Version actuelle datée du 12 juin 2020 à 13:15

The origins and evolution of States

Données clés
Professeur(s)	Balsiger, Jörg^[1]^[2]^[3]^[4]^[5]^[6]^[7]
Cours	Political Geography

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What is a "state"?[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Despite the political and social transformations observed since the end of the Cold War with the challenges of transnational corporations, social movements and the emergence of cities as political organizations, the State remains the primary organization. Most of what determines standards and rules originates in the state.

Political World Map in 2010.

This map is the vision of the world divided into states. Issues such as the emergence of a new state, the division of an existing state seems difficult to resolve. According to UN statistics among the list of 206 sovereign states, 16 are contested like Palestine, Armenia, the two Koreas. There are more and more independence movements such as in Scotland.

The modern state is a fairly recent appearance. The first political organization in terms of state was rather in the form of a city. Outside the city-state, empires were known as political organization. The evolution of States raises the question of whether it is really possible to explain the emergence of States by a single theory. Generally, the answer is "no" because there is a diversity of states. Instead of trying to advance a single theory of emergence, the emphasis is on training processes.

The definitions of States as they exist are extremely broad:

Painter and Jeffrey in Political Geography: An Introduction to Space and Power published in 2009 propose a broad definition:"(1) complex networks of relationships between a changing set of institutions and social groups; (2) the product of their own processes of institutional development and historical change.
In Coercion, Capital, and European States published in 1990, Tilly also proposes a broad definition: "organisations other than family groups, exercising coercion and having clear priority over all other organisations within a substantial territory".

Many authors wonder whether the state is a myth, an idea or a social construct. On the one hand the answer can be "no", on the other hand a qualified "yes" from the perspective that myths can be understood as social phenomena that give structure to everyday practices. The State manifests itself and is translated by our habits and practices in everyday life. When you cross a border, you bring a state into existence. According to Painter and Jeffrey, the state is not unified, but the effect of social processes makes it appear that the object exists.

From a political geography perspective, Painter and Jeffrey identify five characteristics :

precise boundaries;
substantial territories, administered through territorial institutions such as, for example, local and regional governments;
an institutional geography that translates into the location of agencies, parliaments, courts, military bases, etc...;
a state apparatus that allows it to monitor, govern and try to control the population;
although never complete, surveillance has always tended to increase.

Origins of States[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Explanatory framework[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

To try to systematize the emergence and formation of States, we must refer to Charles Tilly who introduced in Coercion, Capital, and European States published in 1990 a diagram in order to divide the different explanations. He asks two questions:

Is the formation of the state independent or is it derived from the economy?
Does the influence on the formation of states come from inside or outside?

Through these two questions, which bring together the main factors, we have a diagram that allows us to target the explanations.

Source : Charles Tilly, 1990, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1992.

State theories are the most popular among historians. Training is considered independent of the economy according to internal factors. Political change is seen as precedent to economic change and the institutionalization of the state is the product of internal factors such as the preparation and conduct of war. For example, Samuel Huntington talks about "cultural differences" while Paul Kennedy talks about "unequal economic growth".

Geopolitical theories are theories that consider that the formation of states is independent of the economy, but this time the factors that drive the formation of states come from outside. State formation is a response to the international system. James Rosenau identifies four types of response: consenting, intransigent, promotional, conservative. These responses have different implications for state dimensions.

Source : Charles Tilly, 1990, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1992.

The theories of the mode of production emphasize the mechanisms of feudalism, mercantilism or capitalism within a Marxist perspective. For example, Perry Anderson studies the relations between aristocrats, peasantry and cities. The impetus for state formation comes from outside.

The theory of the world system postulates that sovereignty must be built through an interstate system of mutual recognition. Immanuel Wallerstein is interested in the extension of the division between capital and labour on a global scale within the framework of centre-periphery relations.

For Tilly, there is no positioning. On the one hand it emphasizes military coercion, which is the sovereign's interest in controlling precise borders, and on the other hand capital with the interest of cities, which has constituted the predominant form of state. In each corner of this pattern, there is a predominance of certain factors.

Military aspects[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

To explain the emergence of states, Geoffrey Parker in The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West published in 1988 speaks of "military revolution. The introduction of firearms in China in the 12th century, in Arabia as well as in Europe in the 14th century and in Japan in the 20th gave advantages to infantry. The borders equipped with fortresses participate in a military construction of the territory just like the European expansion overseas. According to Claval in Les espaces de la politique published in 2010, the military construction of the state has led to the creation of a space that is under uniform law. Blurred boundaries become geographical realities. Social competition began to be exercised by means other than the direct use of force, newly monopolized by the absolute power of the prince.

