The beginnings of the contemporary international system: 1870 - 1939

Données clés
Faculté	Lettres
Département	Département d’histoire générale
Professeur(s)	Ludovic Tournès^[1]^[2]^[3]
Cours	Introduction to the history of international relations

Lectures

The period from 1870 to 1939 saw the emergence of the contemporary international system, characterised by the rise of the nation state and the development of multilateral diplomacy. This period was also marked by growing tensions between the great powers and major conflicts such as the First World War. The Congress of Vienna in 1815 had established a European system of multilateral diplomacy that had succeeded in keeping the peace in Europe for over half a century. However, the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 and the rise of Germany marked the end of this system. The international system that emerged after 1870 was dominated by the great European powers, notably Germany, France, Britain and Russia. These states sought to establish alliances and maintain a balance of power to avoid war. However, the emergence of Germany as a great power led to an arms race that eventually resulted in the First World War. After the war, the League of Nations was created to preserve international peace. However, the weakness of the League of Nations, combined with the rise of totalitarian regimes in Europe, led to the Second World War.

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The order of nation-states

The nation-state order is an international system in which states are considered the main actors in the international arena and are organised as distinct and sovereign political communities. This system emerged in the 19th century as a result of liberal and nationalist revolutions in Europe and was consolidated by the Treaties of Westphalia in 1648, which established the principle of state sovereignty. In the nation-state order, each state is considered equal in law and sovereign over its territory. This means that each state has the power to make independent decisions about its internal and external affairs, and that these decisions cannot be challenged by other states. The nation-state order has been characterised by strong competition between states for power, security and resources, as well as the search for international recognition and legitimacy. This competition has often led to conflicts and wars between states. However, the nation-state order has also fostered international cooperation, especially in the economic sphere. States have created international organisations to regulate trade and economic relations between nations, such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The nation-state order is an international system in which states are the main actors, organised into distinct and sovereign political communities. Although it has fostered competition between states, it has also allowed for international cooperation, particularly in the economic sphere.

The Westphalian system

Banquet of the Amsterdam Civil Guard Celebrating the Peace of Münster (1648), exhibited in the Rijksmuseum, by Bartholomeus van der Helst.

The Westphalian system refers to the Treaties of Westphalia signed in 1648 at the end of the Thirty Years' War in Europe. These treaties established a new political order in Europe, characterised by the recognition of state sovereignty and the establishment of a system of international relations between states. Before the Westphalian system, Europe was a patchwork of kingdoms, empires and principalities, each with shifting borders and often in conflict with each other. The Treaty of Westphalia enshrined the principle of state sovereignty, recognising each state as an independent entity with a territory, a population and a sovereign government. The Westphalian system also established a system of international relations based on diplomacy and negotiation between sovereign states. States began to establish diplomatic relations and sign treaties to regulate their mutual relations, such as trade treaties, peace treaties and military alliances. This system was consolidated by the birth of nation-states in the 19th century, which reinforced the sovereignty and national identity of states. Thus, the Westphalian system is seen as the foundation of modern international relations, with the assertion of nation-states as the main actors on the international scene.

The Thirty Years' War was a period of decline for the Holy Roman Empire, which was then the dominant empire in Central Europe. The war considerably weakened the Holy Roman Empire, which lost much of its territory and population, and saw its political and military power diminish. The Holy Roman Empire was established in 962 AD by Emperor Otto I, who sought to restore the power of the Roman Empire in Western Europe. The empire's ambition was to become a universal monarchy, uniting all the peoples of Europe under a single ruler. However, this ambition came up against the political reality of medieval Europe, characterised by a high degree of political fragmentation and the existence of numerous independent kingdoms and principalities. The Holy Roman Empire therefore had to deal with this reality and developed into a confederation of sovereign territories, headed by an elected emperor. The Thirty Years' War was a turning point in the history of the Holy Roman Empire, as it revealed the limits of its power and influence. At the end of the war, Emperor Ferdinand II was forced to recognise the independence of Switzerland and the United Provinces, and had to grant greater autonomy to the German princes. This marked the end of the idea of a universal monarchy in Europe, and paved the way for the emergence of nation-states, which became the main players on the international scene from the 19th century onwards. Thus, the Thirty Years' War helped to shape the history of Europe and to lay the foundations of the contemporary international system.

The Holy Roman Empire continued to exist until 1806, when it was dissolved by Napoleon Bonaparte. However, by the 17th century, the empire had already lost much of its power and political influence. During this period, the empire faced many challenges, including religious conflicts between Catholics and Protestants, rivalries between German princes and the rise of France under Louis XIV. The Holy Roman Emperor also lost much of his power and authority, and was often reduced to a symbolic role. The German states began to assert themselves as independent political entities, strengthening their sovereignty and autonomy from the empire. This led to a political fragmentation of Germany, with many sovereign states, each with its own government and politics. This fragmentation made it difficult to establish a coherent foreign policy for Germany, and favoured the emergence of foreign powers such as France and Britain. Although the Holy Roman Empire continued to exist until the 19th century, it lost much of its political influence in the 17th century, leaving room for the emergence of new political entities in Europe.

The end of the Thirty Years' War in 1648 and the signing of the Treaties of Westphalia marked the beginning of a period of decline in the temporal power of the Catholic Church. In the Middle Ages, the Catholic Church had considerable influence on the political and social life of Europe, and was considered the second universal power after the Roman Empire. The Church was a key player in international relations, and played an important role in resolving conflicts between states. However, the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century had challenged the authority of the Catholic Church, putting forward the idea of a religion based on the Bible alone and rejecting the Catholic hierarchy. The Reformation led to a division of Europe into Catholic and Protestant countries and weakened the Catholic Church. The end of the Thirty Years' War in 1648 marked the beginning of a period of decline for the Catholic Church. The Treaties of Westphalia confirmed the separation of church and state and ended the religious war in Europe. This separation limited the temporal power of the Church, confining it to a primarily religious role. In addition, the Enlightenment period in the 18th century challenged the authority of the Church, emphasising reason and science rather than religion. Enlightenment ideas led to a gradual secularisation of society, and further weakened the political influence of the Church. Thus, from the end of the Thirty Years' War in 1648, the political role of the Catholic Church gradually diminished and it refocused on its religious role. This development contributed to the emergence of the modern nation-state, in which religion no longer plays a central role in political and social life.

The principles of the Westphalian system are based on several foundations that have ensured the stability of the international system for several centuries.

The first of these principles is that of the balance of the great powers. The aim is to maintain a balance of power in Europe, so that one power does not seek to dominate the others. This implies that the European powers must balance each other out in terms of military, economic and political power.
The second principle is that of the inviolability of national sovereignty. This principle is symbolised by the formula "cuius regio, eius religio" ("like prince, like religion"). According to this principle, each prince is free to decide on the religion of his state, and the population adopts the religion of its prince. This principle also implies that each state is sovereign over its own territory, and that other states have no right to interfere in its internal affairs.
The third principle is that of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. States are sovereign on their own territory, and have no right to interfere in the internal affairs of other states. This principle underpins the idea of national sovereignty, which is one of the fundamental principles of the Westphalian system.

The principles of the Westphalian system are based on the balance of great powers, the inviolability of national sovereignty, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. These principles have ensured the stability of the international system for several centuries, and are still widely respected today.

The Treaty of Westphalia marked a turning point in European history by ending the Thirty Years' War and laying the foundations for the modern international system. The treaty recognised states as the main actors on the international scene, putting an end to the idea of a universal monarchy embodied by the Holy Roman Empire. In addition, the political role of the Roman Catholic Church was considerably reduced, with the emphasis on national sovereignty and the inviolability of state borders. Thus, the Treaty of Westphalia marked the end of the supremacy of the Church in political affairs and strengthened the role of states in international relations. The Treaty of Westphalia was a key moment in European history, marking the birth of the state system and the decline of the ambitions of the Church and the Holy Roman Empire. The treaty laid the foundations for an international system based on respect for national sovereignty and the balance of power, which has endured to the present day.

The Treaty of Westphalia marked a turning point in European history by ending the Thirty Years' War and laying the foundations of the modern international system. The treaty recognised states as the main actors on the international scene, putting an end to the idea of a universal monarchy embodied by the Holy Roman Empire. In addition, the political role of the Roman Catholic Church was considerably reduced, with the emphasis on national sovereignty and the inviolability of state borders. Thus, the Treaty of Westphalia marked the end of the supremacy of the Church in political affairs and strengthened the role of states in international relations. The Treaty of Westphalia was a key moment in European history, marking the birth of the state system and the decline of the ambitions of the Church and the Holy Roman Empire. The treaty laid the foundations for an international system based on respect for national sovereignty and the balance of power, which has endured to the present day.

From the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 onwards, the raison d'Etat became a founding principle of international relations. Reason of State is the idea that states should make decisions according to their own national interests, rather than according to moral or religious principles. This principle implies that states can act selfishly and seek to maximise their own power and wealth, even if this may have negative consequences for other states. This logic of the nation-state has prevailed for centuries and has influenced the foreign policy of many countries, including the major European powers.

Wars and conflicts have been a feature of European history. However, from the 19th century onwards, this system experienced significant limitations and challenges, particularly with the rise of nationalism and rivalries between the great European powers. The First World War was a major turning point in the history of international relations, as it challenged the very foundations of the Westphalian system. States mobilised their entire populations and resources for the war, resulting in considerable human and material losses. After the war, states tried to rebuild a system of international relations based on new principles, such as cooperation, disarmament and international law. This led to the creation of the League of Nations, which however failed in its mission to maintain world peace.

The end of the Westphalian system at the end of the First World War did not mean that states disappeared from the international scene. On the contrary, states remained structural actors in the international community and even strengthened their prerogatives, especially in terms of sovereignty and control over their territory. With the creation of the League of Nations, states sought greater international cooperation and the peaceful resolution of conflicts. However, rising nationalism and tensions between the great powers eventually led to the Second World War, which profoundly changed the international order. After the war, the international community sought to establish a new world order, based on principles such as international cooperation, respect for human rights and economic development. This led to the creation of the United Nations (UN) in 1945, which has become the central institution of the contemporary international system. States thus remain major players in the international community, although their role and influence have changed over time.

States remain major and fundamental actors in the contemporary international system. As sovereign political entities, states are the main holders of power and authority over their territory, which gives them a central place in international relations. States are able to negotiate treaties and agreements with other states, take military or diplomatic action, and participate in international organisations. They can also exercise sovereignty by regulating internal affairs, such as security, justice, public health and the economy. States can be divided into different categories according to their size, wealth, military power, cultural influence and geopolitical position. However, regardless of their relative position, all states are important players on the international scene and have a role to play in shaping the world order.

Strengthening national diplomacy

With the decline of the Westphalian system, states have strengthened their prerogatives and their diplomatic action has increased. National diplomacy became central to the management of international relations, representing the interests of their state abroad and negotiating agreements and treaties with other states. Diplomats are experts in international relations, with an in-depth knowledge of the culture, politics and interests of their country and those of other states. They are often involved in complex diplomatic negotiations, which can cover issues such as security, trade, the environment, human rights and conflict resolution. National diplomats have also developed networks of contacts and influence around the world to defend their state's interests and promote its foreign policy. This may include participation in international organisations, the establishment of bilateral relations with other states or the mobilisation of public opinion abroad.

In the mid-19th century, the diplomatic apparatus of European powers consisted mainly of delegations that were responsible for representing their country to other states. These delegations usually consisted of an ambassador, one or more diplomatic counsellors, secretaries and attachés. They are responsible for negotiating treaties, providing information on foreign affairs and representing their country at international conferences. However, despite their relatively small numbers, these diplomats play a crucial role in strengthening the national prerogatives of their states. Indeed, their presence allows states to better understand the intentions and policies of other states and to defend their interests in international negotiations. National diplomacy is thus a way for states to project their power and influence abroad and to reinforce their status as full members of the international community.

In the mid-nineteenth century, the foreign policy of states was mainly directed by small diplomatic elites, consisting of a few dozen people. Ambassadors and other diplomats in foreign capitals were the main actors in the foreign policy of states, and they had a central role in negotiating treaties, agreements and alliances. This strengthens national prerogatives, as national diplomacy has a great influence on decisions in international relations. Diplomacy is a means for states to defend and promote their interests on the international scene. By strengthening their diplomatic apparatus, states have consolidated their power and influence in international relations. Ambassadors and diplomats have played a key role in negotiating international treaties and agreements, managing crises and conflicts, and representing their countries abroad. This reinforced national sovereignty and the autonomy of states in the conduct of their foreign policy.

Nowadays, states' diplomatic apparatuses have become real bureaucracies, with increasingly complex and large structures. Diplomatic missions abroad, for example, often have large budgets and staff, with specialised sections in areas such as economic, cultural, scientific, environmental affairs, etc. State foreign ministries are also important institutions, playing a crucial role in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. Diplomatic institutions and foreign ministries are increasingly active and professionalized. They are responsible for implementing the foreign policy of states, negotiating international agreements, maintaining relations with other states and international organisations, promoting national interests and protecting the citizens and economic interests of states abroad. These institutions have also developed capacities to analyse international developments, assess risks and opportunities, and provide advice to policy makers.

Until the mid-19th century, European diplomacy was largely monopolised by aristocrats. Ambassadors and special envoys were often chosen on the basis of their social standing rather than their competence. However, over time, the professionalisation of diplomacy has led to a diversification of the social background of diplomats, as well as a greater emphasis on training and expertise. Today, most countries have diplomatic academies or training programmes for diplomats. Over time, the diplomatic apparatus has moved towards increasing professionalisation, with the adoption of competitive recruitment and the promotion of social inclusion. This has led to a diversification of profiles and greater technical expertise in the fields of diplomacy, foreign policy and international cooperation. In addition, globalisation and the growing complexity of international issues have led to an increase in the number of staff in diplomatic services to meet these challenges. With the professionalisation of diplomacy, the sociology of the diplomatic community has undergone a significant change. Whereas in the past, diplomatic posts were often attributed to members of the nobility or the upper middle class, today recruitment is open to all and is often based on competitive examination. Moreover, diplomacy has become a profession in its own right, with specific training in political science schools or diplomatic schools. This has led to a social opening and a diversification of diplomats' profiles, who are now recruited on the basis of their competence and merit rather than their social origin.

In recent decades, the fields of action of diplomacy have expanded considerably. Diplomats are increasingly involved in security, trade, development, human rights, migration, environment, health and many other areas. For example, in security, diplomats play an important role in negotiating disarmament treaties, counter-terrorism, conflict prevention and peacekeeping. In trade, they are involved in negotiating trade agreements and international trade regulations. In development, they work on humanitarian aid, post-conflict reconstruction and economic development projects. Diplomacy has become a crucial tool for solving complex international problems and promoting cooperation between states.

Since the end of the Second World War, the practice of diplomacy has become increasingly intense, with more and more states entering the international arena. Following decolonisation, many new states have been created in Asia, Africa and Latin America. This has led to an increase in the complexity of international relations and a multiplication of diplomatic actors. International organisations, such as the United Nations (UN), also played an important role in expanding the scope of diplomacy.

Diplomacy until the 19th century was effectively seen as a power politics, a defence of interests and a struggle for influence that could sometimes lead to armed conflict. States sought to protect their economic, territorial, political, cultural and religious interests abroad and to extend their influence through alliances, treaties, negotiations and diplomatic manoeuvres. Wars were often started to settle border disputes, trade rivalries, dynastic feuds, territorial ambitions or nationalistic aspirations. However, with the rise of political ideologies and awareness of global issues, diplomacy has evolved to include concerns such as human rights, the environment, international security, economic cooperation, regulation of world trade, public health, culture, etc. Until the 19th century, diplomacy was primarily a tool of power politics to defend national interests and influence international decisions. This practice could go as far as war, which was often seen as an extension of diplomacy. After this period, diplomacy continues to be an important foreign policy tool, but it is evolving towards a more multilateral approach, where states seek to cooperate and resolve conflicts through negotiation rather than military force. Diplomacy is also becoming more complex, with the emergence of non-state actors such as international organisations and civil society increasingly involved in international affairs. Modern diplomacy therefore involves a range of skills such as communication, mediation, negotiation, conflict resolution and multilateral cooperation.

Looking at long-term developments, one can observe an expansion of the fields of action of diplomacy, notably with the emergence of cultural diplomacy and economic diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is the use of cultural and artistic exchanges between countries to promote understanding and relations between them. This form of diplomacy emerged in the 20th century in response to the rise of globalisation and international communication. It has become an important part of contemporary diplomacy, with organisations such as UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation) and many cultural cooperation programmes between countries. Economic diplomacy, on the other hand, became an important prerogative of states from the late 19th century onwards, when countries began to seek ways to promote their economic interests abroad. Economic diplomacy aims to promote trade, foreign investment and economic cooperation between countries. It is often carried out by embassies and specialised government agencies such as trade and foreign ministries.

At the end of the 19th century, economic globalisation grew rapidly, fuelled in particular by the expansion of international trade and investment. National economies were increasingly integrated into an evolving global economic system. In this context, the conquest of new foreign markets became a major challenge for states seeking to strengthen their economic power. From the end of the 19th century onwards, multilateral trade negotiations emerged with the aim of regulating economic exchanges between states. This was particularly the case with the signing of the Free Trade Treaty between France and Great Britain in 1890, which marked the beginning of a period of international trade negotiations aimed at reducing tariff barriers and promoting free trade. This movement was reinforced after the First World War with the creation of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 1919 and the International Trade Organisation (ICO) in 1948, which became the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1995. These multilateral organisations aim to regulate international economic trade by promoting free trade and reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers between member states. Economic diplomacy has gained in importance since the end of the 19th century. States began to realise the importance of international economic exchanges for their prosperity and power. This led to increased diplomatic efforts to promote exports, attract foreign investment and negotiate bilateral and multilateral trade agreements. Over time, economic diplomacy has become an integral part of each country's foreign policy. States created specific ministries to deal with international economic issues and deployed networks of diplomats specialised in promoting national economic interests.

Cultural diplomacy appeared at the end of the 19th century, mainly under the influence of European countries. It consists of promoting a country's culture abroad to strengthen its image and influence in the world. This can be done through the creation of cultural institutes, the organisation of cultural events, the promotion of language, the dissemination of works of art, etc. Cultural diplomacy can thus be used as a soft power tool to strengthen relations between countries and improve their cooperation. Cultural diplomacy is often used as a means to compensate for a decline in a country's geopolitical power. It promotes a country's values, language and culture abroad, thus strengthening its image and influence in the world. France was one of the pioneers in this field with the creation of the Alliance Française in 1883, followed by other countries that also developed cultural diplomacy institutions and programmes.

In many countries of the 19th and 20th centuries, institutions aimed at cultural outreach were created. For example, in addition to the Alliance française in France, we can mention the British Council in Great Britain, the Goethe Institute in Germany, the Cervantes Institute in Spain, the Confucius Institute in China or the Japan Foundation in Japan. The aim of these institutions is to promote the language and culture of their country abroad, but also to encourage cultural exchanges and artistic collaboration between different countries. These institutions are often funded by governments but have a certain amount of autonomy and work in collaboration with other cultural actors in the foreign countries where they are located.

