally from the resources and advantages of society. This is in stark contrast to despotism, where power and wealth are concentrated in the hands of a few. Rousseau believes that this transformation is not only possible, but necessary to establish a fair and balanced society. By establishing a social contract, we can create a society where equality and freedom are valued and protected.

We must be wary of the false social contract, in which the rich seek to enter into a contract with the poor, whom they seek to dominate. Rousseau addresses this issue in his book "Du Contrat Social". He criticises the fact that the rich can use the idea of the social contract to impose their will on the poor under the pretext of protection and social order. In his view, a true social contract should not be a means for the rich to maintain and legitimise their power and control over the poor. On the contrary, it should ensure that every citizen has an equal voice in the decision-making process and that everyone is treated fairly. This is what he calls the "general will": the common interest that lies at the heart of civil society and that should guide its actions. So, for Rousseau, a true social contract must result in a society where liberty, equality and justice are respected for all, and not just for a privileged elite. A social contract that does not respect these principles is merely a disguised form of domination and exploitation.

For Rousseau, the authentic social contract requires the primacy of the "general will" over private interests. This general will is not simply the sum of individual wills, but rather represents the common good, the interest of all. It is crucial that every citizen has the opportunity to participate in shaping this general will, not on the basis of his or her own personal interests, but taking account of the interests of the community as a whole. This implies the development of a genuine public space, where dialogue and debate are encouraged and where citizens can express themselves and be heard. From this perspective, the social contract becomes a means of regulating inequalities and abuses of power, and preventing the domination of private interests over the general interest. According to Rousseau, the social contract should aim to preserve the freedom and equality of all citizens, thereby enabling the emergence of a true democracy.

Rousseau argued that public space is essential for the formation of a moral and political community. In this space, citizens have the opportunity to interact, to debate and to form a general will, which is the basis of the law. For Rousseau, the law must be the expression of the general will, meaning that it must represent the common interest rather than the interests of individuals or particular groups. It is only when the law represents the general will that it has moral authority and that citizens are obliged to obey it. Furthermore, a healthy public space is also necessary to maintain a democratic society, as it provides a platform for citizen participation and the control of power by the people. It is through this participation that citizens can exercise their freedom, not only by choosing their leaders, but also by actively participating in the formulation of policies and laws. Thus, the importance of the public sphere for Rousseau lies not only in the formation of the general will, but also in the promotion of liberty, equality and citizen participation, all of which are essential to a democratic society.

For Rousseau, the social contract is an agreement between the members of a society in which they agree to pool their forces and their property. Through this agreement, they form a community or "Republic" that acts in the common interest, preserving the freedom and well-being of all its members. The social contract is thus an act of sovereignty, in which each individual submits to the general will of the community. This means that each individual must give up his natural freedom (the freedom he has in the state of nature) in order to obtain civil freedom (the freedom he has in the state of society). But Rousseau insists that this renunciation of natural freedom is not a loss, but rather an exchange: by accepting the social contract, each individual gains security, protection against injustice and the possibility of living in an organised society. Moreover, by submitting to the general will, each individual becomes an integral part of the collective destiny of the community. Each individual contributes to the creation of the law and is equally subject to it, thus ensuring freedom and equality for all.

The social contract is not an oppressive mechanism of control or brute force, but rather a rational method of ensuring the freedom, protection and well-being of every individual in society. For Rousseau, freedom is not simply the absence of constraint. Rather, it is the ability to live according to one's own will, which is guided by reason and aligned with the common welfare. Under the social contract, individuals agree to limit some of their natural freedoms in order to enjoy civil liberty, which is the freedom to live under the laws they themselves have helped to create. Moreover, the social contract is based on mutually beneficial exchange. By accepting the contract, each individual receives the protection of society and the opportunity to live in peace and security with others. This enables everyone to retain their freedom while participating in the collective life of society. Rousseau's vision of the social contract is therefore optimistic and egalitarian, emphasising cooperation, consensus and the common good rather than coercion and exploitation.

For Rousseau, "good government" is that which is guided by the general will of the people. In other words, a government that acts according to the will and interests of the people, and not according to the particular interests of its leaders or an elite. This means that government must be a direct expression of the people. This is why Rousseau was an advocate of direct democracy, where citizens actively participate in political decision-making. For him, the legitimacy of government rests on the consent of the governed, and the social contract is the tool that allows this consent to be expressed. This does not mean that the government must blindly follow the will of the people. According to Rousseau, the general will is not simply the sum of individual wills. On the contrary, it must reflect the "common good" - what is in the interest of all, not simply what is in the interest of a few. The role of good government, then, is to detect and follow this general will, always striving to promote the common good and equality among citizens. For Rousseau, the social contract lies at the heart of political thought. It defines the relationship between the government and the governed, and is the basis of the government's legitimacy and authority.

The creation of the welfare state

The advent of social

Twentieth-century political philosopher Hannah Arendt offers a unique perspective on the realms of public and private, and on the emergence of the social realm. According to Arendt, the historical transformation of public interest into competition with private interest coincides with the emergence of the social sphere. This social realm lies between the public and the private, where matters of everyday life, subsistence and material necessities take centre stage. For Arendt, the public realm is the realm of freedom, where individuals can act and speak together, and where actions and discourses have meaning. It is the place of politics, collective action and public deliberation. In contrast, the private domain is the place of necessity, where individuals provide for their basic needs. However, with the rise of the social sphere, the boundary between these two domains has blurred. Concerns that were once private have become public issues. For example, questions of economics and material well-being, which were once private matters, have become matters of public concern. Arendt expressed concern about the impact of this transformation on politics and freedom. In her view, the rise of the social sphere could lead to a depoliticisation of society, where the focus on material well-being and the economy overshadows questions of freedom and political action.

According to Hannah Arendt, the social sphere is a relatively new phenomenon that emerged with modernity. In ancient times, the world was divided into two distinct spheres: the public ("politikos") and the private ("oikos"). The "politikos" is the realm of politics, where citizens actively participate in public life and take part in the governance of the city. It is a place of action, speech and freedom. It is here that individuals can reveal their unique and distinct identities, and this requires a space of appearance where these revelations can be made and observed by others. The 'oikos', on the other hand, is the domain of the home, the family and the needs of subsistence. It is a private place, hidden from public view, where individuals attend to the necessities of life, such as food, shelter and procreation. The private realm is seen as a place of necessity rather than freedom, where individuals must work to meet their basic needs. For Arendt, the emergence of the social sphere has blurred this clear distinction between public and private. In the social sphere, issues that were previously considered private, such as economic and welfare issues, became public concerns. This development has led to the erosion of the traditional public sphere, threatening political freedom and participation.

The distinction between the private and public spheres became more blurred in the modern era, between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. It is during this period that we see the emergence of what can be called the 'social' sphere, where elements of private life begin to have an impact on public life, and vice versa. With the development of the market economy and the increase in international trade, the family has become an economic unit, and economic activity has become a matter of public concern. In other words, the private (the family and the domestic economy) began to mingle with the public (the market economy and the affairs of state). Alongside these economic changes, there was also a move towards greater democratisation and political participation. Enlightenment ideas about equality, liberty and fraternity encouraged greater participation in public life and challenged the old power structures based on status and tradition. However, despite these changes, the concept of the private sphere remained important. Individuals have always needed a space for intimate, family and domestic life, separate from public life. And, as Hannah Arendt noted, the private sphere is a prerequisite for participation in the public sphere. Without an area of life that is unique to the individual, there is no "who" to participate in the public sphere.