Economic aspects[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

With the increasing monetarization of states, monetary unification is indispensable for raising taxes. For production, economic exchange requires the definition and guarantee of weights and measures and the fixing of conversion rates. It is a new responsibility of the absolute sovereign. For Claval, there is no economic notion, but we speak of mercantilism: "In all this, there is not the slightest economic consideration in the modern sense of the term... his point of view is strictly mercantilist.

Sovereignty and the social contract[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Absolute sovereignty[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

With the consolidation of sovereignty the social contract will emerge to legitimize the states in rupture with the feudal world. Machiavelli published The Prince in 1532 assuming that the Prince assumed the monopoly of power, received from God in delegation, in order to make peace reign within the territory he controlled.

The first theorists of sovereignty to legitimize this power were Jean Bodin (1530 - 1596) and Hugo Grotius (1583 - 1645) who proposed a definition of the state: "a perfect body of free persons who joined together to peacefully enjoy their rights and for their common utility".

It is in the context of a transition from a medieval monarchy to an absolute monarchy that sovereignty separates from the individual and moves towards a sovereign state. The Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 is an important moment in the process of state building, postulating that the right to conduct one's own diplomatic affairs remains with the territorial states and not with the empires of which they are a part.

The social contract: origins[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

In Les espaces de la politique, Claval emphasizes the social contract. In this period and in the works of the main instigators of the thoughts around the social contract, there are many elements that are still important today in the construction between space and political facts.

The social contract emerged in the context of the Reformation in the 15th and 16th centuries in the context of the emerging egalitarian ideologies of rationalism and criticism of religions: "the thickness of the social fabric is finally recognised by those in power". The answer proposed by the puritans is that the State and the authority were born from a covenant which testifies to the will to assume a common destiny. Thomas Hobbes (1588 - 1679) deprived the traditional religious hierarchies of their political influence and delivered the prince from the moral magisterium of the Church. Hobbes is also known for the notion of Leviathan as a metaphor for the state that protects societies, but also to whom one submits. By submitting to Leviathan, citizens create a new order that ensures harmony among all. We go from the State of nature to the Civil State.

The social contract: liberal versions[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

For John Locke (1632 - 1704), the parties of the social contract must be independent for the agreement to be valid. It emphasizes the right to property, which predates the social contract and finds its justification in work as an essential part of being. Ratzel also places a strong emphasis on the ground. The social contract does not install power in an absolute, but gives for mission which is to allow the blooming of each one.

Locke argues that there is a dual requirement that sovereignty is grounded only in the population it concerns[1] and that government must be aware of social problems and ensure public representation in developing the law on its behalf[2]. Locke proposes a division of power between executive and legislative.

In the liberal versions, nation is placed as the foundation of sovereignty. It is a geography of authority and legitimacy that is being shaken. For a power to be legitimate, it must be the emanation of a community, of a social entity that pre-exists it. Political territory must merge on the nation. The distribution of groups with a common consciousness makes it possible to draw the boundaries. The liberal regime that meets the expectations of all is the administrative system that is coupled with an autonomous circuit, namely popular representation through an elected Parliament and electoral constituencies.

The social contract: revolutionary versions[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

With Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712 - 1778), the social problem was not to defend humans against themselves, but to protect individuals from the harmful influences of group life. The social contract serves to save what is religious, emotional or mystical in nature and not to exclude it.

Kant (1724 -1804), Hegel (1770 - 1831) and Marx (1818 - 1883) brought these arguments which were already opposed at the time to the liberal and dominant versions which contributed to the formation of the State. For Kant, in order to think the world, the political space must orient itself to the individual and to all humanity. Hegel postulates that the state is the instrument of pure reason, all becoming is explained and is justified by the future state. For Marx, the end of history is man finally realized, the proletariat is the instrument of the last phase of history.

The State and Society[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The social contract focuses on the relationship between the state and society. It is a crucial element that is regularly found in the ways in which the State enters into a relationship with society, conceives the separation or unity of society and the State, the reciprocal influences of the State and society and the ways in which societies fit into the State within the framework of spatial perspectives.