The expansion of the fields of intervention of diplomacy has led to the creation of new institutions and structures to meet these new needs. Economic diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, environmental diplomacy, and social and humanitarian affairs each have their own field of action and require specific skills. Governments have therefore created specialised organisations and agencies to deal with these different areas, while working with foreign ministries to coordinate their action abroad.

Nationalism and imperialism in the late 19th century

The process of nationalisation of international relations has been a key feature of diplomatic developments since the 19th century. The emergence of nation-states and their assertion on the international scene led to a strengthening of national sovereignty and an affirmation of foreign policy as an instrument for the defence and promotion of national interests. This was also facilitated by the conquest of colonial empires and the rivalry between the great powers for access to resources and markets in these regions. Diplomacy was therefore used to defend national interests in the international arena and to negotiate agreements to strengthen national power. Colonial conquest is an example of the manifestation of nationalisation in international relations. Nation-states seek to extend their influence and territory by conquering colonies on different continents, which can be seen as a competition between colonial powers for territorial dominance. This process also led to the creation of colonial empires and the establishment of colonial regimes that have shaped international relations for centuries.

At the end of the nineteenth century, new types of states emerged as empire states. These are characterised by their domination over territories outside their own national territory. They can take different forms, such as the colonial empires that developed in Europe, Asia and Africa, or the multinational empires, such as the Austro-Hungarian Empire or the Russian Empire, which grouped different nations under a single authority. This territorial expansion was often linked to the search for power and wealth, as well as strategic and geopolitical considerations. There is a strong relationship between the assertion of nation states and colonial expansion. Nation-states sought to extend their influence and power over external territories by establishing colonies. Imperialism was a way for nation-states to strengthen their position and to position themselves in a global hierarchy of powers. An ideology of the cultural and racial superiority of the colonising nations has also accompanied it. Nationalism and imperialism were thus driving forces behind the colonial expansion of the late 19th century.

Nationalism is a phenomenon that has manifested itself all over the world, not just in Europe. In the context of the period we are talking about, namely the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, we can observe the emergence of nationalist movements in many Asian and African countries. These movements were often triggered by colonisation and the political, economic and cultural domination of the European powers, leading to demands for independence and national self-determination. This dynamic contributed to the complexity of international relations at the time, creating new players and new demands that had to be taken into account by the major powers. There are several reasons why the colonies were never completely pacified. First of all, as you pointed out, nationalism is a global phenomenon that also manifested itself in the colonies. Nationalist movements in the colonies began to demand their independence and their political, economic and cultural autonomy, which led to conflicts with the colonial powers. The colonial powers then used violent methods to impose their domination, which often led to violent reactions from the colonised populations. The methods of colonial domination included economic exploitation, political repression and physical violence. Finally, colonial powers often used policies of division and conquest to maintain their dominance over the colonies. These policies created tensions between the different ethnic and religious communities within the colonies, which often degenerated into violence.

The emergence of new international actors

The first international organisations

International organisations appeared at the end of the 19th century, with the creation of the International Telegraph Union in 1865 and the Universal Postal Union in 1874. However, it was mainly after the First World War that the creation of international organisations intensified, with the foundation of the League of Nations in 1919 and many other specialised organisations in areas such as health, education, trade and international security. Since then, many other international organisations have emerged, such as the United Nations in 1945, and they have played an important role in cooperation and coordination between member countries.

From the 1850s-1860s, there was an accelerated process of economic globalisation, with the expansion of international trade and the growth of capital exchange. This led to the need to standardise trade rules between different countries. States began to negotiate bilateral trade agreements to regulate their trade. However, these agreements were often limited to specific sectors or products and it was difficult to harmonise the rules between different countries. Therefore, in the late 19th century, initiatives were launched to establish common international standards and regulate trade on a global scale. The need for international standardisation became apparent in the late 19th century as international trade grew. Countries began to realise that it was difficult to trade with countries that did not apply the same standards, whether in terms of customs, taxes or trade rules. This led to the creation of the first international organisations, such as the Universal Postal Union in 1874 and the International Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules of Law relating to Bills of Lading in 1924. The aim of these organisations was to facilitate trade between countries by establishing common standards.

This first phenomenon of international organisations emerged in the 1860s with the International Unions:

The International Telegraph Union (ITU) was created in 1865 with the aim of facilitating telegraphic exchanges between countries. It was the first international body to be established to regulate international telecommunications. The UTI played an important role in expanding the use of the telegraph worldwide, facilitating exchanges between different national telegraph networks and harmonising tariffs and billing procedures. It was replaced in 1932 by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU).
The Universal Postal Union (UPU) is an international organisation founded in 1874 in Berne, Switzerland, with the aim of coordinating postal services between member countries. Its mission is to promote the development of postal communication and to facilitate the international exchange of mail by establishing international standards and tariffs for sending mail between countries. Today, the UPU has 192 member States and is based in Berne.
The International Union of Weights and Measures (UIPM) was founded in 1875 with the aim of establishing international cooperation in metrology and ensuring the uniformity of measurements and weights used in international trade. It established the International System of Units (SI) in 1960, which is now used in most countries of the world.
The International Union for the Protection of Industrial Property was founded in 1883 in Paris. It later became the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO), with its headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. WIPO is a specialised agency of the United Nations whose mission is to promote the protection of intellectual property throughout the world by providing a legal framework for the protection of patents, trademarks, industrial designs, copyright and geographical indications.
The International Union for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works (UIPLA) was founded in 1886 in Berne, Switzerland. It was created in response to the need to protect the intellectual property rights of artists and authors on an international scale. Today, UIPLA is known as the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and is a specialized agency of the United Nations.
The International Union of Agriculture was established in 1905 to promote international cooperation in the field of agriculture and the improvement of agricultural methods. It was replaced by the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations) in 1945.
The International Office of Public Health was established in 1907. It is an international organisation responsible for monitoring and promoting public health throughout the world. It was created in response to a series of global pandemics, including plague and cholera, which affected many countries in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The International Office of Public Health was replaced in 1948 by the World Health Organization (WHO).

The aim of international unions was to establish common standards and regulations to facilitate trade between member countries. This has led to the harmonisation of communication systems, measurements, industrial and intellectual property protection, as well as health and food safety. These unions have thus contributed to the growth of international trade and cooperation between nations.

International organisations require specific skills that may differ from those of traditional diplomats. They are often made up of technical experts in specific fields, such as trade, health, environment, human rights, etc. Diplomats work with these organisations in a collaborative manner. Diplomats work with these experts to develop international policies and standards in their area of specialisation. The problems that emerged in the 20th century, such as armed conflicts, economic crises, environmental and public health challenges, required the creation of new international organisations with greater involvement of experts in their functioning. One such organisation was the League of Nations, created in 1919 following the end of the First World War, with the mission of maintaining international peace and security. Despite its efforts, the League of Nations failed to prevent the outbreak of the Second World War and was replaced by the United Nations (UN) in 1945. The UN has become one of the most important international organisations, with missions ranging from international peace and security to the promotion of economic and social development, the protection of human rights, the prevention of natural disasters and the management of health crises. The composition of the UN also reflects the emergence of new international actors, such as developing countries and civil society organisations.

Experts played an increasingly important role in international negotiations during the 19th century. States realised the importance of having experts in specific fields to negotiate with other states and to find common agreements. The harmonisation of measurement systems is an example of this collaboration between international experts. The metre became a recognised international unit of measurement in 1875 thanks to the efforts of scientists and engineers from several countries. This international recognition facilitated trade and scientific exchange between countries.

Administrative unions have played a key role in the development of multilateral negotiation between states. By meeting regularly, states have had the opportunity to discuss and negotiate common standards, regulations and public policies, thus facilitating international cooperation and promoting global policy harmonisation. This experience also provided the basis for the subsequent creation of broader international organisations, such as the League of Nations and the United Nations, which strengthened the role of multilateral negotiation in international relations.

The establishment of an international system with universal aims may conflict with the interests of some nation states. This can lead to tensions and conflicts in international relations. For example, the idea of international human rights protection may be perceived as an infringement on the sovereignty of states that prefer to stick to national norms and values. This is why there may be resistance to the implementation of certain international standards, even if they are considered universal and legitimate by the international community.

Non-governmental actors

Under public international law, only states and international organisations have international legal personality. Non-governmental actors such as individuals, companies, NGOs and social movements do not have international legal personality, although they may participate in negotiation and consultation processes as observers or consultants. However, these actors can have a significant influence on international policy and decision-making. Non-governmental actors are not recognised under international law as legal entities in their own right, but their role is increasingly important in international relations. This can pose problems of regulation and participation in international decision-making. Some non-governmental organisations have managed to gain recognition by international organisations and have been granted consultative status. This allows them to participate in meetings and contribute to debates, but their decision-making power remains limited.

Defining non-governmental organisations is not straightforward as there is no universal or official definition. However, it can be said that they are private, non-profit organisations that have a public service or general interest mission, and operate outside the government apparatus and on a non-profit basis. NGOs can operate at different levels, from the local community to the international level, and can work on a wide range of issues such as environmental protection, human rights promotion, humanitarian aid, etc. The status of non-governmental organisations is complex and their definition varies according to the context and the country. They can have very diverse missions and be involved in areas such as environmental protection, the defence of human rights, humanitarian aid, public health, etc. Some organisations are very small, while others are large. Some organisations are very small, while others are major players in civil society. In addition, some organisations have close relations with governments, while others are completely independent. This makes it difficult to define them clearly and to determine their place in international law. With the emergence of peace movements and the idea of international regulation of problems, non-governmental actors began to play an important role in international relations. However, their legal status was not clear at the time, and it took several decades before their role was recognised in international law. Today, non-governmental organisations have an important place in international life and are recognised as actors in their own right.

From the end of the 19th century onwards, new actors came into play in the field of international relations. These include peace movements, civil society organisations and intellectuals who are interested in the issue of peace and the regulation of international conflicts. These new actors are often non-professionals in diplomacy, but they bring a different perspective and new proposals for resolving disputes between states. The incursion of non-governmental actors into international relations has profoundly changed the nature of the way international relations work. It has led to an increase in the complexity of actors and issues, as well as a multiplication of channels of communication, negotiation and cooperation. NGOs, associations, social movements, transnational companies, individuals, etc. have thus been able to participate in the definition and implementation of international policies and standards, often in collaboration with states and international organisations. This dynamic has also favoured the emergence of global issues such as the environment, human rights, health, global governance, etc., which have given rise to new debates and new forms of cooperation between the actors concerned.

Non-governmental organisations have various fields of action:

Humanitarian organisations: the Red Cross is one of the best known and oldest humanitarian organisations in the world. It was founded by the Swiss Henri Dunant in 1863, after he witnessed the suffering of wounded soldiers at the Battle of Solferino in Italy in 1859. Dunant gathered volunteers to help the wounded on both sides, regardless of their nationality. This experience led him to propose the creation of an international movement that would provide relief in the event of war and be protected by an international convention.
Pacifism: Pacifism is a movement that emerged at the end of the 19th century in response to rising tensions between nations and the wars that ensued. There are several forms of pacifism, including legal pacifism and parliamentary and political pacifism, which aim to promote peace through law and diplomacy rather than war. There is also religious pacifism, which is based on the belief that war is contrary to the teachings of certain religions, and militant pacifism, which advocates conscientious objection and non-violent direct action as a means of fighting war.
Legal pacifism is a school of thought that aims to promote peace through international law. Legal pacifists seek to theorise a legal regime of peace and to establish rules for resolving international conflicts in a peaceful manner. They advocate international arbitration, mediation and negotiation to resolve conflicts between states. In 1899 and 1907, international peace conferences were held in The Hague, Netherlands, which codified rules of international humanitarian law. These conferences were followed by the creation of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, which is an international institution for resolving disputes between states through arbitration.
Pacifism' of parliamentary and political circles: The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) was founded in 1889. It is the oldest international intergovernmental organisation. It was founded to promote cooperation and dialogue between the parliaments of different countries, and to contribute to international peace and cooperation. The IPU works in particular to promote democracy and human rights, the peaceful resolution of conflicts, economic cooperation and sustainable development.
Industrial pacifism: Industrial pacifism is a movement that aims to promote peace by addressing the economic and social causes of conflict. It emerged in the early 20th century and has had some success in the United States and Europe. Industrial pacifists advocate an economy based on cooperation rather than competition, and seek to promote fair and environmentally friendly trade practices. They also oppose the arms race and wars that are often motivated by economic interests. Some industrial pacifists have been involved in social movements such as the civil rights movement and the labour movement.

Pacifism is an international movement that developed in Europe, but also in North America in the late 19th century. In the United States, the pacifist movement gained momentum with the Spanish-American War of 1898, which saw the United States become involved in an armed conflict outside its own territory. American pacifists created organisations such as the Anti-War League in 1898 and the Friends of Peace Society in 1905. These organisations worked to raise awareness of the human and economic costs of war, and sought to promote diplomacy and negotiation as a means of resolving international conflicts. Pacifism is an international movement that developed in Europe, but also in North America in the late 19th century. In the United States, the pacifist movement gained momentum with the Spanish-American War of 1898, which saw the United States become involved in an armed conflict outside its own territory. American pacifists created organisations such as the Anti-Imperialist League in 1898. The European idea was also spread by the Anglo-American pacifist movement, which encouraged the creation of peace on the European continent. Organisations such as the Peace and Freedom Society were created in Paris and Geneva to promote international peace and cooperation. In addition, some proponents of free trade, such as Frederic Bastiat, also advocated peace in Europe. Bastiat founded the Society of Friends of Peace in France to promote economic cooperation and understanding between nations. These organisations worked to raise public awareness of the human and economic costs of war, and sought to promote diplomacy and negotiation as a means of resolving international conflicts.

Scientific and technical cooperation: Scientific and technical cooperation organisations are often created by wealthy patrons who wish to fund research and development projects in various scientific and technical fields, such as medicine, agriculture, energy or information technology. These organisations aim to promote innovation and technical progress through international collaboration and the exchange of knowledge and technology between different countries and institutions. The Rockefeller Foundation was established in 1913 by John D. Rockefeller, a wealthy American industrialist. The foundation has supported many initiatives in the fields of public health, education, scientific research and agriculture around the world. For example, it has contributed to the eradication of yellow fever in Latin America, the fight against sleeping sickness in Africa and the development of agriculture in Asia. The Rockefeller Foundation is an example of how private organisations can have a significant positive impact on the lives of people around the world.
Religious organisations: the distinction between religious and non-governmental organisations can sometimes be blurred. Some religious organisations may act outside their primary mission to engage in humanitarian, social or environmental activities, for example. In this case, they can be considered to be acting as non-governmental organisations. However, it is important to note that religious organisations often have a specific purpose and focus related to their belief or doctrine, which differentiates them from other types of non-governmental organisations. The YMCA (Young Men's Christian Association) is a non-profit Protestant religious organisation founded in 1844 in England. Although their primary mission is to promote Christian values, YMCAs are also involved in a variety of social, cultural and educational activities aimed at helping young people develop in a positive way. For example, they have developed vocational training and personal development programmes, as well as sports activities such as basketball, volleyball and swimming. Today, YMCAs are present in over 119 countries and have over 64 million members.
Feminist organisations: Feminist organisations emerged at the end of the 19th century, when women began to fight for their rights and organise themselves into political communities. The International Council of Women was founded in 1888 by women's rights activists from different countries, and has since worked to promote gender equality and fight discrimination and violence against women around the world. There are now many other feminist organisations around the world working on issues such as political representation, reproductive health, equal pay and combating gender-based violence.
Cultural and intellectual exchange organisations: Cultural and intellectual exchange organisations have played an important role in promoting intercultural dialogue and international cooperation. The Esperanto clubs, as you mentioned, were organisations that advocated the use of a universal language, Esperanto, to facilitate communication and exchange between people of different cultures. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) is a non-governmental organisation established in 1894, with its headquarters in Lausanne, Switzerland. The IOC is responsible for the organisation of the Olympic Games, which are an international sporting and cultural event. The IOC member states are represented by National Olympic Committees, which are themselves non-governmental organisations. The Olympic Games are therefore an example of international cooperation between non-governmental organisations and states. At the end of the 20th century, numerous scientific congresses were set up, particularly in the fields of medical research, physics and chemistry. These congresses allow scientists from all over the world to meet, exchange ideas, present their work and collaborate on joint research projects. They are often organised by scientific associations or academic institutions and can have a significant impact on the development of science and technology worldwide.

Non-governmental organisations have a wide variety of structures and objectives, which makes them difficult to characterise definitively. For example, some NGOs are funded by governments or companies, which raises questions about their independence and impartiality. Similarly, some NGOs are heavily involved in politics, while others focus mainly on humanitarian aid. There are also debates about the role and impact of NGOs in society, including their effectiveness in solving the problems they aim to address.

Public/private boundary: the boundary between public and private can be blurred in the case of non-governmental organisations. The Red Cross, for example, is an organisation that operates internationally as a private entity, but it is mandated by the signatory states of the Geneva Convention. Thus, it has a public mission in the humanitarian field, but it is funded mainly by private donations and voluntary contributions. In this sense, the Red Cross is an organisation that operates in a grey area between the public and the private. National Red Cross Societies are often closely linked to the governments of their respective countries, and this is even more true when there is a conflict or a major humanitarian disaster. In these situations, governments can provide significant financial support and logistical assistance to Red Cross societies to enable them to carry out their humanitarian mission. However, Red Cross Societies are independent organisations with their own structure and leadership, and they must respect the fundamental principles of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, such as humanity, impartiality, neutrality, independence, voluntary service, unity and universality.
Networking: Networking is an important characteristic of non-governmental organisations. Networks enable organisations to work together to achieve common goals, share information, resources and expertise, coordinate efforts and build capacity. Networks can be formal or informal, regional or global, focused on specific problems or broader issues. They can include civil society organisations, intergovernmental organisations, governments, businesses, universities and individuals. Networking allows non-governmental organisations to maximise their impact and increase their influence on policy makers at the global level.
Rival organisations: Non-governmental organisations are often very committed to noble causes, but this does not prevent them from having a turbulent history, with internal conflicts and tensions with other organisations. These struggles for symbolic recognition and influence in the public sphere can sometimes obscure the underlying issues of the causes they are defending. It can also have negative consequences for the effectiveness of their work and their ability to mobilise resources. The International Council of Women was created in 1888 in response to the dissatisfaction of feminist activists who, although very numerous in the labour and peace movements, were not recognised as such within these movements. The Council gained recognition and established contacts with other organisations. However, tensions arose within the movement as some members felt that the leadership did not give sufficient importance to political concerns, especially for the extension of public rights to women. As a result, in 1904, the movement created the International Suffrage Alliance, and in 1915, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom was formed. In addition, some of the members felt that rising international tensions were creating nationalist tensions within the movement, leading to a further split.

The end of the 19th century saw the emergence of a number of international actors who helped shape the international system as we know it today. These actors include non-governmental organisations, social movements, multinational companies, the international media, etc. These actors have gradually gained in importance and have become more and more important. These actors have gradually gained in importance and have begun to play a major role in international relations, alongside states and intergovernmental organisations. This development has profoundly transformed the nature of international issues and contributed to the emergence of an increasingly complex and interconnected international system.