The industrial revolution, which began at the end of the eighteenth century and continued throughout the nineteenth, brought about profound changes in society and the economy. Industrialisation increased production and wealth, but it also created new forms of inequality and deprivation. Industrial production required a large amount of labour, which led to the emergence of a new class of workers. These workers were often subjected to very difficult working conditions. For example, children were commonly employed in mines and factories, where they worked long hours in dangerous conditions. In response to these social problems, workers began to organise to demand better wages and working conditions. This led to strikes and sometimes revolutions. At the same time, diseases linked to poverty and poor living conditions, such as tuberculosis, were spreading, leading to pandemics. Industrialists and the state were forced to tackle these problems to maintain social and economic stability. This led to reforms in many areas, such as labour law, social security and public health. This period also saw the emergence of new academic disciplines, such as sociology, which sought to understand and solve social problems.

The Industrial Revolution brought about a significant shift in the structure of society. Where the family was once a private unit focused on subsistence and survival, it became a production unit in its own right, integrated into a wider economic network. This means that many previously private activities have become public economic activities, contributing to the expansion of what we now call the social sphere. For example, education, once a private matter managed by the family, has become a matter of public interest. With industrialisation, skills and knowledge became valuable economic assets, and it became increasingly important to provide basic education for all children, not just those from wealthy families. This led to the establishment of state schools and the creation of laws requiring children to attend school. Similarly, health, once a private matter managed by the family and the local community, became a matter of public interest. Industrialisation created new occupational diseases and encouraged the spread of infectious diseases in densely populated cities. This led to the establishment of public health systems and the creation of regulations to protect workers' health. These changes have led to a reduction in the private sphere, as more and more aspects of everyday life have become matters of public concern. At the same time, they have expanded the social sphere, as more and more activities have been integrated into the market economy and the political system.

The emergence of the social as a central concern has had a significant impact on the balance between the public and private spheres, leading to a major transformation in the structures of government and society. This trend was particularly pronounced during and after the Industrial Revolution, with a dramatic increase in social inequalities, public health problems, and social unrest such as strikes and riots. Against this backdrop, the management of social issues became a major concern for governments. This has led to a number of changes, including the emergence of the welfare state, the expansion of public services such as education and health, and the introduction of regulations to protect workers and ensure fair working conditions. It has also led to a redefinition of the boundary between the public and private spheres. Aspects of life that were once considered private, such as health and education, have become matters of public interest, managed and regulated by the state. At the same time, the public sphere has been extended to encompass not just government, but society as a whole. It is fair to say, then, that the emergence of the social has overturned traditional definitions of public and private space, creating a new social sphere that plays a central role in contemporary governance.

According to Hannah Arendt, with the rise of capitalism and industrialisation, the concept of the family began to change. The family, traditionally seen as part of the private sphere, began to be seen as a unit of production participating in the global economy. This transformation brought elements previously considered private, such as the education and well-being of children, into the public sphere. Education, in particular, has become a major concern for society as a whole, as it is linked to the future of society itself. The quality of education received by children has a direct impact on their ability to contribute to society as adults. Thus, education began to be seen not simply as a matter of individual or family choice, but as a matter of public interest. Arendt argues that this led to the emergence of the 'social sphere', a new public space in which matters previously considered private were played out. This social sphere has expanded the domain of the public interest to include elements of everyday life previously reserved for the private sphere. Thus, according to Arendt, the advent of the social has brought about a fundamental shift in our understanding of what is public and private, with important implications for the way society is organised and governed.

Hannah Arendt identifies Jean-Jacques Rousseau as a key figure in the recognition of the social sphere as distinct from the public and the private. According to Arendt, Rousseau highlighted the way in which the social fits between the traditional private realm of the home and the family and the public realm of the state and politics. Rousseau was one of the first to analyse and criticise the social problems caused by the rise of the market economy and economic inequality. In his writings, Rousseau emphasised the importance of community life and the general will, ideas that reflected the growing recognition of the social sphere. According to Arendt, the period from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, a period of major economic and social transformation, was marked by a gradual shift from the private to the social. The family, once seen as an essentially private entity, became a unit of production integrated into the wider society. This shift has made the social realm visible, and highlighted the need to take it into account in public governance. It is a process that Arendt sees as a fundamental change in the structure of our society, with profound consequences for our understanding of public and private life.

The transition from one society to another, from one era to another, has often led to the creation of a new sphere of activity requiring new forms of governance and regulation. In this context, the 'third fact' is the emergence of the social sphere as an area of public interest. In a society where private life is becoming increasingly public (through, for example, social media and other forms of communication technology), the traditional notion of public space is becoming blurred. This has led to calls for new forms of regulation and governance to manage these new realities. For example, we can see that stricter regulations are being put in place to protect individual privacy as more and more of our personal information becomes publicly available. Similarly, public policies are increasingly aimed at responding to social problems that emerge in the social sphere. These new forms of governance and regulation represent an effort to manage the growing complexity of our world and to maintain a balance between private and public interests. It is therefore crucial that we continue to reflect on and debate these issues, as the decisions we take today will have lasting consequences for the future of our society.

The emergence of the social sphere has redefined the boundaries between private and public life. Previously, family matters were primarily a private matter and therefore largely excluded from the realm of public policy. However, with the emergence of the social sphere, the family and other aspects of private life have become matters of public interest, requiring appropriate regulation and governance. In this context, the State, as the representative of the collective, has had to assume new responsibilities and obligations. This has led to the establishment of various laws and policies aimed at protecting members of society and promoting their well-being. For example, child protection laws, which regulate the conditions under which children are brought up and educated, are an example of how the social sphere has become an area of public interest. Similarly, public policies on work, health, education and so on have all been influenced by this development. Thus, the emergence of the social sphere has led to an expansion in the sphere of influence of the state, which is now responsible not only for managing public affairs, but also for regulating and monitoring many aspects of private life. This led to the birth of the modern social state, characterised by a more direct and deeper involvement in the social affairs of its citizens.

In "The Human Condition" (La Condition de l'homme moderne), first published in 1958, the political philosopher Hannah Arendt explores the concept of "vita activa" (the active life) and how it has been transformed throughout human history. She distinguishes three fundamental human activities: work, work and action.

• Work is linked to our biological condition of necessity and survival. It is the activity that produces the consumer goods necessary for human life.
• Work is about artificiality, the making of objects in the human world, such as tools, machines and infrastructure.
• Action is properly political human activity. It is through action that individuals participate in the public sphere, engage in discussion and debate, and thereby shape collective life.

According to Arendt, these three activities have become increasingly indistinct in the modern era, especially with the emergence of what she calls 'the mass society' or 'the labour society'. In this society, work, once considered the lowest activity, has become dominant, and the value of individuals is often determined by their ability to work and produce. As a result, the traditionally distinct spheres of private life (the realm of work and labour) and public life (the realm of action) have become increasingly blurred. It is in this context that Arendt explores the importance of public space for political action and civic participation, and how the emergence of mass society can threaten these spaces and, by extension, the human condition itself.

Social control: madness and crime

Michel Foucault.

Michel Foucault, a twentieth-century French philosopher, is best known for his work on power, knowledge and discourse in modern society. He was a key figure in the structural movement in the social sciences and humanities, greatly influencing the fields of sociology, history and philosophy. In his work, Foucault focused on the genealogy of knowledge, seeking to understand how different forms of knowledge, society, subject and truth are produced and reconfigured throughout history. Through genealogy, he sought to show how the things we take for granted or as natural are in fact the product of specific historical relations of power and knowledge. Among his most famous works are "Surveiller et punir" (1975), in which he analyses the development of modern systems of discipline and surveillance, and "L'Histoire de la sexualité" (1976-1984), in which he examines the way in which the discourse on sexuality is used as a form of power and control. Foucault also developed the concept of 'biopower', which describes the way in which modern power operates not only by punishing individuals ('repressive' power), but also by regulating and managing life itself ('productive' power). Biopower, according to Foucault, manifests itself in practices such as public health, education and population management.