For Ratzel in Géographie politique published in 1897, the State and the People are a unit referring to Hegel for whom the State is a realization of the spirit manifested in the people. In The Nature of Geography: A Critical Survey of Current Thought in the Light of the Past published in 1939, Hartshorne rejects the Razelian notion of the state as an organism, but accepts its definition of the state as a selection of lands and a selection of organized humanity as a singular unity. Harvey published Monument and Myth in 1979. For him, the State is part of society and integral to the functioning of capitalist societies. In Du Gouvernement des vivants published in 1979, Foucault approaches governmentality with the fact that the State begins to be interested in the "population" in the 20th century outside the survival of the State, "the art of government" becomes "political science", the supply of public goods requires new resources and knowledge. Jessop published Liberalism, Neoliberalism, and Urban Governance: A State-Theoretical Perspective in 2002. He refuses the commodification of the state by emphasizing the relational and procedural nature of state formation.

High politics, low politics[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

High politics is about politics of war, peace, diplomacy, everything about the existence of the state, the primary concerns of states. This guard summarizes military expenditures as a percentage of GDP.

Low politics concerns politics, transport, health expenditure, education, social benefits in particular, which emerge in the context of a transformation of the relationship between the State and society. For Foucault, states are beginning to better understand societies to better control them refers to the concept of low politics.

The indicator on the left represents per capita health spending. The indicator on the right represents per capita spending on higher education.

There is a general trend of transition towards lower policies. The type of state that emerged at the end of the 19th and at the end of the 20th century was a state that would invest more in low politics. This does not mean that high politics is disappearing. In general, the trend is for state investment to focus on low politics. We generally talk about the emergence of the welfare state.

The welfare state and its geography[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

What is a welfare state?[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The welfare state is a system of administrative units providing health, education or a type of state that is a unifying concept that emerges after the fragmented evolution of services. The concept of the welfare state is used to describe liberal states of origin. The welfare state system is a political compromise as part of a radicalisation of society in order to reduce the attractiveness of more radical solutions. It is a political compromise that serves as a force against communism.

The development of the welfare state took place in Europe from the 1890s to the 1920s through social security systems in the event of industrial injuries, incapacity to work, or the introduction of retirement pensions. In the United States, the welfare state emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and with the establishment of the "New Deal" in the 1930s following the Great Depression.

John Maynard Keynes: 1883 – 1946[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The concept of the welfare state has become synonymous with Keynesianism. It advocates greater state involvement in the economy. Keynes published in 1936 The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money which postulates that government can influence the demand for products and services which affects the employment rate. During a recession, the government must stimulate demand by reducing taxes or increasing government spending. Debt is repaid when the economy recovers. Social security payments provide a minimum of economic consumption to prevent a recession from becoming a depression. Keynesianism works best when national economies are relatively independent. During the 1970s and 1980s, Keynesian states began to experience problems.

There are several types of welfare states with liberal variations as in the United States and Canada, conservative-corporatist as in Germany, France, Great Britain or Italy and social-democratic in the Scandinavian countries.

The geography of public services[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

There is a whole geographical reflection behind the emergence of the welfare state with a strong political commitment to geographical universalism which aims to ensure access to services to be guaranteed regardless of where one lives. All low policies imply a strong spatial dimension. In practice, inequalities are common. With the concept of "territorial justice" involving a strong spatial dimension, the aim is to analyse the location of public services such as universities, hospitals or public transport networks.

Crisis and change[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Claval highlights a number of elements that lead to the crisis of the welfare state. The level of taxation by the political system after the war was made possible by an economic configuration favourable to industrialized countries. There is a whole series of international elements and structures like the Bretton Woods system that allowed the welfare state system to be put in place.

For Claval, the crisis of the State comes from the upheavals of the world economy and the loss of sovereignty from above, from below through decentralization and deconcentration and from the lateral with multinational and plurinational companies as well as with non-governmental organizations.

What remains for the state is surveillance, postulating that "contemporary evolution leads to the despoiling of state systems of almost all of their prerogatives. They keep only one: the power of coercion. Thus, "what is called into question today is a conception of politics that is insensitive to today's difficulties and sufferings". Consequently, authority is granted only for very short mandates and must be renegotiated on a permanent basis, according to the principle of good governance, with the various groups in the territory. The State's authority to enforce the law is revocable, the law becomes provisional in nature: "The nation-state is dead".

New land management problems are emerging. The crisis of the welfare state is based on decentralisation with a need to maintain national coherence and competition between territorial entities. There is also increasing economic competition with spatial implications, in particular increasingly marked spatial distributions, such as the emergence of growth poles around metropolises. This crisis is also characterized by the concept of "Not in my backyard" whose challenge is to locate incineration plants, waste dumps, parks, reserves, nuclear centres, etc. These are challenges that pose problems for the welfare state.