Early regionalism: the Pan-American Union

The Pan American Union is an early example of regionalism, which emerged at the end of the 19th century in Latin America at the instigation of the United States. The organisation aimed to promote cooperation and integration among the countries of the American continent, as well as to strengthen their economic, political and cultural ties. The Pan American Union is considered a forerunner of the Organisation of American States (OAS), which was founded in 1948.

Regionalism is a political and cultural movement that seeks to strengthen identity and solidarity between countries in the same region, often in reaction to external forces or universalism. In the early 20th century, the tension between nationalism and universalism led to the emergence of regionalist movements, which sought to balance national interests with the needs of regional cooperation. Regionalism has often been seen as a response to nationalism, which emphasises the identity and sovereignty of a particular country. However, regionalism can also be seen as a complement to nationalism, as it seeks to preserve and promote the common interests of countries within a region.

The Pan American Union was an important step towards the creation of regional institutions in Latin America, which have contributed to the political and economic stability of the region. The OAS, which succeeded the Pan American Union, continues to play an important role in promoting democracy, human rights and economic development in the Americas. Regionalism has also inspired the creation of other regional organisations and initiatives around the world, such as the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). These organisations aim to strengthen cooperation among member countries and foster regional integration, while respecting the sovereignty and identity of each country.

The first Pan-American Conference was actually held in 1889-1890 in Washington, D.C. The Pan-American Union was formally created in 1910, following the ratification of the 1910 Buenos Aires Convention by the participating countries. The main objective of the first Pan-American Conference was to establish a system of cooperation and dialogue between the countries of North, Central and South America. One of the main topics discussed at the conference was the promotion of economic integration and trade between the countries of the region. Among the proposals discussed at the conference were the adoption of common standards for trade and shipping, arbitration to resolve disputes between countries and the creation of a customs union. Although not all of these proposals were implemented immediately, the conference laid the groundwork for increased cooperation and economic integration initiatives in the following decades. The Pan American Union, which succeeded the Pan American Conference, continued efforts to promote economic integration and trade among the countries of the Americas. The organisation has played a role in coordinating and facilitating economic relations among its members, organising conferences and meetings to discuss issues of common interest and promoting economic and technical cooperation projects.

One of the objectives of the Pan American Union was to resolve border disputes between member countries in a peaceful and non-violent manner. As you mentioned, many Latin American countries inherited unclear and ill-defined borders as a result of the break-up of the Spanish empire. These uncertain borders often led to tensions and conflicts between neighbouring states. The Pan American Union has encouraged the peaceful resolution of border disputes by promoting dialogue, negotiation and arbitration between the parties involved. The organisation has also acted as a mediator by providing legal and technical advice and facilitating discussions between countries in conflict. Over the years, the Pan American Union and its successor, the Organisation of American States (OAS), have helped to resolve several border conflicts in the region. For example, the OAS played a key role in mediating the dispute between Belize and Guatemala over their common border. Promoting the peaceful resolution of border disputes has been essential to prevent armed conflict and to strengthen political and economic stability in the region. By encouraging cooperation and dialogue among member countries, the Pan American Union and the OAS have helped create an environment conducive to development and regional integration.

Woodrow Wilson

Woodrow Wilson, the 28th President of the United States, took office in 1913, three years after the creation of the Pan American Union. Although the Pan American Union was founded before his presidency, Wilson supported and encouraged deeper economic and political integration among the countries of the region. Wilson was a strong advocate of international cooperation and diplomacy as a means of preventing conflict and promoting peace. His approach to foreign policy, known as 'Wilsonism', emphasised democracy, the free determination of peoples and multilateralism. Wilson's Fourteen Points, presented in 1918, were a set of principles intended as a basis for peace after the First World War. Although these points were not directly related to the Pan American Union, they reflect Wilson's commitment to international cooperation and the self-determination of nations. Among the Fourteen Points, several were relevant to Latin America and the objectives of the Pan American Union. For example, the principle of free navigation of the seas, the lowering of economic barriers and the creation of a general association of nations to guarantee political security and the independence of states. Although Wilson's Fourteen Points were not directly related to the Pan American Union, they shared similar goals and reflected Wilson's vision for a more peaceful and cooperative world. During Wilson's presidency, the US continued to support the Pan American Union and sought to deepen economic and political integration in the region. However, it should be noted that Wilson's foreign policy in Latin America was also criticised for its interventionism and paternalism, particularly through the Monroe Doctrine, which aimed to protect US interests in the region.^[4]

Woodrow Wilson's proposal for collective security was an important aspect of his vision for the Pan American Union and for international cooperation in general. Wilson believed that peace and stability could be maintained by encouraging nations to work together to resolve conflicts and by guaranteeing collective security. The Pan-American Union was designed not only to promote economic and political integration, but also to address other issues of security, development and regional cooperation. Over the years, the organisation has broadened its scope to include various prerogatives, such as the peaceful resolution of conflicts, the promotion of human rights, development cooperation and environmental protection. The idea of collective security also influenced the creation of the Organisation of American States (OAS) in 1948, which succeeded the Pan-American Union. The OAS adopted a Charter enshrining principles such as non-intervention, the peaceful resolution of conflicts, democracy, human rights and economic and social solidarity. Today, the OAS continues to play a central role in promoting collective security and regional cooperation in the Americas. The organisation strives to prevent and resolve conflicts, promote democracy and human rights, and foster economic and social development in the region. Ultimately, the Pan American Union and the OAS illustrate how regional organisations can evolve to address an increasingly broad and interconnected range of issues. These organisations were influenced by visions such as that of Woodrow Wilson, who believed in the need for international cooperation and collective security to ensure peace and prosperity.

The Pan American Union expanded its prerogatives and areas of action in the early 20th century to address a range of regional issues, including health, science, law and defence. In 1902, the Pan American Sanitary Bureau, now known as the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), was established to promote cooperation in public health and to combat epidemics in the region. PAHO has worked to improve disease surveillance, epidemic control and public health standards in the Americas. The Inter-American Juridical Committee, created in 1928, aims to promote legal cooperation and harmonisation of legislation among member countries. This initiative led to the creation of the Inter-American Court of Justice in 1948, which is responsible for resolving legal disputes between member states and ensuring respect for human rights. Scientific and academic associations were also created to encourage collaboration and the exchange of ideas among scholars and researchers in the Americas. These organisations have helped to promote innovation and scientific development in various fields, such as technology, the environment and the social sciences. Finally, collective security was addressed with the creation of the Pan American Defence Organisation in 1942, during the Second World War. The purpose of this organisation was to promote defence coordination and cooperation among the countries of the region to address common threats and ensure regional security. This initiative laid the foundation for security cooperation within the framework of the Organisation of American States (OAS), which was established in 1948. These developments show how the Pan American Union has evolved over time to address a wide range of regional issues and challenges. The resulting initiatives and institutions continue to play an important role in promoting regional cooperation and integration in the Americas.

The regionalist construct, which began in the late 19th century with the Pan American Union, has similarities with the League of Nations (League) and, by extension, the United Nations (UN). These organisations share common principles, such as the promotion of international cooperation, the peaceful resolution of conflicts, the protection of human rights and the promotion of economic and social development. The Pan-American Union can be considered a blueprint for the UN model, as it introduced mechanisms for regional and multilateral cooperation that were later adopted and developed by the League of Nations and the UN. However, it should be noted that the Pan-American Union focused mainly on regional issues in the Americas, while the UN and the League of Nations have a global scope. It is also important to note that the Pan American Union was not necessarily a competitor to the League of Nations, as both organisations pursued similar objectives but operated at different levels. The Pan American Union focused on promoting regional cooperation and integration in the Americas, while the League of Nations had the mission of maintaining international peace and security and promoting cooperation among nations around the world. With the creation of the United Nations in 1945, the principles and mechanisms of the Pan American Union and the League of Nations were incorporated into the UN system. The Organization of American States (OAS), which succeeded the Pan American Union in 1948, became a regional partner of the UN and works closely with the world body to promote peace, security, human rights and development in the Americas.

During the interwar period, the Pan American Union and the League of Nations (League) did cooperate on some issues, but also maintained a certain distance due to the tensions between nationalism and universalism. The Pan American Union, as a regional organisation, aimed to promote cooperation and integration among the countries of the Americas. The League of Nations, on the other hand, was global in scope and aimed to maintain international peace and security by encouraging cooperation among all nations. Although the two organisations shared common goals, their approaches and areas of action differed, reflecting the tensions between nationalist and universalist aspirations at the time. Latin American nations, in particular, were often torn between the desire to preserve their sovereignty and national identity, and the aspiration to participate in an international system based on cooperation and multilateralism. This tension sometimes led to friction between the Pan American Union and the League of Nations, as each sought to assert its role and influence on the international scene. Despite these tensions, the Pan American Union played a crucial role in the beginnings of regionalism and laid the foundations for regional cooperation and integration in the Americas. The principles and mechanisms developed by the Pan American Union influenced the creation of other regional organisations and helped shape the international system that emerged after World War II, notably with the creation of the United Nations (UN) and the Organisation of American States (OAS).

The League of Nations: the birth of a universal system

The League of Nations was the first universal international organisation created after the First World War, in 1919, with the aim of maintaining international peace and security by promoting cooperation between member states. It included most of the world's states at the time, but some countries such as the United States did not join the League, and others such as Germany and the Soviet Union joined later.

The origins

The idea of creating an international organisation to settle conflicts between states was supported by pacifist and humanitarian movements from the end of the 19th century. Personalities such as the writer Victor Hugo or the philosopher Bertrand Russell defended this idea in their writings and speeches. The pacifist movements of the end of the 19th century contributed to the formation of the idea of an international regulation of problems. They expressed an aspiration for peace and international cooperation in response to the ravages of the wars that shook Europe in the 19th century. Personalities such as the British philanthropist Alfred Nobel, the French journalist Henri Dunant, founder of the Red Cross, and the Swiss jurist Gustave Moynier, in particular, worked in favour of this idea. Their reflections contributed to the awareness of the need to set up international institutions to settle disputes between states peacefully. However, it was only after the First World War, which saw unprecedented violence and a horrific death toll, that the creation of an international organisation became a priority for many states. The League of Nations was created in 1919 with the aim of preserving international peace and security. The origin of this is the multitude of peace movements that were born and that formulated the first ways of structuring the idea of an international regulation of problems, which was a new idea.

In a period marked by nationalism and rivalry between states, the idea of a supranational authority to regulate conflicts and guarantee peace was new and daring. It was the subject of intense debate and discussion among the peace movements and intellectuals of the time. This idea was finally realised with the creation of the League of Nations after the First World War, although it failed to prevent the rise of tensions and the outbreak of the Second World War.

The Hague Congresses are considered founding events of modern multilateral diplomacy, with the aim of preventing armed conflict and developing peaceful means of settling disputes between states. The first Hague Congress, in 1899, resulted in the signing of several international conventions, including the Hague Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land. The Second Congress, in 1907, expanded the scope of international humanitarian law and also led to the signing of several conventions, including the Hague Convention on International Pacification. These congresses thus laid the foundations of multilateral diplomacy and contributed to the formation of the idea of international conflict regulation. The idea of arbitration was formalised at the Hague Peace Congresses in 1899 and 1907, where states discussed the possibility of resolving international conflicts by peaceful means rather than by war. This idea was promoted by the peace movements and in particular by the organisations of legal pacifism, which considered that disputes between states should be settled by international tribunals rather than by armed force. Arbitration was therefore seen as a means of preventing war and settling international disputes peacefully.

The first Hague Congress in 1899 was convened by the Russian Tsar Nicholas II and brought together 26 European and American states. The aim was to discuss arms control and war prevention. The delegates adopted several resolutions, the most important of which was the adoption of the Hague Convention for the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes, which provided for compulsory arbitration for disputes that could not be settled by negotiation. A Permanent Court of Arbitration, composed of judges chosen by the member states, was also established to resolve such disputes. The resolutions of the First Congress were revised and expanded at the Second Congress in The Hague in 1907.

The Court of Arbitration set up by the First Hague Congress in 1899 was not permanent and had to be specially created for each dispute. Furthermore, the Court's jurisdiction was subject to the will of the states, which had to agree to submit their dispute to arbitration and to abide by the decision rendered. Finally, the states themselves had to designate the arbitrators who would sit on each case.

In 1907, the Second Hague Congress strengthened the principle of arbitration by creating a permanent court of arbitration to sit in The Hague. This court would be composed of judges from the signatory states of the Hague Convention and would be responsible for settling international disputes through arbitration. The Permanent Court of Arbitration was open to all states that accepted the convention and was intended to promote international peace and justice. The establishment of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 1907 in The Hague was a major step forward in the peaceful resolution of international disputes. However, despite the adoption of this measure by the Hague Conference, it is true that not all states immediately ratified this initiative. That said, the Permanent Court of Arbitration began to operate from its inception, with a permanent secretariat to facilitate the appointment of arbitrators. It has contributed to the peaceful resolution of many international disputes in the decades since.

Léon Bourgeois, as President of the French Council, played an important role in the adoption of the principle of arbitration at the Hague Conference in 1899. He advocated the idea of peaceful settlement of international disputes through arbitration and was instrumental in the creation of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 1907. Léon Bourgeois was a French politician who played an important role in the promotion of peace and international law in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In particular, he chaired the French delegation to the Hague Peace Conference in 1899 and 1907, where he promoted the idea of a permanent court of international arbitration. He was also one of the founders of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, an international organisation to promote parliamentary cooperation and the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Bourgeois was a strong advocate of international arbitration and was instrumental in advancing the idea of an international organisation to settle disputes between nations, which eventually led to the creation of the League of Nations.

In 1907, despite the reaffirmation of the principle of arbitration and the creation of a permanent court of arbitration in The Hague, tensions between the European powers began to rise, and the decisions taken by the Hague conference were little followed. Indeed, nationalist movements and the rise of rivalries between the great powers made it difficult to set up effective international regulation. The two Hague congresses laid the foundations for certain ideas that were later taken up and developed by the League of Nations, such as the principle of arbitration to settle international disputes or the creation of a permanent court of arbitration. These ideas were promoted by peace movements and non-governmental organisations, but were also adopted by the great powers at the Hague conferences.

The historical background to the creation of the League of Nations is essential to understanding the motivations and objectives of this international organisation. The First World War was a major turning point in human history, as it caused massive destruction and had far-reaching political, economic and social consequences. The war showed that traditional diplomacy based on the rivalry of national powers and the balance of power was no longer capable of guaranteeing international peace and security. It was against this background that the idea of an international organisation to regulate relations between states and prevent conflict emerged. The League of Nations was created at the end of the First World War in 1919 with the aim of maintaining international peace and security and promoting cooperation between states. However, despite its noble aims, the League of Nations failed to prevent the Second World War and was replaced by the United Nations after the end of that war.

World War I and the Treaty of Versailles

The creation of the League of Nations gave rise to debate and rivalry at the time of the Versailles Peace Congress. On the one hand, there were supporters of the creation of an international organisation that could prevent war and keep the peace, such as the American President Woodrow Wilson. On the other hand, there were those who were suspicious of the idea of such an organisation, such as British Prime Minister David Lloyd George and French President Georges Clemenceau, who had more immediate concerns about war reparations and national security. The United States put forward its own plan for a League of Nations, which would have been based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all member states. However, European leaders were concerned about the implications of this proposal for their own national security and position in the world. Eventually, the League of Nations was established in 1919, with 42 founding members, as an international organisation to promote international cooperation and prevent armed conflict, but it encountered difficulties in maintaining peace in the world due to rising tensions and conflicts between member states. Some of the problems that the League of Nations encountered were pre-existing at its inception. For example, the question of defining national boundaries was one of the most difficult issues to resolve at the end of the First World War, and it continued to be a source of international tension for many years. Similarly, the question of national sovereignty was a complex issue that gave rise to heated debates within the League of Nations, particularly concerning the relationship between member states and the organisation itself. Finally, the question of how to guarantee international security was another important concern, which ultimately led to the failure of the League of Nations as a peacekeeping organisation.

There were three competing plans for the creation of the League of Nations under discussion at the Versailles conference:

Wilson's draft was based on the idea of a universal organisation that would promote cooperation and the peaceful settlement of disputes between member states. This was to be achieved through clear provisions and control mechanisms to regulate relations between states. The aim was to create an organisation that would prevent conflicts rather than simply resolve them. Wilson's project was also based on the principle of sovereign equality between member states, which would be the basis for multilateral cooperation.
Lord Robert Cecil was a British diplomat and politician who played an important role in the discussions on the creation of the League of Nations. His plan, known as the 'Chamber of Appeal' project, envisaged the creation of a council of major European powers that would have had the power to settle disputes between League of Nations member states. This council would have been supplemented by a 'Chamber of Appeal' made up of representatives of the League of Nations member states, but which would have had only an advisory role. Cecil's project was thus more focused on Europe and the maintenance of the balance of power, rather than on the creation of a universal multilateral organisation.
Leon Bourgeois had an ambitious vision for the creation of an international organisation. He proposed to create a true society of nations with a world government with coercive powers, an international court and an international army. This proposal went further than Wilson's project, which did not provide for such a level of global integration. Bourgeois believed that war was the result of a lack of regulation at the international level, and that a strong international organisation was necessary to avoid armed conflict. His vision influenced the creation of the League of Nations, which was established after the First World War with the aim of maintaining international peace and security.

Léon Bourgeois' project was not supported by the government of Georges Clemenceau, who was in charge of France at the time. Clemenceau was more attached to the idea of strengthening France's security through alliances with other European powers than through the creation of a universal international organisation. This partly explains why Bourgeois' project was not retained at the Versailles peace conference in 1919. The Americans and the British merged their projects to reach a compromise, which was eventually accepted by the other powers. This compromise was based on the idea of a League of Nations, which would be an international organisation of cooperation between sovereign states, based on the principle of collective security. The Member States of the League of Nations thus undertook to resolve their disputes peacefully and to come to the aid of any Member State under attack, using collective armed force if necessary. Member states would also be subject to obligations of disarmament, respect for international law and promotion of human rights. This project was finally accepted at the Versailles Conference in 1919, and the League of Nations was created as an international organisation to maintain international peace and security. In order to reach a compromise between the different projects, it was necessary to take into account certain demands from France. Thus, the League of Nations was given a General Assembly in which each member state had one vote, regardless of its size or importance. In addition, France obtained the creation of a Permanent Council for the maintenance of international peace and security, which it hoped would have significant powers to prevent the recurrence of world conflicts. Eventually, despite some concessions, the League of Nations was established in 1920 at the end of the First World War, with the objective of preserving international peace and security. The structure of the League of Nations reflects the compromises that were made between the different projects at the Versailles Conference. For example, the League of Nations Covenant included the idea of collective security, which was one of Wilson's main proposals, and which stated that aggression against one member of the League would be considered as aggression against the whole community, leading to a collective response. However, due to differences among member states on how to achieve this collective security, the League of Nations had no armed force or binding legal power to enforce its decisions. In the end, the League of Nations was a highly structured organisation but lacked the means to effectively enforce international peace and security.