Michel Foucault developed a method of historical analysis that challenges our preconceptions about societies and power structures. In his view, societies are shaped by a multitude of knowledges and techniques, and are far from static or immutable. He focuses particularly on how power is exercised through social institutions, discourses and everyday practices, and how these interact to produce specific forms of knowledge, behaviour and subjectivity. He argues that to understand a society, we need to examine how its various structures (e.g. legal, educational, medical institutions, etc.) have been established and how they operate in practice. This involves examining the techniques and knowledge that underpin these structures and how they are used to regulate and control individuals and populations. Therefore, according to Foucault, understanding society means understanding the power dynamics that shape it and the knowledge that underpins it. He used this approach to analyse a number of fields, from psychiatry to sexuality to the prison system.

Foucault emphasised the historically constructed nature of our current social understandings and practices, what he called historicity. That is, he insisted that our ways of thinking, our institutions, our behaviours and our knowledge are not natural or inevitable, but have been shaped by specific historical processes. He developed the notion of episteme to refer to the unconscious structures underlying the systems of thought of a given era. He argues that these epistemic structures determine what can be considered legitimate knowledge at a given time, and how that knowledge is produced, disseminated and put into practice. Furthermore, Foucault argues that social structures and power relations are entangled in these systems of thought and knowledge. This means that power structures influence what is considered valid knowledge and how it is used, while the knowledge produced serves to justify and perpetuate certain forms of power. So, for Foucault, analysing society as a societal construct means studying historical forms of knowledge and power, and how they interact to produce current conditions.

Michel Foucault developed the notion of 'dispositif' to explain how societies are organised and regulated. For Foucault, a dispositif is a complex network that links together discursive and non-discursive elements - such as ideas, institutions, laws, administrative practices, scientific activities, and individual and collective behaviour - to respond to a specific emergency or need in a certain historical period. Each device has a specific strategic function and aims to manage, control, direct or orient human behaviour in certain ways. In short, they are mechanisms of power. However, devices are not simply tools of control or management. They are also the means by which a society understands and represents itself. Devices structure the way we think and talk about ourselves and our world, and so influence our perception of what is normal, acceptable, or possible. Consequently, for Foucault, the study of devices is a way of understanding how societies are constructed and modified, and how relations of power are interwoven into these processes.

Michel Foucault sought to highlight how the norms and behaviours we often take for granted are in fact the product of specific historical and cultural processes. His approach, often referred to as the 'archaeology' or 'genealogy' of knowledge, involves examining how these behaviours became normative and understanding the systems of power that underpin them. Foucault analysed various social institutions (such as prisons, hospitals, asylums and schools) and concepts (such as sexuality, madness, deviance) to demonstrate how the behaviours and attitudes associated with these institutions and concepts have changed over time. For example, he examined how notions of 'madness' and 'mental health' have been historically constructed, and how these constructions have been used to regulate and control certain populations. In short, Foucault's aim was not simply to describe behaviour, but to understand it in its historical and societal context, in order to reveal the systems of power that shape and control it.

Michel Foucault addressed the historical and critical analysis of prison and hospital institutions in his work.

Folie et déraison: Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique, published in 1961, explores the history of the concept of madness in Western culture from the Middle Ages to the 19th century. It analyses the different ways in which madness was perceived and treated over the centuries, and how these perceptions and treatments were rooted in specific systems of power and institutional structures, notably the psychiatric hospital.

Surveiller et punir: Naissance de la prison, published in 1975, examines the development of the penal system in the West from the 17th to the 20th century. Foucault analyses how the shift from corporal punishment to imprisonment was accompanied by a wider change in the way power was exercised in society. The emphasis shifted from punishing the body to monitoring and controlling behaviour and the mind, resulting in the emergence of various disciplinary techniques and surveillance regimes.

These two works demonstrate how Foucault uses the concept of 'power' in his analyses, suggesting that power is not only a repressive force, but also a productive force that shapes our identities and behaviours.

In his historical and critical analysis, Foucault looks at how institutions such as hospitals and prisons have played an important role in structuring our societies. Moreover, these institutions have influenced the way in which certain concepts, such as 'madness', have been understood and treated. In 'Folie et déraison: Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique', Foucault explores how 'madness' has evolved from a condition once understood in a more nuanced way and integrated into society, to a 'problem' to be treated and isolated. The concept of madness, from this perspective, is not an objective reality, but a social construct that changes according to historical and cultural contexts. From this perspective, madness is 'situated' as a representation - that is, the way in which it is perceived and treated depends on the way in which it is conceptualised in a certain social and cultural context. Similarly, prison as an institution influences our concepts of punishment, criminality and rehabilitation. The structure and practices of these institutions are both a reflection and a tool of the systems of power and knowledge that prevail at a given time.

For Michel Foucault, power is not simply something one possesses, but rather a relationship or process that runs through the whole of society. Power is exercised through a set of practices, discourses, knowledge and technologies that organise social life in certain ways rather than others. These practices and devices constitute what Foucault calls 'power devices'. From this perspective, power is not just something that is exercised by the state or by a dominant elite, but is diffused and produced at all levels of society. It operates through a multitude of small devices - laws, regulations, social norms, everyday practices, discourses and knowledge - that shape our behaviour and thinking in ways that are generally invisible to us. Hospitals and prisons, for example, are two types of institution that Foucault analysed as devices of power. These institutions have rules and procedures, produce specific kinds of knowledge (medical, legal, psychiatric, etc.), and organise people and spaces in certain ways. They help to structure our understanding of what is normal and abnormal, healthy and sick, criminal and non-criminal. In this sense, they are tools through which power is exercised in society.

Madness and folly

For Foucault, the notion of 'madness' is not simply an objective medical condition, but is also strongly influenced by social and political factors. In other words, what we consider to be "madness" depends to a large extent on the norms and values of our society. In his book "Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique", Foucault examines the evolution of the way madness was perceived and treated in Europe from the late Middle Ages to the modern era. He argues that, in the Middle Ages, madness was often seen as a form of wisdom or mystical knowledge. However, with the advent of reason and science in the modern era, madness began to be seen as a disease to be treated. Foucault argues that this change in perception was not simply the result of scientific or medical advances, but was also linked to wider changes in society and culture. For example, as society became more rational and orderly, anything that seemed irrational or chaotic (such as madness) became increasingly stigmatised and excluded. Ultimately, Foucault's argument is that the way we perceive and treat 'madness' (or any other type of behaviour or condition) is profoundly influenced by our social and cultural norms. These norms can vary from time to time and place to place, suggesting that our understanding of 'madness' is in part a social and political construct.

In the Middle Ages, madness was often seen in a different light to that of modern times. It was common to see the insane as being "touched by God" or possessing some kind of wisdom or mystical knowledge that others did not have. This perspective was rooted in a deeply religious worldview, where everything, including madness, was seen as part of God's plan. In this sense, madness was often associated with innocence rather than guilt or sin. The insane were seen as closer to God because of their simplicity of spirit and innocence. They were often treated with compassion and tolerance, rather than fear or disgust. However, this view of madness began to change in modern times, when science and reason began to replace religion as the main sources of knowledge and authority. With this transition, madness began to be seen not as a divine blessing or mystery, but as a disease or deviance to be treated. Again, this development illustrates Foucault's central point: our understanding of madness (or any other condition or behaviour) is not simply an objective given, but is profoundly influenced by social, cultural and historical norms.