For Claval, "the disappearance of the State is not an option". The issue is the transformation of the state. The welfare state has not disappeared, but it has been restructured on neoliberal foundations. What has changed is the way public service budgets are allocated and the nature of service delivery. The state becomes more interventionist targeting particular groups with an increase in conditionality. Workfarism is the fact that beneficiaries must "earn" benefits through behavioural changes.

Summary[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

State establishment is a complex social process, not a unilinear development towards a "modern state" that is more efficient, more democratic, or more enlightened. There is no theory of the state. The social contract can be understood as a myth that is created to deliver sovereignty from its religious tradition. In the new political organization of the sovereign State, legitimacy comes from the people. For the liberals, the state can already assume responsibility for all choices; for the revolutionaries, responsibility belongs to the minorities that are the intellectuals and the proletariat. The geographical dimension of the formation of States is reflected in the precise delimitation of borders, the exclusivity of territories, the location of the State apparatus and the development of population monitoring tools.

The welfare state appeared in Europe after 1890 and in the United States after the Great Depression. It aims at the provision of services in education, health, housing, etc. with a universalist geographical perspective. Although its forms vary, the welfare state is found only in the richest countries. The welfare state began to suffer in the 1970s with the upheavals in the global economy leading to a loss of sovereignty from the top, from the bottom and from the side. This model suffers from internal contradictions: its activities threaten the inputs that are essential for its survival; administrative processes become too complex. The welfare state is changing towards workfarism which is the fact that the individual becomes responsible for his well-being, benefits are subject to conditionalities.

Annexes[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

References[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

[1] Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de l'UNIGE

[2] Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de European Univeristy Institute

[3] Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Google Scholar

[4] Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Researchgate.net

[5] Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur academia.edu

[6] Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Britannica.com

[7] Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de Scientific Network for the Caucasus Mountain Region