The creation of the League of Nations at the end of the First World War was the result of a compromise between the various victorious powers. The ideas of Leon Bourgeois, who argued for international justice and an international armed force to guarantee peace, were debated but not adopted. The Anglo-Saxons succeeded in imposing their vision of the League, which was based more on dialogue and cooperation between member states than on a logic of coercion and repression. However, despite its limitations, the League laid the foundations of international law and helped to develop an awareness of the need to regulate relations between nations.

The League of Nations is the French translation of the English term League of Nations, which is the official name of the international organisation created in 1920 after the First World War. This difference in terminology reflects a difference in vision and perception between French and English speakers about the nature and functioning of the League of Nations. The Francophones, largely represented by President Wilson, were in favour of an organisation with some authority and a strong institutional structure that could prevent international conflict and promote cooperation between member states. The Anglophones, on the other hand, sought to preserve the sovereignty of states and to avoid any form of interference in their internal affairs. They therefore preferred a less binding organisation, which would focus more on coordination and mediation than on decision-making and regulation.^[5]

The differences in conception between French and English speakers were a major obstacle to the effectiveness of the League of Nations. The Anglo-Saxon conception of the League of Nations was based on the idea of national sovereignty and non-interference in the affairs of other states, while the Francophone conception of the League of Nations advocated a more structured international organisation with real power to regulate and control international relations. These differences often led to inaction by the League of Nations in the face of international crises, particularly in the 1930s with the rise of Nazism in Germany and the Spanish War.

The non-participation of the United States from the outset greatly weakened the League of Nations, as the Americans were the main proponents of the idea of international government. Without their support and participation, the credibility of the institution was greatly reduced. Moreover, as the United States was a major economic and military power, its absence limited the financial and military resources that the League of Nations could mobilise to achieve its objectives. The American defection had a significant impact on the subsequent history of the League of Nations. The absence of the United States not only weakened the institution, but also contributed to its slow death, as the United States was the main promoter of the League of Nations and could have played a major role in promoting its goals and ideals. The US refusal to ratify the Treaty of Versailles and to participate in the League of Nations also undermined the credibility of the institution and strengthened isolationist forces in the United States. This defection also paved the way for Nazi Germany's expansionism and the rise of fascism in Europe, ultimately leading to World War II.

The history of the League of Nations dates back to before the First World War, with initiatives for international peace and cooperation, notably from French figures such as Léon Bourgeois. However, the League of Nations project as it was set up in Versailles after the war was the result of a compromise between the great powers, with differences in conceptions and interests that affected its implementation and effectiveness. The idea of universalism is present in many international organisations, including the League of Nations and the United Nations. However, this idea is often interpreted differently in different countries and cultures. For example, for some countries, universalism means the promotion of human rights and democracy, while for others it may mean the promotion of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of a country. These differences in interpretation can lead to disagreements and blockages within international organisations.

The functioning of the organisation

The League of Nations was the first attempt to create a structured and organised international order to resolve international conflicts and promote peace. It was a radical political innovation at the time, marking an important development in international relations. Although this attempt failed, it laid the foundation for the subsequent creation of the United Nations (UN) in 1945. The League of Nations also fostered the development of multilateral diplomacy and international cooperation, which are now key elements of the contemporary international order. The League of Nations was the first international organisation to establish a legal and institutional framework to regulate relations between states. It introduced the idea of supranationality, i.e. it established an international order superior to that of the member states and created a system of collective decision-making. This represented a major change from the previous system, which was mainly based on bilateral relations between states. Although the League of Nations had its limitations and failures, it laid the foundations for the construction of a more stable and cooperative international order, which eventually led to the creation of the United Nations after the Second World War.

With the League of Nations, an international organisation was born which, for the first time, established a large and permanent bureaucratic structure. This structure enabled the League of Nations to function smoothly and to deal with international affairs efficiently. The bureaucracy of the League of Nations consists of a secretariat, several technical commissions and a general assembly. The secretariat is responsible for the day-to-day running of the organisation, while the technical commissions specialise in different areas, such as disarmament, refugees or economic affairs. The General Assembly brings together all members of the League of Nations to discuss major international issues. This bureaucracy has enabled the League of Nations to make informed decisions and to manage international affairs effectively. However, it has also been criticised for its lack of transparency and for the fact that it was often dominated by the great powers of the time.

The League of Nations had a specific organisational structure which included several bodies, such as:

Assembly of States: the Assembly of States of the League of Nations functioned according to the principle of "one state, one vote", i.e. each member state had equal weight in the decisions taken by the Assembly, regardless of its size or importance in international relations. This rule affirmed the principle of the sovereign equality of states, while giving each state fair representation in the organisation. However, it has also been criticised for its tendency to favour small states over large powers, and for its difficulty in making quick and effective decisions due to the large number of members in the Assembly. The one-state-one-vote rule of the League of Nations Assembly of States allowed for a degree of equality among member states, although the major powers still had a significant say in decisions. It also allowed smaller states to participate and make their voices heard in international discussions. This rule was maintained in the United Nations (UN), which succeeded the League of Nations in 1945. The Assembly of States was a body of discussion and deliberation, where all member states had equal speaking and voting rights. This made it an important forum for multilateral diplomacy, where states could express their views, debate international issues and seek common solutions to their problems. However, the absence of real coercive power limited the impact of the League of Nations on international relations at the time. There is a formal continuity between the League of Nations and the United Nations in that some structures have been retained. However, there are also significant differences. For example, in the UN General Assembly, each member state has one vote, but important decisions are taken by a two-thirds majority. In addition, the UN Security Council has greater powers than the Council of the League of Nations, particularly in the maintenance of international peace and security, with the possibility of using coercive measures.
The Permanent Council was the forerunner of the UN Security Council. It was composed of five permanent members (France, the United Kingdom, the German Empire, the Japanese Empire and the Russian Empire) and four non-permanent members elected for a period of three years. The Permanent Council had the task of maintaining international peace and security, but it did not have the power to take coercive measures to achieve this. Therefore, the UN Security Council, created in 1945, was given enhanced powers to act in the event of a threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression. The Permanent Council of the League of Nations was replaced by the Council of the League of Nations in 1922, which was composed of four permanent members (Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan) and nine non-permanent members elected for three years. The Council's mission was to monitor and prevent international conflicts, make recommendations for international peace and security, resolve international disputes and coordinate the actions of member states. The Council of the League of Nations had greater powers than the General Assembly, as it had the power to take binding decisions and coercive measures against states that did not comply with the Council's decisions. However, the implementation of these measures was often difficult, as members of the League of Nations were reluctant to use force to enforce the Council's decisions. Unanimity is required to take decisions. Unanimity to take decisions is an important issue in an international organisation. It means that one country can block a decision, even if it is supported by the majority of the other members of the organisation. This can be very frustrating and can lead to inaction by the organisation on important issues. This is why the UN has introduced a system of qualified majority voting for some important decisions, notably in the Security Council. However, the five permanent members have a veto right that allows them to block a decision even if it is supported by a qualified majority. This rule is often criticised, as it can allow a single country to block an important decision, even if it is supported by a majority of other UN members. The permanent members of the Council of the League of Nations, including France and Britain, have often sought to resolve geopolitical issues outside the framework of the League of Nations. There are several reasons for this, including the organisation's lack of effectiveness in maintaining international peace and security, the national interests of member states and their desire to protect their sovereignty. This trend was accentuated by the emergence of authoritarian and aggressive regimes in the 1930s, such as Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, which challenged the established international order and undermined confidence in the League of Nations. One of the main problems of the League of Nations was that the major powers did not always allow it to play its full role. For example, the permanent members of the Permanent Council, who were supposed to be the main guardians of world peace, often put their own national interests before those of the international community. Moreover, the League of Nations was limited by the fact that it had no real military or legal power to enforce its decisions. In the end, the members of the League of Nations did not always comply with the treaties and resolutions adopted, which undermined its authority and effectiveness as an international organisation. The great powers continued to act outside the international system despite the advances of the League of Nations, which partly led to its failure. National interests were often given priority over collective interests, which weakened the credibility and effectiveness of the League of Nations. Furthermore, some countries did not join the League of Nations, notably the United States, which never ratified the Treaty of Versailles.
The Secretariat of the League of Nations was the permanent body responsible for managing day-to-day affairs and ensuring coordination between the various bodies of the organisation. It was headed by a Secretary General, who was elected by the Assembly of Member States for a renewable three-year term. The first Secretary General of the League of Nations was the French diplomat Léon Bourgeois, who had been one of the main promoters of the creation of the organisation. The Secretariat was composed of international civil servants of various nationalities, who were responsible for providing information, reports and advice to the organs of the League of Nations, as well as coordinating the activities of the various technical commissions and committees. The Secretariat of the League of Nations was a real administrative innovation. It was headed by a Secretary General and consisted of a permanent staff of international civil servants who were responsible for implementing the decisions taken by the organs of the League of Nations. The organisation was designed to foster international cooperation and the peaceful resolution of conflicts by allowing communication and coordination between the different member states. The Secretariat was staffed by people from different countries to ensure international representation and cultural diversity within the organisation. The Secretariat was able to develop many projects, especially in the fields of public health, science and technology, education and economic development.

This structure was designed to provide overall governance of international peace and security, and to foster international cooperation in specific areas.

The outline of a global system

The League of Nations was the first international organisation to attempt to set up a global system for solving international problems. It had competences in various fields such as collective security, conflict prevention, human rights, health, labour, refugees, drug trafficking and international crime. It was a comprehensive approach that sought to address international problems in a systematic and coordinated way, rather than dealing with each problem individually. However, the effectiveness of this global approach was limited by the political and legal constraints imposed by the major powers of the day. The League of Nations was created to preserve international peace and prevent war. It also had to enforce the peace treaties concluded at the end of the First World War, in particular the Treaty of Versailles, which established the conditions for peace with Germany. The League of Nations' mission was thus to resolve conflicts between member states through negotiation and mediation, rather than war, by promoting international cooperation and encouraging disarmament.

The League of Nations aimed to promote international cooperation in all fields, including the resolution of international conflicts, the reduction of armaments, the protection of minorities, the promotion of human rights, the prevention of disease and economic cooperation. It was the first international organisation to have such a broad mandate and to deal with so many different areas.

The technical sections were an important innovation of the League of Nations. They were responsible for dealing with economic, social, health, legal and cultural issues. This included disease control, disarmament, colony management, protection of minorities, regulation of international trade, intellectual property, and much more. The technical sections were made up of experts from different member countries, who worked together to find solutions to these international problems. This technical and pragmatic approach was a new way of managing international affairs and had a lasting influence on the international system. The League of Nations set up several technical sections to deal with specific problems, such as the Hygiene Organisation, the forerunner of the World Health Organisation (WHO), which was established in 1948 as a specialised agency of the United Nations. The Economic and Financial Organisation is the forerunner of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which was established in 1964 to promote the economic development of developing countries. The League of Nations thus laid the foundations of a global system that would be developed and consolidated by the United Nations from 1945 onwards. The Hygiene Organisation is the forerunner of the World Health Organisation (WHO) which was created in 1948 as a specialised agency of the United Nations. The Economic and Financial Organisation was the forerunner of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which was created in 1964 to promote the economic development of developing countries. The League of Nations thus laid the foundations of a global system that was developed and consolidated by the United Nations from 1945 onwards.

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) was created in 1919 at the same time as the League of Nations, but it operated independently. Its objective was to promote just and humane working conditions throughout the world. The Permanent Court of International Justice was established in 1920, following the Hague Conference of 1899, which had already set up a Permanent Court of Arbitration. The Permanent Court of International Justice was a judicial institution designed to settle disputes between states in accordance with the principles of international law. Although it was not formally attached to the League of Nations, it worked closely with it.

It is a global system with an extremely wide range of competences and scope of action in theory. The League of Nations had the task of settling international conflicts, maintaining international peace and security, promoting international cooperation, combating disease, poverty and unemployment, and ensuring respect for treaties and human rights. In theory, it was supposed to be a universal organisation capable of dealing with all international problems. The League of Nations recognised the important role of non-governmental organisations in international affairs and encouraged their participation in its work. It also established an Advisory Committee for International Non-Governmental Organisations in 1921, which was replaced in 1946 by the Liaison Committee with International Non-Governmental Organisations. These organisations have participated in the work of the League of Nations on a variety of issues, including the protection of minorities, disarmament and international economic co-operation. The League of Nations has played a pioneering role in integrating civil society and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) into global governance processes. It has opened its doors to civil society groups, such as professional associations, trade unions, humanitarian organisations and human rights groups, allowing them to express themselves and participate in the work of the League of Nations. This approach has been continued and strengthened by the United Nations, which has created mechanisms for civil society participation, such as NGOs accredited to the United Nations and formal consultative forums.

The creation of the League of Nations was an attempt to set up a global system for resolving international conflicts and cooperating on global issues. However, as you mentioned, this creation was improvised and the League of Nations had many flaws and limitations in its operation. The great powers have often obstructed its action, the decisions requiring unanimity and the lack of means of execution have also weakened its effectiveness. Despite these difficulties, the League of Nations laid the foundations of an international system that was to be taken up and improved with the creation of the United Nations in 1945.

Political action

The main political task of the League of Nations was to ensure the respect of peace treaties and to settle international conflicts, notably through compulsory arbitration and collective security. However, the major powers often ignored or bypassed the decisions of the League of Nations and preferred to settle their affairs bilaterally or informally. Moreover, the League had no real enforcement power to enforce its decisions, which considerably limited its effectiveness.

The implementation of peace treaties

The implementation of peace treaties was one of the main tasks of the League of Nations. Its aim was to settle international disputes by peaceful means, including arbitration, mediation or conciliation. In case of failure, it could resort to economic or diplomatic sanctions against the aggressor state. However, this mission was often thwarted by the attitude of the great powers, which preferred to settle their affairs outside the framework of the League of Nations. The Manchurian crisis in 1931, the annexation of Ethiopia by Italy in 1935 and the Munich Agreement in 1938 highlighted the limits of the League of Nations' action in maintaining international peace and security.

The Saarland administration

The Saarland was placed under French administration after the First World War, under the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles. The Saarland was placed under the administration of the League of Nations, with France as the Mandatory Power, following the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. The aim was to settle the question of coal and heavy industry in the region, allowing France to benefit from part of the Saar's coal production to compensate for the damage suffered during the First World War. The League of Nations had a role in arbitrating and supervising the management of the Saar, in order to guarantee the rights of the inhabitants and to prevent any hostile action by Germany. This situation lasted until 1935, when the Saarland was reintegrated into Germany following a referendum organised under the aegis of the League of Nations.

The administration of the Saar by the League of Nations was not without its difficulties, not least because of the resistance of the local population who felt their rights had been infringed and demanded the return of the Saar to Germany. In addition, France had important economic interests in the region and sought to protect them by imposing restrictions on Saarland's coal industry, which led to tensions with Germany. Despite these difficulties, the international administration of the Saarland was generally effective and prevented an armed conflict between France and Germany in the region.

The Danzig corridor

The Danzig question was one of the most controversial territorial settlements of the Treaty of Versailles. Situated on the Baltic Sea, the city of Danzig (Gdańsk in Polish) had a majority German population but was claimed by Poland, which wanted direct access to the sea. The Treaty of Versailles therefore created a Free State of Danzig, placed under the protection of the League of Nations, with the port under Polish administration. This situation created many conflicts between Poland and Germany in the years following the end of the First World War. The Free City of Danzig (Gdańsk in Polish) had a predominantly German population, but had been placed under the control of the League of Nations as a Free City in 1919, with Poland's agreement. However, Poland claimed the city as part of its territory, which created tensions with Germany. In 1939, Nazi Germany annexed the city, which contributed to the outbreak of World War II.

Danzig became a free city under the administration of the League of Nations in 1920, meaning that it was neither part of Germany nor Poland. However, this situation was very unstable and contributed to tensions between Germany and Poland before the outbreak of the Second World War. As part of the Danzig settlement, a free zone was created to allow Poland free access to the sea. This zone was jointly managed by Poland and the League of Nations, with a governing council composed of representatives from both sides. The Danzig Corridor, which gave Poland access to the Baltic Sea through German territory, was a temporary solution that did not satisfactorily resolve the post-war territorial problems. This decision contributed to the tension between Germany and Poland and was one of the causes of the escalation to the Second World War.

Settlement of border disputes

The League of Nations was also involved in the settlement of border disputes between different countries, particularly in Europe. The Organisation established several procedures for the settlement of disputes, including mediation, conciliation and arbitration. These procedures have been used in several cases of border disputes between European countries, including between Hungary and Czechoslovakia in 1938, between Germany and Poland in 1920, and between Germany and Czechoslovakia in 1923. In practice, however, most border disputes were resolved outside the League of Nations, as the great powers often imposed their own solutions, as in the case of Germany's annexation of Austria in 1938.

Åland Islands: 1919 - 1921

The Åland Islands (Grande carte)

The Åland Islands are an archipelago in the Baltic Sea between Sweden and Finland. In 1917, after the Russian revolution, Finland declared its independence. However, the Swedish-speaking population of the Åland Islands expressed their desire to remain under Swedish sovereignty.

The League of Nations resolved this issue between 1919 and 1921. The Åland Islands were a Finnish territory with a majority Swedish population. The newly independent Finland had taken control of the islands after the Russian revolution in 1917. However, the Swedes on the islands repeatedly demanded that they become part of Sweden, which caused tensions with Finland.

In 1920, the League of Nations was seized of the matter and proposed a compromise solution: the Åland Islands would remain under Finnish sovereignty, but Finland would have to guarantee the linguistic and cultural rights of the Swedes in the archipelago, as well as their local autonomy. The committee finally proposed that the Åland Islands should be placed under Finnish sovereignty, but with guarantees for the rights of the Swedish-speaking population, especially in the areas of language, education and local self-government. Finland and Sweden accepted this solution, which was formalised by signing the Treaty of Paris in 1921 through the mediation of the League of Nations.

The question of the Åland Islands was resolved peacefully through the mediation of the League of Nations. This peaceful resolution was seen as a success of the organisation and encouraged efforts to resolve other international conflicts by peaceful means.

Albania, Greece, Serbia

The recognition of Albania by its neighbours was a major point of tension in the region, leading to incursions and border disputes. In addition, the League of Nations had difficulties in enforcing its decisions due to the lack of support from the major powers and the weakness of its means of action. Efforts to resolve the conflicts in Albania eventually failed, culminating in the invasion of Albania by Fascist Italy in 1939.

In fact, the League of Nations' decision on Albania's borders was taken in 1921, but it was challenged by Greece and Yugoslavia, which invaded the country in 1923. The League of Nations then set up a control commission which allowed the withdrawal of foreign troops and the establishment of a strong Albanian government. However, Albania continued to have border problems with its neighbours and often turned to the League of Nations to resolve these disputes.

The process was long and difficult, but the League of Nations eventually succeeded in getting Serbia and Greece to recognise Albania's borders. This shows that, despite the difficulties, the League of Nations was able to find peaceful solutions to territorial disputes between its members.