In many traditional societies, including in the Middle Ages, 'madness' or what we would today call mental disorder, was often part of village or community life. People with mental disorders often lived among other members of the community and were accepted, even if they were sometimes regarded as different or strange. With the advent of modernity, however, madness began to be treated as an illness to be isolated and treated separately from the rest of society. This led to the creation of specific institutions, such as asylums and psychiatric hospitals, which were designed to isolate the 'mad' from the rest of society. Foucault argues that this change in the way madness was treated was not simply a consequence of scientific or medical advancement, but rather a reflection of wider social and cultural changes. In particular, he suggests that this new approach to madness was linked to the emergence of a more disciplined and regulated society, in which any form of deviance was increasingly intolerable.

From the 17th century onwards, madness was perceived as a negative aspect of reason, rather than a manifestation of divine will. This marked a major paradigm shift. Madness was gradually medicalised, meaning that it was defined and treated as an illness. Medicine, as a discipline, began to classify the different forms of madness, and to develop diagnoses, treatments and institutional approaches to managing madness. Madness became an object of scientific study, with its own categories and standards of treatment. This led to the creation of specific institutions, such as asylums and psychiatric hospitals, to manage and treat madness. However, as Foucault pointed out, this process of medicalisation was not simply a neutral or inevitable development. On the contrary, it reflected specific social and cultural choices, as well as specific forms of power and control. By medicalising madness, society was able to further regulate and control those considered insane, often marginalising and excluding them from wider society.

In the process of medicalising madness, institutions play a central role, particularly psychiatric hospitals. These are places where those considered insane are separated from the rest of society. It is no coincidence that the emergence of these institutions coincided with the rise of the modern state, which needed new mechanisms to regulate and control the population. Michel Foucault analysed this development in depth in his book "Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique". He suggested that the creation of asylums was less a humanitarian attempt to help people suffering from mental disorders than a reflection of a desire to isolate and exclude them from society. In other words, asylums were not simply care institutions, but also instruments of social control. Foucault also pointed out that the treatment of madness in these institutions was not always benevolent or beneficial to the patients. On the contrary, it was often characterised by coercion, repression and even violence. In this way, the medicalisation of madness has not only led to the exclusion and marginalisation of people considered to be mad, but has also created new forms of suffering and abuse.

Michel Foucault argues that the internment of the "insane" in psychiatric hospitals marks a major break in the history of madness. Instead of being tolerated or accepted as an integral part of society, the insane were gradually isolated and locked away from the rest of society. This movement is part of the wider context of the emergence of modern societies, which tend to create strict systems of norms governing human behaviour. According to Foucault, these systems of normativity do not simply define what is considered normal or abnormal. They also define what is acceptable and unacceptable, what is healthy and sick, and what is rational and irrational. In this context, the internment of the insane can be seen as a means of reinforcing these norms by excluding those who do not fit the idea of normality. This implies a shift in tolerance thresholds, in the sense that society becomes less tolerant of those who do not fit its norms. In other words, internment is both a reaction to madness and a way of controlling and regulating it.

Foucault argues that the modern state, through its bureaucratic institutions and practices, uses a range of tools and techniques to regulate, control and discipline individuals and society as a whole. These tools range from punitive institutions such as prisons, through education and mental health systems, to bureaucratic practices of surveillance and control. These 'technologies of power', as Foucault calls them, are deeply embedded in our daily routines and social interactions. They are so ubiquitous that we often take them for granted or as natural, whereas in reality they are historically constructed and shaped by processes of power. For example, the notions of 'mental health' and 'mental illness' are closely linked to the emergence of psychiatry as a field of knowledge and practice in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The criteria used to diagnose mental illness are not simply objective facts, but are profoundly influenced by social values, norms and expectations. Similarly, education systems are designed to normalise individuals and adapt them to certain social norms and expectations. This is what Foucault calls 'discipline': a subtle and pervasive means of control and regulation that operates through apparently neutral and benevolent institutions.

To Oversee and Punish : Prison

In his work "Surveiller et punir", Michel Foucault points out that the prison, as an institution, was designed to exert control over all prisoners, regardless of their socio-economic status. He argues that the real power of the prison lies in its use of surveillance and discipline to control inmate behaviour, rather than in its use of physical force or violent punishment.

Michel Foucault's idea that punishment in Western societies shifted from public spectacles of torture to a system of prisons during the nineteenth century. According to Foucault, this change reflects a wider transformation in the way power is exercised in society. Instead of being based on fear and intimidation, power in modern societies tends to operate through institutions such as prisons that seek to discipline and normalise the behaviour of individuals. Foucault explores this idea in his book 'Surveiller et Punir', where he details how the punishment of crime has evolved from public spectacles of torture and execution to more 'humane' punishments in prisons. This transition, he argues, was not simply due to a greater sensitivity or humanisation of criminal law, but was also linked to changes in the way power operated in society.

In the old regime, public executions and torture were a way for the sovereign to demonstrate his power. They were intended to inspire fear and assert the monarch's authority. However, these methods of punishment were often counter-productive, as they could arouse sympathy for the condemned and anger against the sovereign. In the 19th century, with the emergence of modern states and disciplinary societies, punishment began to shift towards a model of 'discipline' and 'surveillance'. Prisons became the central institutions of this new system. Instead of punishing the body through torture, the prison system aimed to 'reform' the prisoner's mind. However, Foucault criticises this system for involving a much more intrusive and total form of control. In the prison, every aspect of the prisoner's life is controlled and monitored, creating what Foucault calls a "state of permanent visibility". This constant surveillance, coupled with strict routines and rules, is designed to discipline and normalise the prisoner's behaviour. Foucault thus argues that the prison, far from being a humanitarian institution, is in fact a powerful instrument of social control.

In certain periods of history and in certain contexts, prison may have been a place of privilege for the rich. This was because wealthy people could often afford to pay for more comfortable living conditions in prison, such as private cells, better food or even the possibility of going out during the day. However, this was not the norm and depended very much on the time and place. Foucault sees the transition from corporal punishment to confinement as a more subtle and insidious form of control, aimed not only at punishing but also at reforming and controlling the prisoner. From this perspective, prison becomes an institution of 'discipline', where prisoners are constantly monitored and their behaviour regulated by a series of rules and routines. The aim is not only to punish crime, but also to transform the prisoner into a 'normalised' individual who adheres to the norms and values of society. Foucault argues that this form of disciplinary control is characteristic of modern societies, where power is exercised not only by violent or coercive means, but also by more subtle means, such as surveillance and the regulation of behaviour. This is why the prison is an important symbolic site for Foucault: it represents a form of power and control that is not only exercised over prisoners, but is also, at a broader level, characteristic of the way in which power operates in modern society.

According to Foucault, laws and social norms are not simply abstract rules governing human conduct, but are the product of power relations and negotiations between different social groups. Illegalism' refers to the idea that certain actions are considered illegal not because they are intrinsically wrong, but because they challenge the established order and threaten the power of certain elites. In other words, crime and deviance are often the result of social and economic power structures rather than individual morality. Moreover, Foucault suggests that institutions such as prison serve to manage these 'illegalisms', not only by punishing deviant behaviour, but also by seeking to transform and normalise individuals so that they conform to established social norms. In this context, the notion of 'popular illegalism' can refer to the way in which poor and marginalised populations are often perceived as a threat to the social order, and therefore subject to increased forms of surveillance and control.