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@@ Ligne 1 : / Ligne 1 : @@
+{{Infobox Lecture
+ | image =
+ | image_caption =
+ | faculté =
+ | département =
+ | professeurs = [[Jörg Balsiger|Balsiger, Jörg]]<ref>[https://www.unige.ch/gedt/membres/balsiger-joerg/ Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de l'UNIGE]</ref><ref>[https://www.eui.eu/ProgrammesAndFellowships/MaxWeberProgramme/People/MaxWeberFellows/Fellows2007-2008/Balsiger Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de European Univeristy Institute]</ref><ref>[https://scholar.google.co.uk/citations?user=iq6LOksAAAAJ&hl=en Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Google Scholar]</ref><ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Joerg_Balsiger Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Researchgate.net]</ref><ref>[http://unige.academia.edu/JoergBalsiger Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur academia.edu]</ref><ref>[https://www.britannica.com/contributor/Jorg-Balsiger/9312315 Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Britannica.com]</ref><ref>[http://caucasus-mt.net/resources/people/person/216 Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de Scientific Network for the Caucasus Mountain Region ]</ref>
+ | assistants =
+ | enregistrement =
+ | cours = [[Political Geography]]
+ | lectures =
+*[[Introduction and origins of the (sub)discipline of political geography]]
+*[[The origins and evolution of States]]
+*[[Critical geopolitics]]
+*[[Democracy, citizenship and elections]]
+*[[Urban policy]]
+*[[A political geography of the city: urban agriculture and public space]]
+*[[Identity politics and social movements]]
+*[[Nationalism and regionalism]]
+*[[Imperialism and postcolonialism]]
+*[[Regional environmental governance]]
+}}
 {{Translations
 | fr = Les origines et l’évolution des États
 }}
-= What is a "state"?  =
+=What is a "state"?=
 Despite the political and social transformations observed since the end of the Cold War with the challenges of transnational corporations, social movements and the emergence of cities as political organizations, the State remains the primary organization. Most of what determines standards and rules originates in the state.
-[[File:Political World Map.jpg|thumb|center|Political World Map.]]
+[[File:Political World Map.jpg|thumb|center|Political World Map in 2010.]]
 This map is the vision of the world divided into states. Issues such as the emergence of a new state, the division of an existing state seems difficult to resolve. According to UN statistics among the list of 206 sovereign states, 16 are contested like Palestine, Armenia, the two Koreas. There are more and more independence movements such as in Scotland.
-<gallery mode="packed-hover" >
+<gallery mode="packed-hover">
-File:géopo world cities map 1.jpg
+Fichier:Géopo world cities map 1.jpg
-File:géopo ancient empires 1.jpg
+Fichier:Géopo ancient empires 1.jpg
 </gallery>
@@ Ligne 18 : / Ligne 40 : @@
 The definitions of States as they exist are extremely broad:
-*Painter et Jeffrey dans ''Political Geography: An Introduction to Space and Power'' publié en 2009 proposent une définition large : {{citation|(1) des réseaux complexes de relations entre un ensemble changeant d’institutions et de groupes sociaux ; (2) le produit de leurs propres processus de développement institutionnel et de changement historique }}.
-*Dans ''Coercion, Capital, and European States'' publié en 1990, Tilly propose aussi une définition large : {{citation|des organisations autres que les groupes familiales, exerçant de la coercition et ayant priorité claire sur toutes autres organisations à l’intérieur d’un territoire substantiel}}.
+*Painter and Jeffrey in Political Geography: An Introduction to Space and Power published in 2009 propose a broad definition:"(1) complex networks of relationships between a changing set of institutions and social groups; (2) the product of their own processes of institutional development and historical change.
+*In Coercion, Capital, and European States published in 1990, Tilly also proposes a broad definition: "organisations other than family groups, exercising coercion and having clear priority over all other organisations within a substantial territory".
 Many authors wonder whether the state is a myth, an idea or a social construct. On the one hand the answer can be "no", on the other hand a qualified "yes" from the perspective that myths can be understood as social phenomena that give structure to everyday practices. The State manifests itself and is translated by our habits and practices in everyday life. When you cross a border, you bring a state into existence. According to Painter and Jeffrey, the state is not unified, but the effect of social processes makes it appear that the object exists.
-Dans la perspective de la géographie politique, Painter et Jeffrey identifient cinq caractéristiques :
+From a political geography perspective, Painter and Jeffrey identify five characteristics :
-*des frontières précises ;
-*des territoires substantiels, administrés à travers d’institutions territoriales comme, par exemple, des gouvernements locaux et régionaux ;
+*precise boundaries;
-*une géographie institutionnelle qui se traduit en localisation des agences, parlements, Cours, bases militaires, etc. ;
+*substantial territories, administered through territorial institutions such as, for example, local and regional governments;
-*un appareil de l’État qui lui permet de surveiller, gouverner et essayer de contrôler la population ;
+*an institutional geography that translates into the location of agencies, parliaments, courts, military bases, etc...;
-*bien que jamais complète, la surveillance a toujours eu tendance à augmenter.
+*a state apparatus that allows it to monitor, govern and try to control the population;
+*although never complete, surveillance has always tended to increase.
+=Origins of States=
-= Origines des États =
+==Explanatory framework==