Corfu

This Greek island was the scene of border incidents between Greece and Albania in 1923, which led to intervention by the League of Nations. A commission of enquiry was sent to the island to assess the situation and recommend measures for its resolution.

The crisis occurred in 1923 when the Italian Admiral Enrico Tellini and his staff were murdered on the Greek-Albanian border. The Italian authorities accused Greece of being responsible for the attack and demanded reparations, including an independent investigation by the League of Nations. In response, Italy militarily occupied the island of Corfu, which was part of Greek territory, and blockaded the port of Patras. After the assassination of the Italian General Tellini and several members of his commission in August 1923, Italy accused Greece of not having sufficiently protected its nationals and occupied the island of Corfu in response. The League of Nations eventually succeeded in settling the dispute by obtaining an apology and compensation from Greece for the assassination of Tellini and the payment of war damages to Italy for the occupation of Corfu.

The committee proposed that the borders be clarified and that measures be taken to prevent future incidents. The recommendations were accepted by both sides and the situation calmed down.

Fichier:Corfu topographic map-en.png

Incident in Corfu

Chaco conflict

Situation before the Chaco War.

The Chaco conflict was an armed conflict that took place between 1932 and 1935 between Bolivia and Paraguay for control of the Chaco region, a border area rich in oil and natural gas. Both countries had claimed the area for many years, but attempts to negotiate a settlement had failed. In 1932, Bolivia launched a surprise attack on Paraguayan forces in the Chaco, thinking that it would be a quick and easy victory. However, the Paraguayan troops successfully resisted, and the war quickly developed into a bloody and costly stalemate. The League of Nations tried to resolve the conflict through diplomacy, but the efforts failed. The war finally ended in 1935 with a peace treaty that gave most of the Chaco to Paraguay. The conflict resulted in tens of thousands of deaths and had significant economic and political consequences for both countries involved. It also highlighted the limits of international diplomacy in preventing conflict and the need for stronger action by the international community to resolve territorial disputes.

The Chaco region is an area on the border between Bolivia and Paraguay, which was the subject of a territorial dispute between the two countries in the 1930s. The area was rich in oil and natural gas, which led to the interest of both countries in controlling it. However, the borders between the two countries were unclear and disputed for decades, leading to tensions and armed conflicts. Paraguay also considered the area to be part of its territory. In 1928, armed clashes broke out between the two countries for control of the region, leading to a war that lasted until 1935 and was one of the deadliest conflicts in Latin American history. Economic interests, including oil and gas reserves, played an important role in the outbreak and prolongation of this conflict. Finally, a treaty was signed in 1938, allocating most of the Chaco to Paraguay.

The League of Nations was unable to intervene because the United States was holding up the process. The United States was not a member of the League of Nations and did not participate in the Chaco conflict discussions. In addition, American economic interests in the region, particularly with the Standard Oil Company, may explain their reluctance to get involved. The mediation proposed by the United States was rejected by both parties, who preferred to settle the conflict by force. In the end, a peace treaty signed in 1938 ended the Chaco conflict. The United States had not ratified the Treaty of Versailles and was therefore not a member of the League of Nations. As a result, it did not participate actively in the organisation's decisions and often acted independently in international affairs. In the case of the Chaco conflict, the United States put the brakes on the League of Nations' mediation efforts. A commission was sent to the region but failed to find a solution, with the conflict finally ending in a peace treaty signed in 1935. The compromise signed in 1935 and ratified in 1937 granted part of the region to Bolivia and part to Paraguay. After the war, the two countries agreed to mediation by the United States to negotiate a peace treaty. The end of the conflict was followed by an occupation of the area by a monitoring commission set up by the League of Nations and made up of representatives from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Peru and Uruguay.

The peaceful resolution of border conflicts has been an important element of the League of Nations' work. It has successfully resolved several border conflicts between member states, which has helped maintain peace in Europe and the world. It also helped to establish clear borders and strengthen state sovereignty. However, some conflicts have been more difficult to resolve than others, and the League of Nations has not always succeeded in preventing major conflicts from breaking out.

The mandates of the League of Nations

The League of Nations mandates were territories that were placed under the trusteeship of the victorious colonial powers of the First World War, as proxies of the League of Nations. These territories were mainly located in Africa and the Middle East, and their administration was intended to prepare these territories for independence and self-government. Mandates were created for the former German and Ottoman colonies, as well as for the former German colonies in the Pacific region. The mandates were abolished after the Second World War and the territories concerned gained their independence

During the First World War, the Allied Powers succeeded in defeating the Central Empires, which allowed them to take over the German colonies in Africa. The British took possession of the German colonies of Togoland, Tanganyika (now Tanzania), Cameroon and Namibia. These colonies were then placed under the mandate of the League of Nations, in accordance with the principle of management of colonial territories.The German Empire lost its colonies after its defeat in the First World War. The Treaty of Versailles in 1919 agreed to the transfer of these colonies to the League of Nations, which then created mandates to administer them. These mandates were given to colonial powers such as France and the UK. The UK was given mandates to administer territories such as Iraq, Palestine, Transjordan and Tanganika (now Tanzania). France received mandates for Syria and Lebanon, as well as for territories in Africa, such as Cameroon and Togo. Belgium received mandates for Rwanda-Urundi (now Rwanda and Burundi). The mandates were intended to prepare the territories concerned for future independence, by improving infrastructure, modernising the administration and developing the local economy. However, the mandating powers often exploited the resources of the territories they administered without any real concern for the welfare of the local population. Mandates have therefore been criticised for their lack of equality and self-determination.

The League of Nations system of mandates was ambiguous. On the one hand, it was presented as a trusteeship system to help the mandate countries develop until they could achieve independence, but on the other hand, it was clear that the mandate powers had economic and political interests to protect in these territories. This ambiguity led to abuses and tensions between the proxy powers and the local populations, which sometimes led to revolts and conflicts. Mandates were supposed to be an experiment in the international administration of colonial territories dismembered from central empires, but this system was ambiguous and criticised. On the one hand, the League of Nations did not challenge the existing colonial system, and the mandates were administered by the major colonial powers of the time, such as France and Britain. On the other hand, the League of Nations was supposed to monitor and control the administration of the mandates to avoid abuses, which raises questions about its real capacity to act as a regulatory and controlling body. In addition, mandate powers have often used the resources of mandate territories for their own economic and political interests, which has led to criticism of the legitimacy and effectiveness of the mandate system.

The management of mandates is an attempt to reconcile two contradictory objectives: the recognition of the rights of peoples to self-determination and the preservation of the interests of the major colonial powers. The League of Nations hoped to gradually end the colonial system by encouraging colonies to become independent states, while maintaining some form of control over the territories in question. In practice, however, the great mandate-holding powers often sought to exploit the colonies to their advantage, rather than to help them develop. The mandates did not challenge the existing colonial order, but they represented a first step towards international monitoring of the colonies. However, this oversight was limited, as the mandates were administered by major powers and the League of Nations had no real power to impose changes. In sum, the mandates were an attempt to reconcile the existing colonial order with the idea of international regulation, but this attempt remained ambiguous and incomplete.

African and Middle Eastern mandates
1 - French mandate in Syria
2 - French mandate in Lebanon
3 - British Mandate in Palestine
4 - British mandate in Transjordan
5 - British mandate in Iraq
6 - British mandate in Togo
7 - French mandate in Togo
8 - British mandate in Cameroon
9 - French mandate in Cameroon
10 - Belgian mandate in Ruanda-Urundi
11 - British mandate in Tanganyika
12 - South African mandate in South West Africa

According to paragraph 3 of Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant, the character of the mandate was to differ according to the degree of development of the people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and any other similar circumstances. This implied that each mandate had particular characteristics according to its geography, its people and its level of economic development. The mandates can be classified into three categories:

Mandate A: Type A mandates concerned the former territories of the Ottoman Empire and were entrusted to France and the UK. The French mandates included Syria and Lebanon, while the British mandates included Iraq and Palestine (which then included Jordan). The mandates were supposed to be run in the interests of the local populations and to help their economic and political development.
Mandate B: Type B mandates concerned African colonies that had been occupied by the Axis powers during the First World War. These mandates were given to Allied powers such as the United Kingdom, France, Belgium and Portugal. Type B mandates were supposed to be managed to improve the economic and social conditions of the local populations.
C Mandate: Type C mandates concerned the former German colonies in the Pacific, which were also entrusted to Allied powers. Type C mandates were supposed to be managed in such a way as to promote the welfare of the local populations and to foster their economic and social development. Class C mandates were intended for sparsely populated territories far from the centres of civilisation, such as south-west Africa and certain islands in the southern Pacific, which could best be administered under the laws of the mandate country as an integral part of its territory. Class C mandates included the Australian-administered Territory of New Guinea, the British-administered Nauru, the New Zealand-administered Western Samoa and the South West African-administered South Africa. The territories were considered an integral part of the mandate country, which administered them with its own laws.

This hierarchy of mandates is linked to the perceived 'civilisation' of the peoples living there. Mandates A are considered more advanced countries, mandates B less advanced and mandates C even less so. This hierarchy reflects a certain ethnocentric and paternalistic vision of the colonising countries, which considered that the colonised peoples had to be 'civilised' and 'educated' before they could become independent. The mandates were managed by the colonial powers, which meant that the management of these territories was still based on the colonial system. However, international monitoring by the League of Nations helped to improve the situation in some areas and to limit abuses by the colonial powers. The mandate system can therefore be seen as a compromise between the recognition of the existing colonial order and the idea of a more equitable management of colonial territories.

The mandate system was set up by the League of Nations (League) after the First World War and entrusted mandate powers with territories under their temporary administration in order to help them develop and achieve independence. Britain and France received the majority of the mandates, but other countries such as Belgium, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand were also given mandates for certain territories. The major mandating powers took responsibility for managing the territories under their administration, while the League of Nations established a Mandates Commission to oversee their administration and ensure that the rights of the indigenous people were protected. The League of Nations Mandates Commission was responsible for overseeing the administration of the mandated territories and advising the Mandatory Powers on their management. It was headed by a Chairman, William Rappard, and was composed of representatives of the member states of the League of Nations. It produced annual reports that assessed the situation in the mandated territories and made recommendations for improving their management. However, the Mandates Commission had no binding decision-making power and depended on the goodwill of the Mandate Powers to implement its recommendations. However, despite its efforts, the Commission has often been criticised for its lack of authority and effectiveness in protecting indigenous peoples. The Commission was to monitor the management of the great powers through the production of annual reports and recommendations.

The role of the Mandates Commission was to monitor the management of mandates by the major powers and to produce annual reports and recommendations. Although the Commission had no coercive power to enforce its recommendations, it was a means of international oversight and control over the management of the mandated territories. The aim was to ensure that the mandataries took care of their territories and indigenous populations in accordance with the provisions of the League of Nations Covenant.

The management of the mandates by the great powers has been highly controversial. In some cases, the mandataries used the resources of the mandated territories for their own benefit, without taking into account the needs and interests of the local populations. Moreover, the powers that be have often been maintained in spite of local nationalist movements, which has often led to violent conflict and repression. The mandates have therefore been criticised for their lack of autonomy and maintenance of colonial structures, hampered the political, economic and social development of the territories concerned.

Numerous conflicts and tensions marked the management of the mandates from the Ottoman Empire. Palestine is a notable example of this situation. The Balfour Declaration of 1917 promised the Jews a 'national home' in Palestine, thus arousing opposition from Palestinian Arabs and fuelling tensions between the communities. The situation worsened after the end of the Second World War and the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, which led to the exodus of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and a series of wars between Israel and its Arab neighbours. France was mandated to administer the territories of Syria and Lebanon following the First World War. It encountered difficulties in establishing an effective administration and in resolving tensions between the different religious and ethnic communities in the region. In Syria, France also faced a nationalist rebellion led by the Alawite movement and supported by other groups, which led to the end of the French presence in Syria in 1946. In Lebanon, France contributed to the establishment of a political system based on confessionalism, which led to inter-communal tensions and a civil war that broke out in 1975. The period of the mandates was marked by a growing challenge to the colonial order, both from local populations and from nationalist movements and progressive international political forces. The mandates were often seen as a subtle form of colonialism and local populations sought to organise themselves to claim independence and political autonomy. Nationalist movements were formed in several countries, with leaders such as Gandhi in India or Ho Chi Minh in Vietnam leading campaigns of resistance against the foreign occupier. These movements were often violently repressed, with dramatic consequences for the local populations.

Mandate territories depended on the Great Powers (who administered them) and the League of Nations (who supervised their management). The mandate system was set up with the idea of guaranteeing a transition to independence for the colonised peoples. Still, in practice it has been criticised for maintaining colonial rule and for not sufficiently respecting the rights of the indigenous populations. The League of Nations has been an important forum for challenging the colonial order and Great Power domination of the mandates. Member countries of the League of Nations have raised questions and criticisms about the management of mandates, particularly with regard to the rights of indigenous peoples and economic and social policies. Commissions of enquiry have been established to investigate human rights abuses and violations, and recommendations have been made to improve the management of mandates. However, the League of Nations had no coercive power to enforce these recommendations, and the major powers often ignored criticism and calls for reform.

The existence of the Mandates Commission and the publication of its reports contributed to an evolution in the approach to colonisation. The debates within the League of Nations highlighted the problems associated with the management of colonised territories and encouraged reflection on the rights of colonised peoples. The Commission's recommendations also led some of the Mandatory Powers to improve the management of the territories under their responsibility. However, these advances remained limited and most mandates continued to be managed authoritarian and paternalistic.

The protection of minorities

Population movements and deportations in Europe in the 20th century.

The end of World War I led to the collapse of several multinational empires in Europe and the Middle East, including the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire. This led to a redrawing of borders and the creation of new nation states, such as Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Poland in Europe, and Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan in the Middle East. This redrawing of borders was not always peaceful and was often the result of conflict, war and difficult negotiations between the victorious powers of the First World War. The border changes following the First World War created many minorities. For example, Austria-Hungary was a multinational empire with many different ethnic groups. When the empire collapsed, new states were created, such as Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, but they also created ethnic minorities that were left in states where they were not in the majority. Peace treaties also created situations where minorities were left under the control of powers that were not necessarily willing to protect them. The break-up of multinational empires led to the creation of national and ethnic minorities in many European countries. For example, Czechoslovakia was created in 1918 from the territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and included Czech, Slovak, German, Hungarian and Polish populations. Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia were often discriminated against and their situation worsened after the annexation of Czechoslovakia by Nazi Germany in 1938. Similarly, in Bulgaria there were Turkish and Slovenian minorities, in Albania Greek minorities and in Romania Hungarian, German and Jewish minorities. This situation often led to tensions and conflicts between the different ethnic groups.

The creation of new borders following the end of the First World War led to the creation of many ethnic minorities. This was particularly the case in Central and Eastern Europe, where many multinational empires collapsed, such as the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Russian Empire. Thus, many minorities were created in newly created countries, such as Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia, German minorities in Poland and Czechoslovakia, Polish minorities in Germany and the Soviet Union, etc. These minorities were often confronted with the same problems as the other minorities. These minorities often faced difficulties in integrating into their new countries and were often victims of discrimination and persecution.

The end of the First World War led to a large number of population movements in Europe, with millions of refugees and stateless people. The new states created from the break-up of the central empires faced considerable challenges in integrating these populations and in managing tensions between different ethnic and religious communities. For example, in Czechoslovakia, the Sudetenland (predominantly German) began to demand more autonomy and political representation, which led to tensions with the Czechoslovak government. In Yugoslavia, tensions between the different ethnic communities (Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, etc.) contributed to political instability and the collapse of the country in the 1990s.

The Second World War accentuated the problems of minorities and population movements in Europe. The policies of expulsion, deportation and genocide carried out by the Nazi and Soviet regimes resulted in the deaths of millions of people and led to massive population movements across the continent. The Yalta Accords of 1945 mandated the transfer of populations between Germany and Poland, leading to the expulsion of millions of Germans from Poland, Czechoslovakia and other parts of Central and Eastern Europe. Similarly, the Soviet deportation of Tatar populations from Crimea and the expulsion of Turks from Greece led to massive population displacement in the region. These events left deep and lasting traces in European history and have influenced relations between the countries of the region to this day.

The creation of new states after the First World War reduced the number of stateless people, but it also created new minorities and ethnic tensions. Refugee camps were created to accommodate displaced and stateless people, but many of these camps became permanent living quarters for millions of people for decades. After the Second World War, the creation of the United Nations and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees improved the situation of refugees and displaced persons. Refugee camps became places of transit rather than permanent living, but they are still used today to accommodate people displaced by conflict and humanitarian crises.

The twentieth century saw the emergence of many stateless people as a result of political upheaval, conflict and border changes. Stateless persons are people who are not considered citizens of a state, without nationality or recognised identity documents. They are often denied basic rights, such as access to education, health care and work, and may be subject to detention and discrimination. Stateless persons may also be victims of forced displacement, violence and exploitation. This is a humanitarian problem that persists to this day.

The issue of minorities was crucial in post-First World War Europe. The member states of the League of Nations committed themselves to protecting minorities as part of the Treaty of Versailles and the creation of new states in Central and Eastern Europe. Ethnic minorities were often concentrated in specific geographical areas and were often discriminated against or persecuted by national majorities. The League of Nations therefore created a series of mechanisms to protect minorities, including international commissions to monitor minority rights and courts to resolve disputes between minorities and governments. However, the effectiveness of these mechanisms was often limited due to opposition from national governments or the lack of resources and power of the League of Nations to enforce them.

The League of Nations developed minority protection clauses to be included in the peace treaties concluded after the First World War. These clauses were included in the Treaties of Versailles, Saint-Germain-en-Laye and Trianon, which redrawn the borders of Eastern Europe and created new states. The Minority Treaties were an important attempt to protect minorities in Europe after the First World War. They were included in the peace treaties signed at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, which ended the First World War and created the League of Nations. These treaties were signed by the newly emerging nations and the former imperial powers, who agreed to protect minorities in their territories. The treaties set out specific rights for national and linguistic minorities, such as education and the use of their mother tongue, protection from discrimination, equality before the law, freedom of religion and culture, and political representation in government institutions.

To deal with the issue of minorities, the League of Nations set up a system of petitions. Members of minorities could petition the League of Nations directly to report violations of their rights. The League of Nations then investigated the situation and, if necessary, acted to enforce the rights of the minority concerned.