According to Michel Foucault, the modern state, particularly the social state, exercises considerable power over individuals, not only by regulating their actions, but also by seeking to normalise their behaviour and morality. This normalisation is achieved through a range of techniques and devices, often grouped together under the term 'biopower'. Biopower, a term introduced by Foucault, refers to the state's control of the lives of individuals and populations through a series of policies and practices ranging from surveillance to the regulation of health, education and work. It includes the management of birth, death, illness and health, as well as the production and repression of behaviour and desires. The social state is a particularly powerful expression of this biopower. It seeks not only to protect the safety and well-being of its citizens, but also to conform them to certain norms and expectations. This is done through a range of policies and programmes, such as social services, public education, public health, and even the criminal justice system. However, Foucault also highlights how these forms of power can be contested and resisted, and how they can be the source of new forms of subjectivity and identity. He always emphasised the dynamic and conflictual nature of power, insisting that where there is power, there is resistance.

The 19th century witnessed what is known as the "social question", a growing awareness of the social and economic problems facing society as a whole, and of the need to respond to them in a coherent and organised way. These problems were largely linked to the radical transformations introduced by industrialisation, capitalism and urbanisation. The 'social question' encompassed a range of pressing problems, including poverty, unemployment, poor working conditions, economic inequality, limited access to education and health care, and the social and political tensions that ensued. For the first time, these problems were seen as part of a single global issue requiring a collective and systematic response. This was the period that saw the emergence of the welfare state and the development of social policies designed to regulate the economy, improve working conditions, provide assistance to the most disadvantaged, promote public education and so on. The social question also stimulated the development of new academic disciplines, such as sociology and political economy, which sought to understand and resolve these problems. The 'social question' was not simply a question of policy or legislation, but also a question of power and control. As Michel Foucault has shown, the nineteenth century witnessed new forms of power and government that sought to regulate and normalise social life as a whole.

The 'social question' is closely linked to the revolutions that swept Europe and the world in the nineteenth century. These political, economic and social upheavals revealed and exacerbated tensions and inequalities within society, leading to a growing awareness of the need to deal with social problems in a systematic and organised way. However, the idea of a 'social question' was not necessarily in direct opposition to revolutions. On the contrary, many revolutionaries were very concerned about the social question and saw their actions as a response to it. They sought to radically transform society in order to remedy the inequalities and injustices that, in their view, were at the root of social problems. On the other hand, the notion of the "social question" was also used by the political and economic elites to defend the existing order and prevent revolutions. By promising to deal with the social question through gradual social and economic reforms, they hoped to ease social tensions and avoid revolutionary upheaval. So the "social question" was both a product of and a response to the revolutions of the nineteenth century. It was a way of recognising the existence of deep-seated social problems and seeking ways of solving them without necessarily resorting to a revolutionary transformation of society.

Theories of solidarity and the insurance paradigm

Durkheim considered that solidarity was a fundamental element uniting the members of a society. He conceptualised two main types of solidarity: mechanical solidarity and organic solidarity. Mechanical solidarity was typical of primitive or traditional societies, where cultural similarity, adherence to traditions and customs, and a strong collective consciousness bound individuals together. In other words, in these societies, individuals felt connected to each other because of their similarity. Organic solidarity, on the other hand, characterised modern or advanced societies, in which individuals were linked to each other by their interdependence in an increasingly specialised and complex society. Individuals were linked not by their similarity, but by their complementarity and mutual dependence. Durkheim argued that the transition from mechanical to organic solidarity was a key feature of the transition from a traditional to a modern society. He also argued that the absence of solidarity, or inadequate forms of it, could lead to states of anomie, where social norms are weakened or lacking, resulting in confusion, dissatisfaction and eventually social deviance.

For Durkheim, respect for solidarity was essential to social cohesion. In his view, a violation of this solidarity, whether in a mechanical or an organic society, could be sanctioned by social means. This could include ostracism, marginalisation or other forms of social sanction. In mechanical solidarity, violating shared customs and beliefs, or failing to respect the collective conscience, could be seen as an affront to the community as a whole. Individuals who engage in such behaviour may be considered deviant and treated as such. In organic solidarity, violations might include failure to meet contractual obligations or disruption of the interdependent functioning of society. Again, such behaviour could be sanctioned by the community. Conversely, behaviour that promotes solidarity, such as respecting traditions in a mechanical society or maintaining cooperation and interdependence in an organic society, would be valued and encouraged. This could take the form of social rewards, such as status, recognition or other forms of social approval.

The question of the relationship between individual freedom and the construction of the social sphere is an important debate that marked the 19th century and continues to be relevant today. As the social sphere expanded in the 19th century, particularly as a result of industrialisation and urbanisation, it became increasingly necessary to regulate social interactions in order to maintain order and stability. However, this regulation also raised questions about individual freedom. To what extent should the state or society be able to impose rules and standards on individuals? How can we ensure that the need to maintain social order does not unduly encroach on the rights and freedoms of individuals? This is where the debate between freedom and the social arises. On the one hand, there is the idea that individual freedom is sacrosanct and should not be limited by social constraints. On the other, there is the idea that certain restrictions on individual freedom are necessary for the good of society as a whole. Ultimately, how a society deals with this dilemma depends on its values and its historical and cultural context. Some may value independence and individual freedom above all else, while others may emphasise social cooperation and collective well-being.

Mechanical solidarity is characteristic of traditional or primitive societies, where individuals are very similar to each other in terms of tasks and social roles. These societies are generally small, with strong social cohesion and moral consensus, and are held together by shared beliefs and values. In contrast, organic solidarity is typical of modern or industrial societies, which are characterised by a much more complex division of labour. In these societies, individuals are interdependent because they specialise in different tasks and roles. This interdependence creates an organic solidarity, where social cohesion is maintained not by sameness, but by difference. Durkheim argued that the transition from mechanical to organic solidarity is a natural process of social evolution. However, he also noted that this process can lead to problems of social disintegration and anomie (lack of social norms), if society fails to adapt and regulate the division of labour effectively.

The promotion of the social emphasises the idea that society is a united collective entity, and this is often accompanied by the establishment of social law to give concrete expression to this vision. Social law is a set of rules and laws designed to govern relationships and behaviour within society, in order to promote social justice and solidarity between individuals. This may include provisions relating to social security, employment rights, the protection of vulnerable persons, etc. The establishment of this type of law reflects the idea that all members of society have mutual rights and responsibilities and that the state has a role to play in promoting solidarity and equality.

The emergence of the social sphere as an area for state intervention has led to the creation of social policies that aim to regulate and administer various aspects of individuals' private lives. This includes areas such as health, education, housing, employment, social protection and many others. These policies can have a number of objectives, such as guaranteeing a certain level of well-being for all members of society, promoting equality and social justice, or preventing and managing social crises. However, this extension of the state into the private sphere can also give rise to controversy. Some may see it as an excessive intrusion into private life and a threat to individual autonomy. Others, on the other hand, may argue that these policies are necessary to guarantee fundamental rights and ensure social cohesion. Moreover, the implementation and effective management of these policies require considerable expertise and resources. The state must also strike a balance between protecting individual rights and promoting collective well-being.