+To try to systematize the emergence and formation of States, we must refer to Charles Tilly who introduced in Coercion, Capital, and European States published in 1990 a diagram in order to divide the different explanations. He asks two questions:
-== Cadre explicatif ==
+*Is the formation of the state independent or is it derived from the economy?
-Pour tenter de systématiser l’émergence et la formation des États, il faut se référer à Charles Tilly qui introduit dans ''Coercion, Capital, and European States'' publié en 1990 un schéma afin de diviser les différentes explications. Il pose deux questions :
+*Does the influence on the formation of states come from inside or outside?
-*Est-ce que la formation de l’État est indépendante ou bien dérivé de l’économie ?
-*Est-ce que l’influence sur la formation des États vient de l’intérieur ou de l’extérieur ?
-À travers ces deux questions qui rassemblent les facteurs principaux, on a un schéma qui permet de cibler les explications.
+Through these two questions, which bring together the main factors, we have a diagram that allows us to target the explanations.
 [[File:Tilly schéma (1990) 1.png|thumb|center|Source : Charles Tilly, 1990, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1992.]]
@@ Ligne 43 : / Ligne 68 : @@
 [[File:Tilly schéma (1990) 2.png|thumb|right|150px|Source : Charles Tilly, 1990, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1992.]]
-Les théories étatiques sont les plus populaires parmi les historiens. La formation est considérée indépendante de l’économie suivant des facteurs internes. Les changements politiques sont considérés comme précédents les changements économiques et l’institutionnalisation de l’État est le produit de facteurs intérieurs comme par exemple la préparation et la conduite de la guerre. Par exemple, Samuel Huntington parle de « différences culturelles » tandis que Paul Kennedy traite de la « croissance économique inégale ».
+State theories are the most popular among historians. Training is considered independent of the economy according to internal factors. Political change is seen as precedent to economic change and the institutionalization of the state is the product of internal factors such as the preparation and conduct of war. For example, Samuel Huntington talks about "cultural differences" while Paul Kennedy talks about "unequal economic growth".
-Les théories géopolitiques sont des théories considérant que la formation des États est indépendante de l’économie, mais cette fois les facteurs qui poussent à la formation des États viennent de l’extérieur. La formation des États est réponse au système international. James Rosenau identifie quatre types de réponse : consentant, intransigeant, promotionnel, conservateur. Ces réponses ont différentes conséquences pour des dimensions étatiques.
-[[File:Tilly schéma (1990) 3.png|thumb|right|150px|Source : Charles Tilly, 1990, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1992.]]
-Les théories du mode de production mettent l’accent sur les mécanismes du féodalisme, mercantilisme ou capitalisme dans le cadre d’une perspective marxiste. Par exemple, Perry Anderson étudie les relations entre aristocrates, paysannerie et villes. C’est de l’extérieur que vient l’impulsion de la formation des États.
+Geopolitical theories are theories that consider that the formation of states is independent of the economy, but this time the factors that drive the formation of states come from outside. State formation is a response to the international system. James Rosenau identifies four types of response: consenting, intransigent, promotional, conservative. These responses have different implications for state dimensions.[[File:Tilly schéma (1990) 3.png|thumb|right|150px|Source : Charles Tilly, 1990, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1992.]]
-La théorie du système mondial postule que la souveraineté doit se construire à travers un système interétatique de reconnaissance mutuelle. Immanuel Wallerstein s’intéresse à l’extension de la division entre le capital et le travail à l’échelle mondiale dans le cadre de relations centre-périphérie.
+The theories of the mode of production emphasize the mechanisms of feudalism, mercantilism or capitalism within a Marxist perspective. For example, Perry Anderson studies the relations between aristocrats, peasantry and cities. The impetus for state formation comes from outside.
-Pour Tilly, il n’y a pas de positionnement. Il met en avant d’une part la coercition militaire qui est l’intérêt du souverain à contrôler les frontières précises et d’autre part le capital avec l’intérêt des villes qui a constitué la forme d’État prédominante. Dans chaque coin de ce schéma, il y a une prédominance de certains facteurs.
+The theory of the world system postulates that sovereignty must be built through an interstate system of mutual recognition. Immanuel Wallerstein is interested in the extension of the division between capital and labour on a global scale within the framework of centre-periphery relations.
-== Aspects militaires ==
+For Tilly, there is no positioning. On the one hand it emphasizes military coercion, which is the sovereign's interest in controlling precise borders, and on the other hand capital with the interest of cities, which has constituted the predominant form of state. In each corner of this pattern, there is a predominance of certain factors.
-Pour expliquer l’émergence des États, Geoffrey Parker dans ''The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West'' publié en 1988 parle de « révolution militaire ». L’introduction des armes à feu notamment en Chine dès le XIIème siècle, en Arabie ainsi qu’en Europe au XIVème siècle et au Japon au XXème confère des avantages aux infanteries. Les frontières équipées de forteresses participent à une construction militaire du territoire tout comme l’expansion européenne outre-mer.
-Selon Claval dans ''Les espaces de la politique'' publié en 2010, la construction militaire de l’État a amené à la création d’un espace qui est en droit uniforme. Les frontières floues deviennent des réalités géographiques. La compétition sociale commence à s’exercer par d’autres moyens que par l’emploi direct de la force, nouvellement monopolisée par le pouvoir absolu du prince.