This system had some success in protecting minorities, but it had its limitations. First of all, states might not cooperate with the League of Nations' investigations. In addition, some League of Nations member states saw petitions as interference in their internal affairs, which often led to diplomatic tensions. Finally, the protection of minorities also depended on the political will of the League of Nations member states, which were not always inclined to act in favour of minorities. During the 1920s, the League of Nations' system of petitions helped to resolve many minority conflicts. Member states committed themselves to the minority treaties they had signed, and minorities used petitions to alert the League of Nations to violations of their rights. The League of Nations sent investigators to the field to look into the complaints and states were forced to take action to remedy the situation. This system has thus helped to reduce tensions between different communities and prevent conflicts. However, this system showed its limits in the 1930s, with the rise of authoritarian regimes and the undermining of minority treaties. The League of Nations was also weakened by the refusal of some member states to co-operate, which made conflict resolution more difficult. The establishment of a system of monitoring and control by the League of Nations prevented a number of tensions between states and minorities during the 1920s. Petitions from minorities were examined by the League of Nations, which could then issue recommendations or resolutions to the states concerned. In addition, fact-finding missions could be sent to assess the situation and make recommendations. This system thus made it possible to establish a dialogue between states and minorities, and to prevent tensions from escalating into open conflict. However, this system was not perfect and was sometimes criticised for its lack of effectiveness.

The Kurdish question is one of the most striking examples of the difficulty of dealing with minorities in the inter-war period. The Kurds were spread over several states, mainly Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria, and suffered discrimination and persecution in each of these states. The Kurds had fought for their own state, but their demands had been rejected by the colonial powers and the newly created states after the First World War.

In the 1930s, the Kurds in Turkey led an insurrection against the Turkish government for more autonomy and rights. This uprising was violently suppressed by Turkish forces, leaving thousands dead and displaced. The League of Nations was called upon to intervene, but failed to find a viable solution. The Treaty of Sevres had provided for the creation of an independent Kurdish state, but this was never established due to Turkish pressure. In 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne replaced the Treaty of Sevres, ending the war between Turkey and the Allies. This new treaty ratified the loss of Ottoman territories in Europe and Asia to the victorious powers, but it did not create an independent Kurdish state. The Kurds found themselves divided between Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, without ever gaining the independence they had long sought. The Kurds became a minority divided between Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran following the revision of the Treaty of Sevres at the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. The Kurdistan foreseen in the Treaty of Sevres was not created and the Kurds found themselves under the sovereignty of different states that did not always respect their rights. Since then, the Kurds have waged struggles for self-determination and recognition of their rights, sometimes at the cost of violent conflicts with the states in which they live. This has led to protest movements and armed conflicts, notably with the PKK in Turkey. The Kurdish question is still relevant today, with separatist movements and violence in several countries where Kurds are present. Tensions around the Kurdish question are still present in the region, with demands for autonomy or independence from the Kurds in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria. Despite some progress in the recognition of Kurdish rights in some countries, their situation often remains precarious and subject to conflict with central authorities.

In the 1920s, the League of Nations succeeded in containing minority-related tensions in Europe. The Paris Peace Treaties of 1919-1920 had recognised the principle of national and linguistic minorities, and the League of Nations was created to oversee their treatment. The member states undertook to respect the rights of minorities and to guarantee their protection. The League of Nations set up a system of petitions that allowed minorities to report violations of their rights to international authorities, which helped to prevent conflicts. However, the Great Depression of the 1930s and the failure of the League of Nations to prevent Nazi Germany from rearming weakened the influence of this organisation and encouraged the rise of authoritarian regimes in Europe. Tensions between minorities then flared up again, leading to violent conflicts that eventually culminated in the Second World War. The Sudetenland was a region of Czechoslovakia inhabited mainly by German speakers and claimed by Nazi Germany. Hitler used this situation to demand the annexation of the Sudetenland by Germany, which led to the Munich crisis in 1938 and ultimately to the annexation of the region by Germany. Similarly, the Danzig Corridor was a strip of territory linking Poland to the Baltic Sea that was claimed by Germany. These territorial claims were used as a pretext to justify Nazi Germany's expansionist ambitions and eventually triggered the Second World War.

The minority issue was one of the causes of the rising tensions leading to the Second World War. Despite the efforts of the League of Nations to manage tensions and protect the rights of minorities, some states continued to discriminate against certain minorities, which exacerbated tensions and led to war.

Collective security policy

The collective security policy is based on the idea that all member states of the League of Nations must work together to maintain international peace and security. This means that if one member state attacks or threatens another member state, all other member states must intervene to defend the victim of the aggression. This was a significant change from the traditional balance of power policy, where states sought to maintain a balance of power to avoid war. With the policy of collective security, the idea was to prevent armed conflicts before they occurred, by ensuring that all member states were in solidarity with each other. However, the policy of collective security had significant limitations. Some Member States were unwilling to commit to the use of military force to protect other Member States. Moreover, the League of Nations lacked sufficient means of coercion to enforce its decisions. These limitations made it difficult for the League of Nations to prevent the rise of fascism and aggression in Europe in the 1930s. It is an interdependent system. The collective security policy is based on the idea that the member states of the League of Nations are interdependent and that aggression against one member state is aggression against all member states. This means that Member States have an obligation to cooperate to ensure the security of all Member States and to maintain international peace and security.

Articles 8 and 16 of the Covenant of the League of Nations are the legal and intellectual bases for the collective security policy of the League of Nations. Article 8 of the Covenant of the League of Nations calls for the reduction of national armaments to the minimum consistent with national security and international obligations, in order to maintain peace. The Council of the League of Nations was to prepare plans for this reduction, which would be considered and decided upon by the member governments. Once adopted, the arms limit could not be exceeded without the consent of the Council. This article was thus intended to curb the arms race between member states, which was seen as one of the main causes of wars. Article 16 goes further by stating that if aggression is committed against a member state of the League of Nations, all other member states are obliged to take measures to stop the aggression. This can include economic sanctions or even military intervention. In theory, this policy of collective security should have discouraged states from using force to settle their disputes and maintain international peace. However, in practice it has proved difficult to implement because of the reluctance of member states to commit resources and lives to resolving the conflicts of other member states.

One of the main objectives of the League of Nations was to establish a policy of collective security. This policy aimed to ensure that all member states would work together to maintain international peace and security, supporting each other in the face of any aggression by a member state. To achieve this goal, the League of Nations set up various mechanisms, such as international conventions, disarmament conferences and economic sanctions against aggressor states. The Conference on Disarmament was set up by the League of Nations in 1932. Its aim was to reduce the armaments of all member states in order to maintain international peace. However, it failed to reach a satisfactory agreement for all countries and failed in 1934. This contributed to the rise in international tensions in the years that followed.

The League of Nations encouraged the signing of various international pacts between member states, which it guaranteed to strengthen international stability and peace. For example, the Pact of Paris (or Briand-Kellogg Pact) of 1928 aimed to renounce war as a means of resolving international disputes. The League of Nations also promoted the signing of peace treaties between countries that had been in conflict, such as the Locarno Treaty of 1925, which established security guarantees between France, Germany and Belgium.

The Locarno Pact was an important agreement signed on 1 December 1925 in Locarno, Switzerland, between Belgium, Czechoslovakia, France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom under the auspices of the League of Nations. This agreement included the recognition of Germany's western borders, as established by the Treaty of Versailles, and the mutual guarantee by France and Germany of their common borders with Belgium and Luxembourg. The Locarno Pact is considered a symbol of peace and stability in Europe during the 1920s, but its impact was limited in the years that followed. It stabilised Germany's western and France's eastern borders, while strengthening the security of Western Europe. Indeed, Germany, Belgium, France, Great Britain and Italy signed mutual guarantee agreements under the Locarno Pact, which also allowed Germany to join the League of Nations in 1926. This pact was also criticised for not settling the issue of Germany's eastern borders, which may have left resentment in Germany.

Signatory countries of the Briand-Kellogg Pact.

The Briand-Kellogg Pact, also known as the Pact of Paris, was signed in 1928 between France and the United States, as well as by many other states thereafter, to renounce war as a means of resolving international conflicts. The pact stated that signatory states committed themselves to the peaceful settlement of all international disputes and never to resort to war. Although the pact was widely regarded as a symbolic gesture rather than a concrete measure of disarmament, it nevertheless marked an important step in international efforts to avoid war. The Briand-Kellogg Pact is considered one of the symbols of the pacifist ideal of the inter-war period. It was signed by several countries, including France, the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, Japan, etc. The pact stated that war should no longer be used as a means of resolving international disputes and that signatories should settle their differences peacefully. Despite initial enthusiasm, the pact failed to prevent the rise of international tensions in the 1930s and the Second World War broke out in 1939. The Briand-Kellogg Pact was intended to condemn war as a means of conflict resolution and as an instrument of national policy. The signatories undertook to use peaceful means to settle their disputes and not to resort to war except in self-defence.

Aristide Briand's 1929 project for a federation of European peoples aimed to create a European union based on the principle of collective security. Briand sought to create a federation of European nations in order to prevent future war on the continent. The project was welcomed by some European countries, but was also opposed by others such as Britain, which feared losing its sovereignty. In the end, the project did not succeed. Nevertheless, it laid the foundations for the European cooperation that was to develop after the Second World War.

In the 1930s, the rise of totalitarian regimes and the expansionism of Nazi Germany led to the weakening and eventual collapse of the League of Nations and its initiatives. German rearmament, the remilitarisation of the Rhineland and the annexation of Austria in 1938 showed the weakness of the League of Nations' policy of disarmament and collective security. Eventually, the Second World War broke out and rendered the role of the League of Nations in maintaining international peace and security obsolete.

Several factors contributed to the inability of the League of Nations to maintain international peace and security:

The unanimous vote was one of the fundamental rules of the League of Nations and this often led to blockages in decision making. The members of the League had different interests and priorities, and some countries had territorial ambitions that could only be met by force. In addition, some members of the League of Nations, such as the United States, never joined the organisation, thus weakening its credibility and authority.

Lack of coercive measures: this is another weakness of the League of Nations. Economic or political sanctions decided by the League of Nations could not be imposed on the countries concerned without their consent. Thus, in the 1930s, Italy was able to continue its invasion of Ethiopia despite sanctions decided by the League of Nations, and Japan was able to withdraw from the organisation in 1933 without consequences. This lack of enforcement limited the effectiveness of the League of Nations in maintaining international peace and security.
Incomplete universalism: The universalism of the League of Nations was incomplete. The United States, although involved in the discussions at the time of the creation of the League, never joined the organisation, mainly due to the opposition of the US Senate to the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles which included the League's charter. Moreover, the exclusion of the defeated countries of the First World War (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, the Ottoman Empire) was a political choice that limited the universality of the organisation. The Soviet Union joined the League of Nations in 1934, but withdrew in 1939 following the invasion of Finland, which led to international condemnation of its action. This exclusion showed the limits of the USSR's participation in the League of Nations, as well as the limits of the organisation's effectiveness as a forum for multilateral diplomacy. Several Latin American countries joined the League of Nations in the 1920s, including Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Peru. However, during the 1930s, some of these countries began to withdraw from the organisation due to dissatisfaction with the League of Nations' inability to resolve international conflicts. Both Argentina and Brazil left the League of Nations during the 1930s. Argentina left the organisation in 1933 in protest at the League of Nations' policy towards Paraguay during the Chaco War. Brazil left in 1935 for similar reasons, in protest against the League of Nations' position during the Spanish Civil War. The incomplete universalism of the League of Nations was a factor that greatly affected its legitimacy. Indeed, the non-membership of some major countries, such as the United States, the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany and Japan, considerably limited the scope and influence of the League of Nations. In addition, the exclusion of the defeated of the First World War, such as Germany, also contributed to the weakening of the organisation. All this reinforced the feeling of some nations that the League of Nations was an instrument of the Western powers, which undermined its credibility and authority.
Another reason why the League of Nations failed to keep the peace in the 1930s was the disagreement between the great powers that were members. The United States refused to join the League of Nations, thus reducing its international influence, while the major European powers (UK, France, Italy, Germany) often had divergent interests. For example, in 1935, Germany began to rearm and remilitarise the Rhineland in violation of the Treaty of Versailles. France proposed economic sanctions against Germany, but the UK opposed this proposal, fearing it would lead to a new war. This led to a deadlock in the League of Nations and showed that the great powers were more concerned about their own interests than international peace. France and Britain had different views on the aims of the League of Nations and how to make it work. France wanted strong collective security to counter Germany and protect itself from future aggression, while Britain preferred weaker collective security and economic cooperation to avoid another war. Moreover, France was often criticised for its intransigence in negotiations and its desire to maintain security at all costs, even at the expense of the effectiveness of the League of Nations. Britain was often seen as hesitant and uninvolved in international affairs. This disagreement between the two great powers led to a weak League of Nations and made it difficult to take effective decisions. France was very attached to the idea of collective security, as it wanted to avoid a new war with Germany at all costs. To this end, it considers that the establishment of an international organisation capable of guaranteeing the security of states is the most effective solution. It therefore supported the Léon Bourgeois Treaty, which proposed the creation of an international arbitration society, and later the League of Nations. Britain was more concerned with the defence of its empire and global interests than with European affairs. It was also wary of collective security, fearing that it would tie it to costly and risky commitments. Furthermore, Britain has a conciliatory policy towards Germany, believing that a weak and pacified Germany is preferable to a strong and revanchist Germany. These differences in views between France and Britain led to tensions and disagreements within the League of Nations. Britain feared that France, with its dominant position in Europe, would seek to impose its views and hegemony on other European countries. It therefore preferred to encourage Germany's economic recovery, including loans and trade, in the hope of restoring a balance of power in Europe. This policy was implemented in particular by the Locarno Agreement in 1925, which allowed the mutual recognition of the western borders of Germany and France, and by the Dawes Plan in 1924, which organised the payment of war reparations by Germany. This divergence of vision between France and Britain was one of the main reasons for the difficulty in making the League of Nations work effectively. The two countries had different interests in Europe and in the world, and therefore found it difficult to agree on decisions to be taken within the League of Nations. In addition, Britain was more concerned with its economic and commercial interests in the world, which made it less willing to engage in conflicts that did not directly concern it. As a result, France has often found itself isolated in its efforts to strengthen collective security. Disagreement between the great powers was a key factor in the failure of the League of Nations.

The work of the technical sections

The technical sections of the League of Nations were responsible for non-political activities. They were organised around themes such as health, education, culture, transport, communication, etc. The aim was to foster international cooperation in these areas by encouraging the exchange of information and good practice between member countries. The technical sections were considered a success of the League of Nations as they led to concrete progress in many areas. The technical sections were intended to deal with technical and practical issues such as health, education, trade, transport, culture, science, agriculture, communication, etc. They were responsible for promoting cooperation between the member countries and the international community. They were responsible for promoting international cooperation and encouraging exchanges between nations in these fields. The idea was to create a global system of regulation and coordination for all these activities, in order to promote economic and social development and prevent conflict. The League of Nations had the ambition to create an international system that regulates not only political affairs, but also economic, social, cultural, health and other issues. It was with this in mind that it created the technical sections and specialised commissions to deal with these different issues. This shows that the League of Nations had an ambitious vision for the organisation of international cooperation, which went far beyond security and peace.

Economic field

The notion of international economic regulation emerged after the First World War, with the creation of the League of Nations. Leaders at the time realised that war was often the result of economic tensions and trade rivalries between nations, and therefore sought to regulate these exchanges to avoid further disasters. The League of Nations created several specialised economic organisations, such as the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 1919 and the Universal Postal Union (UPU) in 1920. It also promoted international cooperation in trade and investment, with the establishment of bilateral and multilateral treaties.

At the time of the creation of the League of Nations, economic liberalism was widely accepted as the norm, and most countries operated according to this thinking. The notion of economic regulation was therefore a relatively new idea. The idea of regulation of the international economy was largely absent from the political debate before the First World War. Moreover, the globalisation of economic and financial exchanges was still limited, which limited the impact of economic regulations at the international level. Finally, the notion of national sovereignty was still very important, which limited the ability of the League of Nations to intervene in the economic affairs of member states. The idea of regulating the international economy is off the intellectual radar of politicians.

The First World War showed the limits of economic liberalism and the need for international economic regulation. Trade between countries was disrupted, markets were destabilised, prices rose, currencies depreciated and so on. These problems prompted politicians to consider the need for international economic regulation to avoid new crises. Thus the idea of international economic regulation emerged at the end of the First World War, although it was not yet well defined.

The League of Nations was the first international forum to address the issue of international economic regulation. It created several commissions and organisations to work on economic issues, such as the International Labour Organisation and the International Refugee Office. The League of Nations also organised international economic conferences to discuss issues such as the reduction of tariff barriers, the co-ordination of monetary policies, and the settlement of inter-state debts. These efforts led to the adoption of several international conventions, such as the Geneva Convention on the International Carriage of Goods by Road and the International Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules of Lading. Although the League of Nations did not succeed in establishing full international economic regulation, it laid the foundations for the international economic system that was to emerge after the Second World War, with the creation of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the GATT (later the World Trade Organisation).

The break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire caused many economic and financial problems in the newly created countries. The former empire was a common market that allowed for the free movement of goods and people, but with its dismantling, the new borders hampered trade and made the economic situation fragile. In addition, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had a common currency, the krone, which was used throughout the territory and had a relatively stable value. After its break-up, each new country created its own currency, leading to high inflation and currency devaluation. The reconstruction of the banking and financial system was therefore a priority for the new countries created after the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This reconstruction was encouraged by the League of Nations, which set up commissions to help countries deal with the economic and financial problems caused by the break-up of the empire.

The break-up of Austria-Hungary left the new states in the region without a solid financial and economic infrastructure. Austria and Hungary were important countries in the European economy before the First World War. Their dismantling therefore created disruptions in the European economy. For example, the abolition of the Austro-Hungarian customs zone created trade barriers between the newly independent states, which limited trade and disrupted national economies. In addition, most of these new states faced major economic problems, such as inflation and unemployment, which made it difficult to rebuild their economies. The League of Nations therefore played an important role in coordinating efforts to stabilise these economies and foster their development. It was in this context that the League of Nations set up commissions of experts to help these states rebuild their banking and financial systems. These commissions worked on restructuring central banks, establishing new currencies and economic policies. They also worked to establish trade agreements between the new states. These efforts helped to stabilise the economies of the new states, although some of them experienced long-term economic difficulties. The League of Nations played an important role in the economic reconstruction of the Central and Eastern European region. In particular, Austria and Hungary were central countries in the European economic system that could challenge the whole European economy.

The League of Nations played an important role in guaranteeing international loans to help states rebuild after the First World War. This financial assistance was intended to enable states to re-establish their economies, repay their debts and finance their development projects. This policy of loan guarantees has also been criticised for its effectiveness and for leading to an increase in the debt of recipient states. Greece took in a large number of refugees from Turkey, following the Greco-Turkish War of 1919-1922. The League of Nations was involved in humanitarian aid to refugees in Greece, in particular by providing food, water, shelter and medical care. The League of Nations also helped Greece to obtain international loans to finance the costs of resettling refugees.

The League of Nations signed numerous international conventions in the 1920s to regulate and encourage trade between member states. These treaties were negotiated within the Economic and Financial Section of the League of Nations and aimed to facilitate trade, harmonise national laws and protect international investments. One of the international treaties signed by the League of Nations was the Convention on Freedom of Transit. This convention aimed to facilitate international trade by removing restrictions on the free movement of goods across national borders. It was signed by many countries and became one of the foundations of the post-war international economic system. The Convention was registered in the League of Nations Treaty Series on 8 October 1921, thus confirming its legal value and international importance. The purpose of these conventions is to harmonise international economic rules and facilitate trade by simplifying customs formalities. They cover various fields, such as transport, customs, intellectual property, public health protection, etc. The treaties signed by the League of Nations have thus made it possible to establish an international regulatory framework to govern trade between member states.