The theory of solidarism played a major role in the creation of the Welfare State. This theory is based on the idea that all members of society are interconnected and dependent on each other. In other words, society is seen as a unified whole, where each individual contributes in his or her own way to the collective well-being. In this context, the welfare state is responsible for implementing social policies aimed at ensuring social cohesion and reducing inequalities. These policies may include measures to redistribute wealth, such as progressive taxation and social benefits, as well as free or subsidised public services, such as education, health and housing. The theory of solidarism was put forward by Léon Bourgeois, a French politician who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1920. According to Bourgeois, solidarism is both a statement of social reality and a moral and legal principle. He developed these ideas in his book "Solidarité" (1896), in which he defended the idea of a "social debt" owed by each individual to society, justifying state intervention to guarantee the well-being of all.

Michel Foucault took a critical view of the notion of solidarity and the way it is used to justify state intervention in the lives of individuals. For him, the practices of government are not just mechanisms of control, but also means of producing knowledge and truth. He criticised what he called 'biopower', the extension of state power over the lives of individuals, not only at the political and economic level, but also at the biological and bodily level. For him, public health policies, for example, are a manifestation of this biopower, which seeks to regulate the population as a whole in order to maximise productivity and minimise risks. Foucault also challenged the idea that solidarity is a natural and universal phenomenon. Instead, he argued that solidarity is a social and political construct, reflecting the power relations in a given society. Consequently, the promotion of solidarity can serve specific political objectives, such as legitimising the existing social order or building consensus around certain values and norms. Thus, if we follow Foucault's thinking, the failure of solidarity would not simply be a political failure, but also a sign of resistance to the exercise of power. In other words, solidarity can be both a tool of social control and a means of contestation and social transformation.

From the 19th century onwards, with the major social and economic transformations brought about by the industrial revolution, the modern state began to play an active role in promoting solidarity and social welfare. This new role is often justified by the idea that the state has a duty to guarantee the well-being of all its citizens and to create a fairer and more equitable society. Solidarity therefore became a central principle of social policy and labour legislation. Governments set up social security, health insurance and pension systems to help the most vulnerable in society and to prevent poverty and inequality. The state also intervenes to regulate the labour market and guarantee decent working conditions. The modern State is therefore built on the idea of a balance between the private and public spheres, and on the recognition that the family, as an integral part of society, is also concerned by these issues of solidarity and social welfare. However, this approach is not without controversy. Some critics, such as Foucault, warn of the risks of social control and normalisation that can result from these policies of solidarity. Others highlight the tensions between the values of individual freedom and the demands of collective solidarity, and question the limits of state intervention in the private lives of citizens. The notion of solidarity and its role in the construction of the modern state therefore remains a subject of debate and reflection in the social and political sciences.

The modern state, especially from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries onwards, has taken an increasingly active role in social support, often through public service institutions. States set up various programmes, such as unemployment insurance, old-age pensions, health insurance, social housing, public education and many others, to help reduce social inequalities and injustices. This idea that the state should promote social solidarity and protect its citizens against the hazards of life, including illness, old age, unemployment and poverty, has been central to the formation of what is known as the welfare state. The role of the state in this sense is to balance and regulate social differences and inequalities, rather than to eliminate them altogether. This involves some form of redistribution of resources, through taxes and social transfers, to support the most vulnerable or disadvantaged individuals and groups.

In many countries, the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first have seen a questioning of the social state and a transition towards a more liberal or neo-liberal model. This model tends to favour the market and privatisation over state regulation and social welfare. Some thinkers and academics have warned of the consequences of this development. There is an abundant literature on the subject. Among the most notable are "The End of the Welfare State?" by Stefan Svallfors and Peter Taylor-Gooby, "The Retreat of the State" by Susan Strange, and "The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy" by Anthony Giddens. These works examine how the adoption of neo-liberal policies has led to privatisation and deregulation, and a reduction in the role of the state in the provision of social services. They point out that this trend can increase social and economic inequalities, and potentially lead to social tension and conflict. This is a very lively and recurring debate, especially since the advent of neo-liberalism in the 1980s and 1990s. The idea that politics is losing ground to economics in an increasingly liberal world is central to many books. For example, in "The Great Transformation", the political economist Karl Polanyi argues that the autonomous market economy, devoid of political regulation, leads to destructive social consequences. In his book "The Condition of Postmodernity", David Harvey points out that the modern state is subject to contradictory pressures. On the one hand, the privatisation and deregulation movement of neoliberalism is eroding its capacity to manage the social sphere. On the other, it must assume responsibility for managing the crises and inequalities produced by these same market forces. Thomas Piketty, in "Capital and Ideology", also explores these issues. He highlights how, since the 1980s, the redistributive role of the state has diminished in many countries, exacerbating economic and social inequalities. These authors and others warn of the potentially dangerous consequences of this development. If the social sphere is not properly managed, it can lead to increased inequality, the marginalisation of certain groups and greater social instability.

Michel Foucault explored the notion of 'governmentality', which describes how modern governments exercise their power not only by force, but also by influencing, directing and managing the behaviour and attitudes of individuals and populations. For Foucault, the 'social' is not just an area of life, but an active area of government and management by the state. According to Foucault, the social has thus become a form of knowledge and a tool of government in modern societies. Through the social, the state can organise, control and direct the lives of its citizens. This includes aspects such as health, education, work, and even individual attitudes and behaviour. From this perspective, the social has become an integral part of the way in which modern states function. It is not just a sphere of activity or an area of life, but a fundamental technique of government and control. Government is not just about laws and regulations, but also about managing people and the way they live their daily lives. This includes the management of the economy, the health system, education, work, and so on. For Foucault, the social has become a central issue of power in modern government.

Michel Foucault defines governmentality as the set of institutions, procedures, analyses and reflections, calculations and tactics that make it possible to exercise this very specific, albeit complex, form of power, whose main target is the population, whose main means of knowledge is political reality, and whose essential instrument is security. From the 19th century onwards, a new form of government emerged, marked by the rise of the welfare state and the extension of state intervention into many areas of social life. This new form of governmentality, which Foucault calls 'biopolitics', is characterised by the management and regulation of the population through a set of techniques and strategies that affect different aspects of social life, including health, education, work and poverty. According to Foucault, the welfare state is not simply an institution that provides social services, but a form of power that manages the lives of the population as a whole. This form of power is not limited to the regulation of individual behaviour, but also includes the management of the population as a whole, with the aim of maintaining social stability, improving public health, ensuring economic growth, and so on. The welfare state is an example of what Foucault calls 'biopolitics', a form of power that aims to manage life itself. This is done through a series of techniques and strategies aimed at monitoring, regulating and controlling the population as a whole.

The welfare state was built around the notion of solidarity, developing policies to promote equity and reduce social inequalities. This vision is based on the idea that society has a collective responsibility towards its most vulnerable members, and that it must take steps to ensure their well-being and integration. It is within this framework that numerous social laws were passed during the 19th and 20th centuries, in areas as varied as work, housing, health and education. For example, the law on accidents at work, which established the principle of the employer's liability without fault and created a system of compensation for workers injured or made ill as a result of their work, was a major step forward in recognising workers' rights and promoting safety at work. Similarly, the laws on social housing have played a crucial role in the fight against precariousness and social exclusion, by guaranteeing everyone access to decent, affordable housing. These laws are based on the principle of solidarity, which implies that society must help those in need and guarantee a decent standard of living for all.

According to the welfare state concept, the state's mission is to ensure the well-being of all its citizens, through the provision of public services and the implementation of redistribution policies. The idea is that the well-being of each individual contributes to the health and prosperity of society as a whole. In this context, solidarity is not just a moral value, but also an organisational principle. Through taxes and social security contributions, every citizen contributes, according to his or her means, to the financing of public services and social protection systems. In return, every citizen is entitled to these services and protection, according to his or her needs. This approach is based on the idea that the State has a responsibility to guarantee a decent standard of living for all and to promote social equity. It also implies that progress and national wealth should benefit everyone, not just an economic elite.