-== Aspects économiques  ==
+==Military aspects==
-Avec la monétarisation croissante des États, l’unification monétaire est indispensable pour lever les impôts. Pour la production, l’échange économique demande la définition et la garantie des poids et des mesures ainsi que la fixation des taux de conversion. C’est une nouvelle responsabilité du souverain absolu. Pour Claval, il n’y a pas de notion économique, mais on parle de mercantilisme : {{citation|Dans tout ceci, il n’y a pas la moindre considération économique au sens moderne du terme […] son point de vue est strictement mercantiliste}}.
+To explain the emergence of states, Geoffrey Parker in The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West published in 1988 speaks of "military revolution. The introduction of firearms in China in the 12th century, in Arabia as well as in Europe in the 14th century and in Japan in the 20th gave advantages to infantry. The borders equipped with fortresses participate in a military construction of the territory just like the European expansion overseas. According to Claval in Les espaces de la politique published in 2010, the military construction of the state has led to the creation of a space that is under uniform law. Blurred boundaries become geographical realities. Social competition began to be exercised by means other than the direct use of force, newly monopolized by the absolute power of the prince.
-=	La souveraineté et le contrat social =
+==Economic aspects==
+With the increasing monetarization of states, monetary unification is indispensable for raising taxes. For production, economic exchange requires the definition and guarantee of weights and measures and the fixing of conversion rates. It is a new responsibility of the absolute sovereign. For Claval, there is no economic notion, but we speak of mercantilism: "In all this, there is not the slightest economic consideration in the modern sense of the term... his point of view is strictly mercantilist.
-== La souveraineté absolue ==
+=Sovereignty and the social contract=
-Avec la consolidation de la souveraineté va émerger le contrat social pour légitimer les États en rupture avec le monde féodal. Machiavel publie ''Le Prince'' en 1532 supposant que le Prince assume le monopole du pouvoir, reçu de Dieu en délégation, afin de faire régner la paix à l’intérieur du territoire qu’il contrôle.
-Les premiers théoriciens de la souveraineté qui légitiment ce pouvoir sont Jean Bodin (1530 – 1596) et Hugo Grotius (1583 – 1645) qui proposent une définition de l’État : {{citation|un corps parfait de personnes libres qui se sont jointes ensemble pour jouir paisiblement de leurs droits et pour leur utilité commune}}.
+==Absolute sovereignty==
+With the consolidation of sovereignty the social contract will emerge to legitimize the states in rupture with the feudal world. Machiavelli published The Prince in 1532 assuming that the Prince assumed the monopoly of power, received from God in delegation, in order to make peace reign within the territory he controlled.
+The first theorists of sovereignty to legitimize this power were Jean Bodin (1530 - 1596) and Hugo Grotius (1583 - 1645) who proposed a definition of the state: "a perfect body of free persons who joined together to peacefully enjoy their rights and for their common utility".
-C’est dans le contexte d’une transition d’une monarchie médiévale vers une monarchie absolue que la souveraineté se sépare de l’individu pour aller vers un État souverain. Le Traité de Westphalie de 1648 est un moment important dans le processus de construction des États postulant que le droit de conduire ses propres affaires diplomatiques demeure avec les États territoriaux et non avec les empires dont ils font partie.
+It is in the context of a transition from a medieval monarchy to an absolute monarchy that sovereignty separates from the individual and moves towards a sovereign state. The Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 is an important moment in the process of state building, postulating that the right to conduct one's own diplomatic affairs remains with the territorial states and not with the empires of which they are a part.
-== Le contrat social : origines ==
+==The social contract: origins==
-Dans ''Les espaces de la politique'', Claval met l’accent sur le contrat social. Dans cette période et dans les œuvres des principaux instigateurs des pensées autour du contrat social, il y a beaucoup d’éléments qui sont encore aujourd’hui important dans la construction entre l’espace et les faits politiques.
+In Les espaces de la politique, Claval emphasizes the social contract. In this period and in the works of the main instigators of the thoughts around the social contract, there are many elements that are still important today in the construction between space and political facts.
-Le contrat social émerge dans le contexte de [[L’ère de la Réforme|Reforme]] au XVème siècle et XVIème siècle dans le contexte des idéologies égalitaristes naissantes du rationalisme et de la critique des religions : {{citation|l’épaisseur du tissu sociale est enfin reconnue par les gouvernants}}. La réponse proposée par les puritains est que l’État et l’autorité sont nés d’un covenant qui témoigne de la volonté d’assumer en commun un destin. [[La naissance du concept moderne de l’État|Thomas Hobbes]] (1588 – 1679) prive les hiérarchies religieuses traditionnelles de leur influence politique et délivre le prince du magistère moral de l’Église. Hobbes est aussi connu pour la notion du Léviathan comme métaphore de l’État qui vient protéger les sociétés, mais aussi à qui on se soumet. En se soumettant au Léviathan, les citoyens fondent un ordre nouveau qui assure l’harmonie entre tous. On passe de l’État de nature à l’État civil.