The League of Nations has played an important role in harmonising international economic rules and organising arbitration. It also helped states obtain loans from major international banks, guaranteed loans, signed bilateral treaties and set up commissions to help newly created countries rebuild their banking and financial systems. All of this was aimed at reorganising the world economy after the First World War and avoiding economic conflict between nations. The UN took over some of the mechanisms set up by the League of Nations, especially in the field of economic regulation and the peaceful resolution of conflicts. For example, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), created in 1945, succeeded the International Institute of Agriculture (IIA) created in 1905 under the aegis of the League of Nations. Similarly, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which has the task of settling legal disputes between states, replaced the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ), created in 1920 by the League of Nations.

International economic conferences

The Genoa Conference of 1922. British Prime Minister Lloyd George is in the front row on the left.

In the years to come, four major international conferences were held. These conferences were important for the international economic regulation of the interwar period:

The Brussels Financial Conference of 1920 was convened by the League of Nations in order to find solutions for the reconstruction of the European economy after the First World War. It was held from 24 September to 8 October 1920 in Brussels, Belgium, and was attended by representatives from 34 countries. Discussions focused on the stabilisation of currencies, the resolution of war debts, the harmonisation of economic and trade policies, and the creation of an International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The Brussels Conference was in some ways the equivalent of the better-known Bretton Woods Conference of 1944, which set the framework for the world economic order after the Second World War. Memoranda were prepared for the delegates by five eminent economists: Gijsbert Bruins (Netherlands), Gustav Cassel (Sweden), Charles Gide (France), Maffeo Panetaleoni (Italy) and Arthur Pigou (England).

At the 1920 Brussels Financial Conference, delegates agreed on the importance of balanced budgets and also took the decision to return to the gold standard for national currencies. This meant that countries had to restore the convertibility of their currency into gold at a fixed rate. This decision was seen as a key element in restoring financial and economic stability after the First World War. However, some economists criticised the decision for limiting the ability of governments to adjust the value of their currency to support their economy. The Brussels conference stressed the importance of exchange rate stability and the fight against inflation in restoring confidence in national currencies and in promoting economic recovery. Delegates also agreed on the need for international cooperation to avoid excessive currency fluctuations.

The Genoa Conference, held from 10 April to 19 May 1922 in Italy, brought together representatives from 30 countries to discuss the economic reconstruction of Central and Eastern Europe and to improve relations between Soviet Russia and the European capitalist regimes. The conference set up four commissions to study ways of mobilising foreign capital for the restoration of Russia, but negotiations failed due to the insistence of France and Belgium on the full repayment of pre-war loans and the full return of foreign property confiscated in Soviet Russia.

The 1927 Geneva Economic Conference, organised by the League of Nations, was the first attempt to organise international economic relations in Europe. It was organised in response to two previous failures, the economic war and the bilateral approach to economic problems. French economic leaders realised that their tripartite approach with Belgium and Germany risked ending unfavourably for their country, and so decided to extend the Franco-German dialogue to the Belgians. Belgium's financial shift towards the Anglo-Saxon powers and the City of London's attempt to take charge of the financial reorganisation of the continent also justified this initiative. The French government, led by L. Loucheur, took this initiative following the meeting of the League of Nations in Geneva in September 1925. Loucheur's vision for an economic league of European nations was highly ambitious. It envisaged coordination of the economic and trade policies of the member states, as well as the creation of a European common market. However, the idea failed to materialise at the time due to the Great Depression that followed in 1929, and the growing political and economic tensions between European nations in the 1930s. Nevertheless, the idea of European economic integration continued to develop and eventually led to the creation of the European Union after the Second World War.

The London Economic Conference of 1933 was organised in an attempt to find solutions to the world economic crisis that had begun in 1929. The participating countries aimed to reach an agreement to stimulate international trade and avoid protectionist economic policies that could make the situation worse. The conference also sought to stabilise exchange rates, which was essential to restore confidence in international financial markets. Unfortunately, the conference failed to achieve all its objectives and did not result in a binding international agreement.

The main aim of the 1933 London Conference was to reduce trade barriers between countries in order to boost international trade. Indeed, the economic crisis of 1929 had led to a wave of trade protectionism, including increased tariffs and measures to restrict imports of foreign products. This protectionist policy had negative effects on the world economy, reducing trade and aggravating the economic crisis. Therefore, from the late 1920s onwards, there were calls for the liberalisation of international trade, with the removal of tariff barriers and the adoption of policies to promote global economic growth. At that time, the international monetary system was unregulated and exchange rates between currencies fluctuated freely according to the markets and monetary policies of individual countries. This instability of exchange rates created difficulties for international trade, made economic planning difficult and was likely to trigger international financial crises. Experts at the time therefore sought to find solutions to regulate the international monetary system and avoid excessive exchange rate fluctuations. The London Conference of 1933 was an important moment in this process, bringing together representatives of many countries to discuss measures to reduce tariff barriers and promote international trade. However, the discussions were difficult and ultimately failed, reflecting the economic and political tensions of the time.

The 1933 London Conference aimed to stabilise the exchange rate and avoid competitive devaluations, but it failed largely because of the refusal of the United States to engage. President Roosevelt was preoccupied with the domestic economic crisis in the US and had introduced the New Deal to overcome it. He was therefore reluctant to commit to an international exchange rate stabilisation agreement that might limit his political and economic room for manoeuvre. This refusal was widely seen as a major factor in the collapse of the international monetary system between the wars and contributed to the deepening of the global economic crisis. The failure of the London Conference in 1933 was a major turning point in international economic history. Trade protectionism continued to grow and trade agreements were increasingly restricted. Governments adopted national economic policies and international trade declined. This contributed to the deepening of the global economic crisis and may have contributed to the rise in geopolitical tensions and conflicts that eventually led to the Second World War. Therefore, after the war, countries recognised the importance of international economic cooperation to avoid such a catastrophe in the future. This led to the creation of the United Nations and the international economic system based on the Bretton Woods Agreement in 1944.

Today's international economic conferences, such as the G7 or G20 meetings, are modernised versions of these historic economic conferences. These conferences bring together representatives from different countries to discuss global economic and financial issues, often with technical experts to help shape policy. Discussions can cover topics such as financial regulation, sovereign debt, fiscal policies, trade and monetary reforms.

After the First World War, the world economy was in crisis and governments turned to economic conferences to try to solve these problems. The inter-war conferences covered a wide range of economic issues, including war reparations, international trade, exchange rates and monetary stability, international debt, banking regulation and the reduction of trade barriers. These conferences were organised in the hope of stimulating economic growth and avoiding another economic crisis.

The idea of condemning economic nationalism and promoting free trade gained momentum as a result of these international conferences. Economists and political leaders began to realise that the protectionist economic policies adopted by many countries were worsening the global economic crisis. They realised that in order to revive the world economy, it was necessary to promote international trade and to bring down tariff barriers. This idea was formalised in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which was signed in 1947 by most industrialised countries. GATT aimed to reduce barriers to international trade and encourage economic liberalisation. It was later replaced by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1995.

Health policy

The League of Nations established a Hygiene Organisation in 1923 to prevent epidemics and diseases and to promote international health. The organisation worked on vaccination programmes, prevention campaigns against tuberculosis, syphilis and yellow fever, as well as on the surveillance of influenza epidemics. It has also cooperated with other international organisations such as the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to promote occupational health. The work of the Hygiene Organisation of the League of Nations laid the foundation for international cooperation in health, which continues today with the World Health Organisation (WHO).

The First World War had a major impact on public health and the spread of disease. The living conditions of soldiers at the front, the mobilisation of millions of people, the lack of food and clean water, and the use of new weapons such as poison gas, contributed to the spread of diseases such as Spanish flu, typhoid and tuberculosis. After the war, rebuilding the health infrastructure was a priority, and the League of Nations played an important role in establishing the League of Nations Hygiene Organisation to coordinate international efforts to control disease and improve public health. The post-war epidemics in Eastern Europe and Asia also demonstrated the need for international action to control diseases on a global scale.

Ludwig Rajchman, born in Poland in 1881, led many efforts during the inter-war period to improve public health and combat epidemics on a global scale. He played an important role in creating public health programmes in developing countries and in fighting epidemics of infectious diseases such as cholera and tuberculosis. He worked for the Health Organisation of the League of Nations, which was established in 1923 to combat infectious diseases and improve public health worldwide. As director of the Hygiene Organisation, Rajchman worked on programmes of vaccination, epidemic control and training of medical personnel in developing countries.

Ludwik Rajchman led a series of actions to promote health internationally. As the first director of the League of Nations Hygiene Organisation, he helped create numerous programmes to control infectious diseases, improve health care and promote public hygiene. Among his notable achievements were the establishment of immunisation campaigns, the promotion of breastfeeding and the fight against child malnutrition, as well as the creation of numerous health centres in disadvantaged areas. The programmes and initiatives launched by Rajchman laid the foundations for the World Health Organisation (WHO) which was created in 1948, after the Second World War.

1922 Warsaw Conference on Epidemics: The 1922 Warsaw Conference on Epidemics was a key moment for the emergence of international cooperation in public health. This conference brought together experts from different countries to discuss the prevention and control of epidemics, and resulted in the adoption of an international sanitary convention. This convention aimed to prevent the spread of infectious diseases by setting standards for the notification of disease cases, the quarantine of infected persons, and the disinfection of ships and goods. Although this convention was not universally adopted, it laid the foundation for international cooperation in the field of public health.
Health statistics: These data are crucial for identifying public health trends and problems, setting health priorities and developing appropriate policies. The collection and compilation of these statistics is still essential for monitoring and preventing disease worldwide. Epidemiological intelligence was the forerunner of health surveillance and consisted of collecting health data in different countries and compiling them in yearbooks and health bulletins. These statistics made it possible to have a global view of the state of health of populations and to implement policies for the prevention and control of diseases on an international scale.
International standardisation of vaccines: the international standardisation of vaccines is a key element in the prevention of epidemics and became an international priority at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1935, a conference organised by the Hygiene Section of the League of Nations defined the first international standard for the preparation of vaccines. This standard was adopted by several countries and marked an important step in the international standardisation of vaccines. This standardisation ensured the effectiveness and safety of vaccines, as well as facilitating their distribution throughout the world.
Health campaigns: the health campaigns of the 1920s and 1930s were a model for current disease control efforts. These campaigns prevented and controlled diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis, leprosy, trachoma, etc. They also helped to raise awareness among the general public. They have also contributed to raising awareness among the population on good hygiene practices and the importance of vaccination.
Study tours of health officials: the League of Nations coordinated study tours of health officials to different countries. This enabled member countries to share experiences and good practices in the field of public health, as well as to train experts in this field. These study tours have contributed to the dissemination of knowledge and techniques for disease prevention and control, and have promoted international cooperation in the field of public health. With the emergence of the concept of public health after the First World War, many countries created administrations dedicated to the management of public health on a national scale. The League of Nations sought to coordinate the actions of these administrations to promote international public health policies and prevent the spread of disease across borders.

Action humanitaire

La Société des Nations (SDN) a été créée après la Première Guerre mondiale pour promouvoir la coopération internationale et la paix dans le monde. L'une de ses missions était de mener des actions humanitaires pour aider les populations affectées par les conflits et les crises humanitaires. Pendant les années 1920 et 1930, la SDN a mené plusieurs actions humanitaires, notamment dans les Balkans, en Turquie, en Syrie, en Irak et en Chine. Elle a notamment aidé à la reconstruction des infrastructures, à la fourniture de nourriture et de médicaments, et à la protection des réfugiés et des minorités. La capacité de la SDN à mener des actions humanitaires a été limitée par plusieurs facteurs, notamment la résistance des Etats membres à la coordination des efforts humanitaires, le manque de financement et de personnel, et la montée des tensions internationales avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Malgré ces obstacles, la SDN a jeté les bases de l'action humanitaire moderne en établissant les principes de l'aide humanitaire, tels que l'impartialité, la neutralité et le respect de la dignité humaine, qui continuent d'être respectés par les organisations humanitaires actuelles.

The establishment of the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees in 1921

The years 1920-1930 marked the beginning of the modern history of refugee protection, and laid the foundations for the universal refugee protection regime we know today. After the First World War, many states faced massive refugee movements, particularly in Eastern Europe. In response to this crisis, the League of Nations established the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, headed by Fridtjof Nansen, which worked to help Russian refugees find homes and resettle in other countries.

The establishment of the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees in 1921 marked an important turning point in the management of the refugee issue at the international level. This specialised structure of the League of Nations aimed to coordinate aid to refugees, seek durable solutions to their situation and facilitate their repatriation. The Office worked closely with host governments, non-governmental organizations and other relief agencies to help refugees find homes. In addition, it began to classify refugees by nationality and to apply an empirical approach to solving the problems they faced. This new peacetime humanitarian diplomacy gradually expanded its competencies over time, including recognising international protection for refugees and working to create an international legal framework for their protection. The Office has also contributed to the creation of a more holistic approach to refugee crisis management, seeking long-term solutions for refugees, including resettlement to third countries. The establishment of the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees in 1921 was a milestone in the history of international refugee protection, and laid the foundation for the universal refugee protection regime we know today.

Fridtjof Nansen, a Norwegian explorer, scientist and diplomat, was appointed the first League of Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in 1921. He was charged with solving the refugee crisis caused by the First World War and the Russian Revolution. Nansen worked tirelessly to help refugees, organising the repatriation of over 400,000 prisoners of war from the First World War and over 1.5 million Greek and Turkish refugees after the Greco-Turkish War of 1922. He also introduced the "Nansen passport", an international travel document that allowed hundreds of thousands of stateless refugees to move freely around the world. Nansen's work on behalf of refugees was recognized with the Nobel Peace Prize in 1922, and he became an icon of humanitarian action and international diplomacy. Today, UNHCR, as a UN agency, continues Nansen's mission to protect and assist refugees and displaced people around the world.

Fridtjof Nansen, as the League of Nations' first High Commissioner for Refugees, was instrumental in establishing the first international conference on refugees in 1922. This conference, which took place in Geneva, brought together representatives of 32 governments to discuss the issue of refugees, including refugees from the First World War. During the 1920s, international conferences became an important means of solving international problems and strengthening international cooperation. The conferences addressed a range of issues, including disarmament, the protection of minorities and the reduction of trade barriers. The international conferences also led to the creation of several international organisations, such as the League of Nations, which played a key role in the management of international affairs in the years following World War I.

Cover of a Nansen passport.

The Nansen Passport was created to help stateless or stateless people obtain a legal identity and an internationally recognised travel document. Many refugees were in a situation where they had no nationality or were considered stateless, which prevented them from travelling or receiving legal protection. The Nansen passport was created in 1922 by the Geneva Conference on Refugees, which established the International Nansen Refugee Office (INRO) under the auspices of the League of Nations. The Nansen passport was an identity and travel certificate for stateless or stateless refugees, and was named after the famous Norwegian explorer and the first UNHCR High Commissioner for Refugees, Fridtjof Nansen, who proposed its creation. The Nansen Passport was adopted as a practical way to facilitate the resettlement of refugees and to provide them with an internationally recognised identification and travel document. It was recognised by more than 50 states, and was widely used until the end of the Second World War. The Nansen Passport was considered an important innovation in refugee protection, as it provided stateless persons with a legal identity and protection status, and helped promote their resettlement and integration into host communities. The Nansen passport has been recognised by many states, allowing refugees to move safely across international borders. In addition, it has helped to give legal recognition and identity to stateless persons, who were often considered defenceless and without legal protection.

The Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees was adopted by the International Conference for the Protection of Refugees held in Geneva in 1933. The Convention was designed to provide international protection for the growing number of refugees in Europe, particularly following the rise of the Nazis to power in Germany. The Convention marked an important turning point in refugee protection, imposing concrete obligations on States Parties to provide assistance and protection to refugees. It also led to the establishment of refugee committees, which worked to implement the measures set out in the Convention. The Convention relating to the International Status of Refugees of 28 October 1933 deals with various subjects such as the issue of "Nansen certificates", refoulement, legal matters, working conditions, industrial accidents, assistance and relief, education, taxation and exemption from reciprocity. It also provides for the establishment of committees for refugees. The 1933 Convention is considered a precursor to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, which is the cornerstone of modern international refugee law. It addresses a range of issues related to the protection and assistance of refugees, including administrative measures such as the issuance of "Nansen certificates", legal issues, working conditions, social protection and relief, education, taxation and reciprocity exemption. It also provides for the establishment of committees to address the needs of refugees. Overall, the 1933 Convention laid the foundation for the development of a more comprehensive legal framework to protect refugees and set an important precedent for future international agreements on refugee rights.

Non-governmental organisations

The League of Nations has worked with many non-governmental actors in different fields, including refugee protection. The boundaries between these actors are quite porous and there is significant cooperation in many areas between the intergovernmental organisation and various non-governmental organisations.

Zemgor (short for All-Russian Committee for the Relief of Victims of War and Revolution) was an organisation established in 1915 to help Russians displaced abroad. The first president of the Zemgor was indeed Prince Georgy Lvov. The organisation continued to assist Russian refugees after the war and worked with the League of Nations and the High Commission for Refugees to help them resettle and integrate into local societies. After the Russian Revolution of 1917, it took in Russian refugees fleeing political persecution. Zemgor worked closely with the League of Nations and the High Commissioner for Refugees to find durable solutions for Russian refugees. In particular, it contributed to their resettlement in third countries and their integration into local societies. The Zemgor was dissolved by the Bolsheviks in 1919. After its dissolution in Russia, some former emigrant officials decided to revive the organisation under the same shortened name, Zemgor. In 1921, it was officially registered in Paris as an organisation for the support of Russian emigrants. Its official names were "Российский Земско-городской комитет помощи российским гражданам за границей" in Russian and "Comité des Zemstvos et Municipalités Russes de Secours des Citoyens russes à l'étranger" in French. Prince Georgy Lvov was the first president of the Parisian organisation, followed by A.I. Konovalov and A.D. Avksentiev. In the early 1920s, Zemgor became the main social welfare organisation for Russian emigrants, but was later forgotten.

Intellectual cooperation

In 1922, the League of Nations established an International Commission on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC) to encourage collaboration and exchange of ideas between intellectuals from different countries. The ICCI worked on projects such as the translation of books, the organisation of conferences and the creation of international research centres. In 1926, the League of Nations also established the International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation (IICI) to promote international understanding and cooperation in the fields of education, science, culture and communication. The IICI has supported projects such as the publication of scientific journals, the organisation of symposia and the creation of cultural exchange programmes.