The end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century saw challenges to the welfare state and the social sphere that had expanded throughout the previous century. The rise of neo-liberalism in the 1980s, symbolised by political leaders such as Margaret Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the US, introduced policies focused on reducing the role of the state in the economy and society. This ideology argued that the market, rather than the state, should be the main mechanism for distributing resources and managing public services. Since then, many countries have seen a reduction in social spending, privatisation of public services, cuts in welfare programmes and deregulation of the economy. At the same time, globalisation and automation have changed the nature of work and economies, creating new pressures on welfare systems. The idea of the welfare state has not disappeared. In many countries, there is an ongoing debate about the role of the state in society and how best to meet social needs in a changing world. Recent crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, have also highlighted the importance of social solidarity and social protection, and led to calls for a strengthening of the social sphere.

The end of the 19th century saw the emergence of a new paradigm: insurance. This idea transformed the way society perceives and manages risk, and had a significant impact on the development of the welfare state and social policies. Historically, the notion of insurance arose from the need to protect against life's hazards and financial risks. The first insurance systems were mutual aid societies where members contributed to a common fund to help those struck by misfortune or illness.

Over time, the idea of insurance became institutionalised and was adopted by states. This development was fuelled by the recognition that certain risks, such as illness, unemployment and old age, were universal and could be better managed collectively. As a result, many countries introduced compulsory social insurance systems, financed by contributions from workers and employers. The concept of insurance has also played a key role in defining social responsibility. It has led to the idea that society, through the state, has a duty to provide some protection against risks that individuals cannot cope with on their own. This helped to justify wider state intervention in the social sphere, including the provision of public health services, old-age pensions and unemployment benefits.

François Ewald is a French philosopher and sociologist, a disciple of Michel Foucault, who has worked particularly on the welfare state and insurance. For him, the welfare state is essentially an insurance state. In his book The Welfare State, he argues that insurance, and more specifically social insurance, has radically transformed our understanding of risk, responsibility and solidarity. He sees insurance as a sophisticated system of risk management that requires a detailed legal codification of responsibilities. For example, in the employment context, the mutual obligations of employers and employees are defined in insurance terms. The employer must pay insurance premiums to cover the risk of accidents at work, while the employee is entitled to compensation in the event of injury. In this way, insurance makes it possible to manage risks and liabilities in a predictable and fair way. According to Ewald, the development of insurance has had profound implications for political philosophy. It has transformed the concept of solidarity from a moral or charitable idea to a legally defined and institutionalised obligation. This has led to a new form of governmentality in which the state assumes responsibility for managing risk and guaranteeing solidarity through insurance. Ewald sees the welfare state not so much as a means of protecting the weakest, but rather as a mechanism for managing the hazards of life on a society-wide scale.

François Ewald's analysis of the insurance society is highly significant. He has shown how insurance, as a social institution, has transformed our understanding of risk and responsibility. According to Ewald, insurance is a major innovation that has changed our relationship with fate and risk. It has made it possible to transform the hazards of life, previously considered as inevitable, into calculable and manageable risks. This has changed the way society deals with uncertainty and the unexpected. At the same time, insurance has also had a profound impact on the concept of responsibility. In an insurance society, liability is defined in terms of insurance obligations. It is the State, through its laws and regulations, that defines these obligations and ensures that they are respected. It is therefore the State that ensures that the insurance system functions properly and that risks are covered. As a result, insurance has led to the emergence of a modern social law geared towards risk management and protection against the hazards of life. This law reflects society's needs and concerns, and produces standards for use by all. The law has thus become an instrument for standardising social needs, based on the concepts of safety and reparation. It has made it possible to legally categorise social issues according to social universalities, i.e. general principles applicable to society as a whole. Ewald's contribution is therefore essential to understanding how insurance has transformed the way we conceive of risk, responsibility and solidarity in modern societies.

The creation of the pension system is a striking example of the implementation of intergenerational solidarity. It involves a transfer of financial resources from currently working generations to the elderly, reflecting a collective commitment to the older members of society. The pension system is based on the pay-as-you-go principle, meaning that contributions from current workers are used to fund the pensions of current retirees. This system embodies the idea of intergenerational solidarity: each generation contributes to supporting the previous one when it reaches retirement age, with the expectation that the next generation will do the same. In this way, the pension system is a good illustration of the way in which the welfare state implements large-scale solidarity mechanisms. This principle of solidarity is deeply embedded in the workings of many social and political institutions, including insurance, social security and assistance to people in precarious situations. By setting up a pension system, the State recognises its responsibility towards older citizens and translates the principle of solidarity into a series of legal rights and obligations. This also illustrates the importance of semantic analysis categories in defining the social sphere: by defining workers, pensioners, contributions, pensions, etc., the State constructs a framework of understanding and action for managing retirement.

Towards a new concept: biopower

Michel Foucault's analysis of the prison and the hospice forms part of his studies of disciplinary institutions in society. He used these examples to illustrate how the modern state uses norms of behaviour to control and regulate society. In "Surveiller et punir" (1975), Foucault examines how prison is used not only to punish crime, but also to discipline society. The prison system, according to Foucault, does more than simply lock up criminals. It uses techniques of surveillance and discipline to transform individuals into docile and productive subjects. Similarly, in 'Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique' (1961), Foucault examines the way in which insane asylums were used to control and regulate those considered insane. He argues that these institutions were intended less to cure patients than to isolate them and conform them to the dominant social norms. These devices - the prison and the asylum - are examples of what Foucault calls 'technologies of power'. They are tools that the modern state uses to manage and regulate different segments of society. These technologies of power function by establishing norms of behaviour, monitoring compliance with these norms, and punishing deviations from these norms. In this way, these institutions are not simply responses to particular social problems (crime, madness), but form part of a wider system of social control and regulation.

Observing the evolution of state mechanisms is central to Foucault's thinking. He noted that over the course of the nineteenth century, many state apparatuses evolved from being essentially repressive in nature to playing a more welfare-oriented role, or what is known as the 'welfare state'. Initially, these systems were largely used to control and discipline populations, to maintain order and to punish deviations from established social norms. Typical examples are prisons, asylums and police forces. However, as the nineteenth century progressed, the state began to adopt systems more geared towards social welfare. The aim of these systems is to improve the lives of citizens by guaranteeing a certain level of social security. Examples include social security systems, public education programmes and public health care. The aim of these systems is to improve the general well-being of the population and reduce social inequalities.

Although these systems aim to improve well-being, they are also used to control and regulate the population. For example, the public education system aims to educate citizens, but it is also used to instil certain social norms and values. Similarly, social security systems provide financial assistance to those in need, but they also regulate who is entitled to this assistance and under what conditions. This is why, according to Foucault, even though the mechanisms of the modern state may seem more benevolent than their more repressive predecessors, they continue to exert control over the population. This shift reflects a transition to what Foucault called 'biopolitical power', where control is exercised not just over individuals, but over the population as a whole, with the aim of managing life itself.

The concept of 'biopolitics' is central to Michel Foucault's thinking. Biopolitics refers to the idea that political power has extended beyond the simple governance of subjects to include the control and regulation of life itself, i.e. the bodies and biology of individuals. Foucault argues that, in modern societies, power is no longer limited to dictating what individuals can or cannot do. Instead, it permeates every aspect of life, including health, sexuality, reproduction and even death. It regulates not just behaviour, but life itself - our bodies, our health, our births and deaths are all objects of political control. This is what Foucault means by the 'étatiser le biologique'. From this perspective, the state is not only interested in managing people as political and economic entities, but also as living beings. For example, the state could use public health policies to influence the way people behave in terms of health and well-being. This could range from promoting physical activity and healthy eating to regulating reproduction through birth control and encouraging certain reproductive practices. Biopolitics, according to Foucault, reveals how political power has become deeply rooted in everyday life, intruding into the smallest details of our existence. He pointed out that, although these forms of power can often be beneficial (for example, by improving public health), they are also a form of control and can be used in coercive or oppressive ways.

In the name of the technical complexity of our societies, welfare states are gradually being forced to immerse themselves in ever more advanced forms of human management that will affect the human being as a being. In our modern societies, it is the human being as such who ends up posing a problem. In his view, as modern societies have become increasingly complex and technically advanced, political and social control has been increasingly directed towards managing the individual as a biological entity. The management of the individual is no longer just a matter of law and social norms, but also extends to the regulation of biological processes, health, sexuality, reproduction and so on. This is what is meant by the "etatisation of the biological". The concept of the welfare state has historically involved the state taking responsibility for the well-being of the individual, through social protection systems such as public health, unemployment insurance, social security and so on. However, in this context, the state's responsibility goes beyond simply guaranteeing economic and social well-being to include the regulation and management of life itself. The risk with this approach is that, while it improves individual well-being, it can also lead to excessive state intrusion into private life and a restriction of individual freedom. Consequently, the question of the balance between collective well-being and individual freedom has become a central issue in debates on the role of the welfare state in modern societies.

Michel Foucault introduced the concept of 'biopolitics' to describe a historical transformation in the way power is exercised over populations. Biopolitics is a type of power that regulates human life from birth to death and is concerned with population as a biological concept: birth, death, reproduction, health and disease. Foucault suggested that, from the 18th century onwards, governments began to focus increasingly on biological populations. He argued that power gradually shifted from the threat of death to 'power over life'. This power is exercised not only through direct interventions on the body, but also through the regulation of a whole range of health problems and life processes themselves. Biopolitics, according to Foucault, is therefore linked to the rationalisation and management of problems that emerge when a population of living beings is seen as a problem of governance. These problems may concern public health, demographics, longevity, birth rates, mortality and so on. From this perspective, biopolitics seeks to manage and regulate these phenomena in order to maintain, control and optimise the 'life' of a population. For Foucault, biopolitics is a critical concept. He was concerned about the exorbitant power it gave to states, which could intervene in the intimate and personal aspects of individuals' lives. This is where key questions of ethics and individual freedom come into play.

Michel Foucault, in his theory of biopolitics, argues that the modern state has taken on 'life' itself as an object of political and administrative intervention. He suggests that health, reproduction, longevity, hygiene and many other aspects of biological life have become problems of governance. In this sense, biopolitics represents a form of 'etatisation of biology'. Biopolitics involves strategies and tactics by which the state intervenes in the lives of citizens, not only to manage and control populations, but also to optimise 'life' in terms of health, productivity, longevity and other biological parameters. In other words, biopolitics represents a kind of power that deals with the population as a whole and its vital processes. Foucault saw biopolitics as a potentially dangerous form of power. He pointed out that the state can use its biopolitical power to exert control over citizens in an intrusive way, by affecting intimate aspects of their personal lives and health. As a result, biopolitics raises important ethical questions about individual freedom and the limits of state intervention in the private lives of citizens.

The notion of biopolitics as described by Michel Foucault can be understood as the management of the human being by the State, but this management is not limited to human biology. The concept of biopolitics refers to the way in which political power has extended to all aspects of human life, including but not limited to biology. In biopolitics, man is considered not only as a biological being, but also as a social, economic, cultural and other being. Political power intervenes in all these areas to manage, control and optimise human life as a whole. However, the idea that man is defined solely in biological terms in the context of biopolitics can be misleading. Although the state is interested in managing human biology (for example, through public health policies, demographic policies, etc.), this does not mean that it reduces man to his biology alone. In reality, political power extends to all aspects of human life, of which biology is only one part. The concept of biopolitics raises important ethical questions about individual freedom and the limits of state intervention in the private lives of citizens.

Biopolitics, according to Michel Foucault, is a way of organising and regulating populations through a multitude of mechanisms that seek to optimise the 'state of life'. In this context, the 'state of life' refers to health, longevity, reproduction and other biological aspects of human life. It is therefore a form of power that relates to the life and mortality of populations. Foucault defines biopolitics as a turning point in the way power is exercised, where the control of biological life becomes a central concern of political power. This includes areas such as public health, population policy, disease management, healthcare and so on. For example, in the field of therapeutic research, government policies may regulate the research and development of new therapies, the approval and distribution of drugs, access to healthcare, etc. Similarly, in the field of public health, the government can set up vaccination programmes, disease control programmes, health education programmes, and so on. Biopolitics goes beyond simply regulating the biological aspects of life. It is also concerned with behaviours, attitudes, social and cultural norms, economic systems and other aspects of life that can affect people's health and well-being.

Michel Foucault, in his writings on power, surveillance and biopolitics, offers an important critique of certain trends in modern societies that can undermine democratic principles. Foucault explored the concept of the 'panopticon', an idea developed by the philosopher and social reformer Jeremy Bentham. The panoptic is an ideal surveillance structure, where a guard can observe all the prisoners without them being able to know whether they are being observed or not. For Foucault, the panopticon symbolises the way in which power and control are exercised in modern societies, not only in prisons, but also in schools, hospitals, factories, etc. In terms of biopolitics, Foucault argues that modern societies seek to manage and control the lives of their citizens in a very detailed and comprehensive way, encompassing not only behaviour, but also biology and health. This form of control could potentially be incompatible with democracy, as it can undermine individual autonomy and public debate. Democracy, as Foucault understands it, is rooted in negotiation, debate and the active engagement of citizens in the political process. When control becomes too pervasive and meticulous, it can undermine these essential elements of democracy.

Michel Foucault explores the idea that modern states have extended their control and regulation not only to human behaviour, but also to the biological aspects of human existence. This development, he argues, reflects a form of political power that is deeply concerned with the management and regulation of human life as a whole - a phenomenon he calls 'biopower'. In this context, total visibility - traceability - is becoming an important tool of social control. Through surveillance and data collection, governments and other powerful institutions can monitor, analyse and influence many aspects of human life. This total visibility can make difference - any deviation from the norm or expectation - problematic or suspect. Unlike thinkers such as Plato and Aristotle, who saw humanity as distinguished from other animals primarily by its capacity to think and reason, Foucault suggests that modern societies tend to reduce man to a set of biological processes to be monitored and regulated. This idea of biopolitics invites us to rethink our understanding of politics, power and freedom in the modern era. It suggests that even our bodies and biological processes can be sites of political power and control, and that we need to take this into account when thinking about issues of human rights, individual freedom and social justice.

Annexes

• Comment l’obsession sécuritaire fait muter la démocratie, Giorgio Agamben, janvier 2014, Le Monde diplomatique
• La Folie, Victor Duché et Christophe Pénicaut url : http://www.geopsy.com/memoires_theses/la_folie.pdf
• Warren, M. E. (1999). What is Political? Journal of Theoretical Politics, 11(2), 207–231. https://doi.org/10.1177/0951692899011002004
• Ewald, Francois. "Insurance and risk." The Foucault effect: Studies in governmentality (1991): 197-210.