The main objective of the International Commission on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC), established in 1922 by the League of Nations, was to promote mutual understanding among peoples by encouraging intellectual and cultural cooperation. The ICCI aimed to facilitate the flow of ideas, information and cultural works between different nations, and to promote dialogue and cooperation between intellectuals from different countries. The ICCI also sought to contribute to conflict prevention and peace building by encouraging international intellectual cooperation. In this respect, the Commission's aim was to promote "moral disarmament", i.e. the reduction of tensions and prejudices between nations by fostering deeper mutual understanding and encouraging dialogue and cooperation. The creation of the International Commission on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC) in 1922 by the League of Nations was motivated in large part by the desire to avoid another war by promoting mutual understanding between peoples. After the First World War, the political and intellectual leaders of the time were aware of the devastating consequences of war and sought to promote international cooperation and understanding to avoid another catastrophe. The idea of the ICCI was to promote mutual understanding between peoples by encouraging the free flow of ideas and cultural works. By encouraging dialogue and international intellectual cooperation, the ICCI sought to ease tensions between nations and reduce the potential for conflict. In doing so, the ICCI aimed to root out the nationalistic and warlike ideas that had led to the First World War and to promote a more peaceful and cooperative vision of the future.

One of the missions of the International Commission on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC) was to promote better understanding between peoples by eliminating stereotypes and prejudices in education and culture. To this end, the ICCI established several commissions, including the Commission for the Revision of School Textbooks. The ambition of this commission was to revise school textbooks in all League of Nations member countries in order to eliminate stereotypical clichés and biased representations of different countries and cultures. The aim was to promote a more objective and nuanced understanding of other countries and cultures, in order to reduce prejudice and tensions between nations. The Textbook Review Commission worked to revise curricula in the various League of Nations member countries, encouraging a more objective and respectful approach to other cultures. By eliminating stereotypical representations and prejudices in school textbooks, the Commission aimed to foster a deeper mutual understanding between peoples, and thus contribute to the prevention of conflicts and the building of international peace.

Some of the recommendations of the Commission for the Revision of School Textbooks of the International Commission on Intellectual Co-operation (ICIC) have not been followed by all member countries of the League of Nations. Despite the commission's efforts to eliminate clichés and stereotypes in education, some countries refused to implement the proposed reforms. There were several reasons for this. On the one hand, national governments sometimes considered the Commission's recommendations to be contrary to their national interests or ideological views. They therefore chose to maintain existing textbooks, even if they contained stereotypes and prejudices. On the other hand, textbook publishers were also reluctant to make changes to their publications because of the costs and logistical difficulties associated with revising and reprinting large volumes of textbooks. Despite these obstacles, the Textbook Review Commission has continued to work to promote a more objective and nuanced understanding of other cultures, and to encourage governments and publishers to eliminate stereotypes and prejudices in education. Although its recommendations have not always been followed, the Commission has nonetheless contributed to raising awareness of the importance of education for international peace and understanding.

The International Commission on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC) also set up a programme to publish the classics of world literature with the aim of promoting a deeper and more respectful understanding of other cultures. The ambition of this programme was to select a number of seminal works of world literature that were considered universal, and to translate them into different languages to make them accessible to a wider audience. The aim was to make people aware that they shared a common heritage and to promote a better understanding of other cultures. Among the works selected were literary classics such as the novels of Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, Balzac, Goethe and Shakespeare, as well as important philosophical and scientific texts. This programme of publishing the classics of world literature has been considered a success by the ICCI, as it has promoted a deeper and more respectful understanding of other cultures, introducing readers to works that were often little known outside their country of origin. It has also contributed to the emergence of a shared world culture, enabling people to discover the literary treasures of other cultures and fostering the emergence of a universal sensitivity.

In the context of intellectual cooperation, librarians have also been encouraged to intensify the exchange of books and information between libraries around the world. To this end, the Commission Internationale de Coopération Intellectuelle (CICI) has organised numerous international congresses and meetings of librarians to discuss ways of facilitating exchange and dissemination of knowledge. These congresses have enabled librarians from different countries to meet, exchange ideas and discuss best practices in the management and dissemination of library collections. They have also led to the creation of many international library organisations, such as the International Union of Library and Information Institutions (Ifla), which have continued to promote cooperation and exchange between libraries around the world. By facilitating access to information and knowledge, this increased exchange of books has also helped to promote greater understanding and tolerance among peoples, allowing readers to discover new cultures and perspectives.

The International Commission for Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC) has also encouraged the scientific study of international relations, with the aim of better understanding the causes of conflict and promoting peace. To this end, it has organised numerous international colloquia and meetings of experts, political scientists, sociologists and philosophers to discuss ways of preventing conflict and promoting international cooperation. These colloquia have shed light on the origins of wars and conflicts, analysing the economic, political, cultural and psychological causes that can lead to tensions between peoples. he creation of the Permanent Conference of Higher International Studies in 1928 is a continuation of the efforts of the International Commission of Intellectual Co-operation (ICIC) to promote the scientific study of international relations and to avoid conflicts between nations. The Permanent Conference of Higher International Studies aimed to bring together experts from different countries to further the study of major international issues, such as economic, political, social and cultural relations between countries. These experts, from universities, research institutes and public administrations, were invited to exchange information and share their expertise on topics of common interest, with the aim of fostering international cooperation and preventing conflicts. The work of the Permanent Conference on Higher International Studies has thus contributed to deepening knowledge on international relations, by fostering the emergence of international expertise on major issues such as international security, trade relations and cultural cooperation. By encouraging reflection and debate on these topics, the Permanent Conference on International Higher Education has contributed to strengthening cooperation and understanding between peoples, fostering a culture of peace and international cooperation.

Different conceptions of international relations can sometimes lead to opposition or even conflict between countries. In the Standing Conference on Higher International Studies, for example, experts from different countries had different conceptions of international relations, the place of states and international organisations, the rights and duties of states, international security, etc. These divergent views may have led to conflicts between countries. These differences of opinion could lead to heated debates and tensions between the participants, and sometimes led to deadlock in the discussions. In addition, some countries sometimes sought to use international expertise to their advantage, seeking to influence the work of the Conference in the direction of their national interests. These tensions and differences of opinion reflect the complex realities of international relations, where national interests and political views often diverge. However, despite these difficulties, intellectual co-operation has continued to play an important role in promoting international understanding and co-operation, contributing to enriching debates and deepening knowledge about international relations.

The Conférence Permanente des Hautes Études Internationales ultimately failed in its attempt to prevent international conflicts. The Italian conquest of Ethiopia in 1935-1936 was a turning point in the history of international relations, as it showed that international agreements and forums for intellectual cooperation were not sufficient to prevent countries from using force to resolve their disputes. The conquest of Ethiopia was indeed condemned by the League of Nations, which had been established in 1919 to preserve international peace and security. However, the economic sanctions imposed on Italy by the League of Nations were not sufficiently effective in deterring the Italian government from pursuing its expansionist policy in Africa. The failure of the Permanent Conference of Higher International Studies showed that intellectual cooperation alone, however important, could not prevent international conflicts. Strong international institutions were also needed, capable of imposing effective sanctions on aggressor states and maintaining international peace and security.

Despite the failure of the Permanent Conference of Higher International Studies and the limits of intellectual cooperation in the prevention of international conflicts, the initiatives taken in this framework have left lasting traces. For example, the creation of the International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation in 1926 contributed to the establishment of an international network of libraries and archives, which facilitated the circulation of ideas and knowledge between different countries. Similarly, the Commission for the Revision of School Textbooks laid the foundations for thinking about how education can contribute to mutual understanding between peoples. In addition, intellectual cooperation has helped to develop expertise and skills in areas such as international relations, international law, sociology, anthropology, etc., which have continued to inform debates and reflections on relations between states and societies. Although the rise of nationalism and tensions undermined some of the initiatives of intellectual cooperation, they nevertheless helped to lay the foundations for thinking about international issues and ways to prevent international conflicts, which continued to influence international debates and policies throughout the 20th century.

Social policy

The League of Nations, which existed from 1920 to 1946, had as its main objective the maintenance of international peace and security after the First World War. However, it also took an interest in social and economic issues, notably by creating the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 1919.

The ILO's mission was to promote workers' rights, improve working conditions and foster employment throughout the world. Its executive body was the International Labour Office (ILO), which had the function of supervising the activities of the ILO and coordinating the efforts of governments and employers to improve working conditions. The ILO developed international labour standards, which were adopted by the member states of the League of Nations and are still in force today. These standards cover issues such as wages, hours of work, occupational safety and health, gender equality, the abolition of child labour and forced labour, among others. The ILO and the ILO have thus played an important role in promoting just and equitable social and economic policies at the global level, and have continued to do so since the creation of the United Nations in 1945.

The creation of the International Labour Organisation in 1919 was a response to the Russian Revolution. It is the idea that international peace between peoples will not be achieved without social peace between the social classes of different countries. Finally, the Russian revolution seemed to show the Western leaders that there was a huge dissatisfaction among the working class with their social conditions of existence and work.

One of the reasons why the International Labour Organisation (ILO) was created in 1919 was to improve the living and working conditions of workers around the world. At that time, working conditions were often dangerous, wages were low and workers generally had no social protection, which exposed them to many risks. The ILO developed international labour standards which were adopted by the member states of the League of Nations and which helped to improve the working and living conditions of workers around the world. These standards have also helped to avoid social conflicts and revolutions such as the Russian Revolution of 1917.

The creation of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the adoption of international labour standards was in part a reformist response to the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the threat it posed to the existing social and political order. The ILO and international labour standards were also created in response to social and economic problems that existed even before the Russian Revolution. The labour movement and trade unions had already begun to demand improvements in working and living conditions for workers long before the Russian Revolution. The ILO was therefore created in a context of global social and economic change, which involved conflict and demands from workers, not just in response to the Russian Revolution. The main objective of the ILO was to promote social justice and ensure that workers around the world enjoyed decent working conditions and social and economic rights.

The idea that social and international peace is absolutely indivisible is at the heart of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) project. The ILO was originally created in 1919 as part of the League of Nations (League), an intergovernmental organisation set up after the First World War to promote international peace and cooperation. One of the reasons why the ILO was created was to help achieve this objective by improving the living and working conditions of workers throughout the world, which, according to the ILO's founders, would help prevent social conflicts and promote international peace. The ILO was therefore conceived from the outset as an organisation designed to promote both social justice and international peace. The international labour standards drawn up by the ILO aim to ensure that workers enjoy decent working conditions and social and economic rights, which, according to the ILO, help to prevent social conflict and promote political stability and international peace.

From its inception in 1919, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) set out to create a system of international labour standards, which would cover a wide range of issues related to workers' living and working conditions. Under the leadership of Albert Thomas, the first director of the ILO, the organisation began to develop a series of international labour conventions that set minimum standards for the protection of workers. The ILO Conventions covered a wide range of issues, including hours of work, wages, occupational safety and health, protection of workers against unemployment, protection of migrant workers, child and women's labour, and many others. These conventions were signed by the governments of ILO member countries and were designed to be ratified and implemented at the national level. Governments were required to submit periodic reports on the implementation of these conventions, and the ILO provided technical assistance to help countries comply with international labour standards. The objective of the ILO's social policy was to promote social justice by creating a system of international labour standards that would guarantee workers decent living and working conditions and help prevent social conflict and promote international peace.

The first international labour convention adopted by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 1919 is the Hours of Work (Industries) Convention No. 1, which sets the legal working hours at 8 hours a day and 48 hours a week. This Convention also sets minimum standards for overtime, days of rest and paid holidays. This Convention is a milestone in the history of working conditions, as it established for the first time an international standard for working hours, which was subsequently adopted by many countries around the world. Prior to this, workers were often subjected to working days of 10 to 12 hours or more, without rest days or paid holidays. The Hours of Work Convention was followed by many other international labour conventions, which set minimum standards for other aspects of working conditions, such as wages, occupational safety and health, migrant workers' rights, child and women's labour, and many others.

In the years following the establishment of the ILO, it has continued to work to improve the working and living conditions of workers around the world by having member states sign numerous international conventions. These include the Weekly Rest (Industries) Convention (No. 14), adopted in 1921, which establishes the right to a weekly day of rest for all workers, and the Maternity Protection Convention (No. 3) of 1919, which recognises the right of women to maternity leave and special protection during pregnancy. Other Conventions have established minimum standards for occupational safety and health, such as the Occupational Diseases Convention, 1934 (No. 42), which obliges employers to take measures to protect workers against occupational hazards, and the Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 1981 (No. 155), which sets international standards for the prevention of occupational accidents and diseases. In addition, the ILO has worked to establish labour inspection bodies in member countries to monitor and enforce the implementation of international labour standards. This has been achieved in part through the Labour Inspection Convention, 1947 (No. 81), which encourages member states to establish effective labour inspection systems.

The ILO implements international legislation in the form of international labour conventions, which are agreements between ILO member states to establish minimum labour standards. These Conventions are ratified by the Member States, which thus commit themselves to implementing them in their national legislation. However, not all Member States ratify all Conventions, and those that do may do so at different times and with different implementation schedules. Furthermore, the implementation of these conventions may be more or less effective depending on the political will of governments, the capacity of national institutions to implement international standards, and the economic and social pressures on companies and workers. Nevertheless, the ratification of these international conventions is a strong signal of the commitment of member states to improve working and living conditions for workers, and they often have a positive impact on national labour practices and workers' rights. In addition, the ILO regularly monitors the implementation of these Conventions and can assist Member States in overcoming obstacles to their application by providing technical advice and promoting social dialogue between the social partners. The creation of minimum labour standards at the international level through ILO Conventions constitutes an embryo of harmonisation of national legislation. Indeed, these conventions aim to establish common standards for all ILO member states, in order to guarantee decent and fair working conditions for all workers, regardless of their country of origin or workplace. These standards are not uniform for all countries, but are adapted to the specificities of each member state and take into account their level of economic, social and institutional development. Therefore, the ILO Conventions do not aim to standardise national legislation, but rather to establish minimum standards that are compatible with the realities and needs of each country. The aim is thus to promote a gradual convergence of national legislation towards common decent work standards, while respecting the cultural and economic diversity of the Member States.

The creation of international labour standards by the ILO allows countries to refer to common standards and to set objectives in terms of social policy. Member States can use the ILO's international conventions as a basis for their own legislation and national policies to improve the working and living conditions of workers. In addition, the ILO's international labour standards can serve as a reference for social partners, such as employers and trade unions, in their collective bargaining and demands. International standards can also be used as benchmarks for social audits and certifications, thus contributing to strengthening corporate social responsibility and transparency in supply chains. The ILO's international labour standards are an important tool to promote the progressive convergence of national social policies and legislation towards common decent work standards, while respecting the cultural and economic diversity of member states.

The construction of international labour standards does not always follow the construction of national standards, but often precedes them. Indeed, the ILO is often the first body to develop international labour standards in areas not yet regulated by national legislation. In this sense, international labour standards can serve as a model and inspiration for Member States wishing to develop their own national legislation in this area. International standards can also be used to strengthen and improve existing national legislation, by setting common standards that help to harmonise social practices and policies internationally. ILO international labour standards are recommendations and conventions that are not binding on member states. States can choose whether or not to ratify these conventions, and implement them at their own pace and according to their national priorities.

In the relationship between national and international, the international can often be seen as an extension of the national. However, in the case of international labour standards developed by the ILO, the reality is somewhat more complex. Indeed, international labour standards are often the result of collective thinking by ILO member states, employers and workers to solve common problems related to working conditions and social protection. Thus, these standards can be seen as a collective response to transnational issues that transcend national borders. It is true that these standards can also be influenced by existing national practices and legislation, especially in countries with a long tradition of social protection and social dialogue. In this sense, international standards can be seen as a means of exporting good national practices and encouraging international harmonisation of social policies.

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) still exists today and is the oldest international organisation in its original form. It was created in 1919 with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, and became part of the United Nations (UN) in 1946. The ILO is a specialised agency of the UN whose mission is to promote decent work and fundamental rights at work throughout the world. It brings together representatives of governments, employers and workers to develop international labour standards, provide technical advice and training, and conduct research and cooperation to promote decent work. The ILO is also responsible for supervising compliance with international labour standards, which are ratified by member states. It can investigate violations of these standards and provide technical assistance to states for their implementation.

The ILO has acquired strong international legitimacy in the field of labour, particularly in the collection and dissemination of statistical data on the labour market and working conditions around the world. The International Labour Office (ILO), the executive arm of the ILO, is responsible for the collection and analysis of these statistics. The statistics produced by the ILO are widely used by governments, international organizations, enterprises and researchers to understand global employment and labour trends and challenges. ILO statistical data cover a range of topics such as employment, unemployment, wages, working conditions, social protection, vocational training, labour migration and industrial relations. These data are collected from governments, enterprises, trade unions and other sources to ensure reliability and comparability of data across countries. Ultimately, ILO statistics are a key tool for understanding labour market challenges and opportunities around the world and for helping to inform policies and practices aimed at improving the quality of life and working conditions of workers.

Despite the challenges and limitations, the League of Nations has been successful in implementing many projects and interventions since the 1920s. In addition to the social policy of the International Labour Organisation, the League of Nations also initiated the creation of the International Commission on Intellectual Cooperation in 1922, which aimed to promote cultural cooperation between member countries. The League of Nations was also active in the field of public health, establishing international standards and practices for the control of epidemics and creating the League of Nations Hygiene Organisation (which was later integrated into the World Health Organisation). Finally, the League of Nations also led efforts to resolve international conflicts, including working to reduce armaments and promote preventive diplomacy. Although these initiatives were not always successful, they laid the groundwork for the creation of the United Nations after the Second World War.

Annexes

“The League of Nations.” International Organization, vol. 1, no. 1, 1947, pp. 141–142. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2703534.
Goodrich, Leland M. “From League of Nations to United Nations.” International Organization, vol. 1, no. 1, 1947, pp. 3–21. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2703515.
Foreign Policy,. (2015). Forget Sykes-Picot. It’s the Treaty of Sèvres That Explains the Modern Middle East.. Retrieved 11 August 2015, from https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/08/10/sykes-picot-treaty-of-sevres-modern-turkey-middle-east-borders-turkey/

References

↑ Page personnelle de Ludovic Tournès sur le site de l'Université de Genève
↑ Publications de Ludovic Tournès | Cairn.info
↑ CV de Ludovic Tournès sur le site de l'Université de la Sorbonne
↑ THRONTVEIT, T. (2011). The Fable of the Fourteen Points: Woodrow Wilson and National Self-Determination. Diplomatic History, 35(3), 445-481. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.00959.x
↑ Schmitt, Carl, Marie-Louise Steinhauser, and Julien Freund. La Notion De Politique; Théorie Du Partisan. Paris: Flammarion, 2009. Chapter VI - The world is not a political unit, it is a political pluriversum p.98

[1] Page personnelle de Ludovic Tournès sur le site de l'Université de Genève

[2] Publications de Ludovic Tournès | Cairn.info

[3] CV de Ludovic Tournès sur le site de l'Université de la Sorbonne

[4] THRONTVEIT, T. (2011). The Fable of the Fourteen Points: Woodrow Wilson and National Self-Determination. Diplomatic History, 35(3), 445-481. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.00959.x

[5] Schmitt, Carl, Marie-Louise Steinhauser, and Julien Freund. La Notion De Politique; Théorie Du Partisan. Paris: Flammarion, 2009. Chapter VI - The world is not a political unit, it is a political pluriversum p.98

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