+The social contract emerged in the context of the Reformation in the 15th and 16th centuries in the context of the emerging egalitarian ideologies of rationalism and criticism of religions: "the thickness of the social fabric is finally recognised by those in power". The answer proposed by the puritans is that the State and the authority were born from a covenant which testifies to the will to assume a common destiny. Thomas Hobbes (1588 - 1679) deprived the traditional religious hierarchies of their political influence and delivered the prince from the moral magisterium of the Church. Hobbes is also known for the notion of Leviathan as a metaphor for the state that protects societies, but also to whom one submits. By submitting to Leviathan, citizens create a new order that ensures harmony among all. We go from the State of nature to the Civil State.
-== Le contrat social : versions libérales ==
+==The social contract: liberal versions==
-Pour [[John Locke et le débat sur le gouvernement civil|John Locke]] (1632 – 1704), les partis du contrat social doivent être indépendants pour que l’accord soit valable. Il met en avant le droit de propriété, qui est antérieur au contrat social trouvant sa justification dans le travail comme part essentiel de l’être. [[Introduction et origines de la (sous)discipline#Friedrich Ratzel : 1844 – 1904|Ratzel]] met aussi un fort accent sur le sol. Le contrat social n’installe pas le pouvoir dans un absolu, mais donne pour mission qui est de permettre l’épanouissement de chacun.
+For John Locke (1632 - 1704), the parties of the social contract must be independent for the agreement to be valid. It emphasizes the right to property, which predates the social contract and finds its justification in work as an essential part of being. Ratzel also places a strong emphasis on the ground. The social contract does not install power in an absolute, but gives for mission which is to allow the blooming of each one.
-Selon les arguments de Locke, il y a une double exigence pour qui la souveraineté n’a de fondement que dans la population qu’elle concerne [1] et le gouvernement doit connaître les problèmes sociaux et assurer la représentation du public en élaborant la loi en son nom [2]. [[John Locke et le débat sur le gouvernement civil|Locke]] propose une division du pouvoir entre exécutif et législatif.
+Locke argues that there is a dual requirement that sovereignty is grounded only in the population it concerns[1] and that government must be aware of social problems and ensure public representation in developing the law on its behalf[2]. Locke proposes a division of power between executive and legislative.
-Dans les versions libérales, on place nation comme fondement de la souveraineté. C’est une géographie de l’autorité et de la légitimité qui est bouleversée. Pour qu’un pouvoir soit légitime, il doit être l’émanation d’une communauté, d’une entité sociale qui lui préexiste. Le territoire politique doit se confondre sur la nation. La distribution des groupes avec une conscience commune permet de dessiner les frontières. Le régime libéral qui répond aux attentes de tous est le système administratif qui est doublé d’un circuit autonome à savoir une représentation populaire à travers un Parlement élu et des circonscriptions électorales.
+In the liberal versions, nation is placed as the foundation of sovereignty. It is a geography of authority and legitimacy that is being shaken. For a power to be legitimate, it must be the emanation of a community, of a social entity that pre-exists it. Political territory must merge on the nation. The distribution of groups with a common consciousness makes it possible to draw the boundaries. The liberal regime that meets the expectations of all is the administrative system that is coupled with an autonomous circuit, namely popular representation through an elected Parliament and electoral constituencies.
-==	Le contrat social : versions révolutionnaires ==
+==The social contract: revolutionary versions==
-Avec [[Jean-Jacques Rousseau et le nouveau pacte social|Jean-Jacques Rousseau]]  (1712 – 1778), le problème social n’est pas de défendre l’humain contre soi-même, mais de préserver l’individu des influences délétères de la vie en groupe. Le contrat social sert à sauver ce qui est de nature religieuse, émotive ou mystique et non de l’exclure.
+With Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712 - 1778), the social problem was not to defend humans against themselves, but to protect individuals from the harmful influences of group life. The social contract serves to save what is religious, emotional or mystical in nature and not to exclude it.
-Kant (1724 –1804), Hegel (1770 – 1831) et Marx (1818 – 1883) amènent ces argumentations qui s’opposent déjà à l’époque aux versions libérales et dominantes qui ont contribuées à la formation de l’État. Pour Kant, afin de penser le monde, l’espace politique doit s’orienter à l’individu et l’humanité entière. Hegel postule que l’État est l’instrument de la raison pure, tout le devenir est expliqué et est justifié par l’État futur. Pour Marx, la fin de l’histoire c’est l’homme enfin réalisé, le prolétariat est l’instrument de la dernière phase de l’histoire.
+Kant (1724 -1804), Hegel (1770 - 1831) and Marx (1818 - 1883) brought these arguments which were already opposed at the time to the liberal and dominant versions which contributed to the formation of the State. For Kant, in order to think the world, the political space must orient itself to the individual and to all humanity. Hegel postulates that the state is the instrument of pure reason, all becoming is explained and is justified by the future state. For Marx, the end of history is man finally realized, the proletariat is the instrument of the last phase of history.
-= L’État et la société =
+=The State and Society=
-Le contrat social se focalise sur la relation entre l’État et la société. C’est un élément crucial qui se retrouve régulièrement à savoir les manières de l’État d’entrer en relation avec la société, de concevoir la séparation ou l’unité de la société et de l’État, les influences réciproques de l’État et de la société et les manières dont les sociétés s’inscrivent dans l’État dans le cadre de perspectives spatiales.
+The social contract focuses on the relationship between the state and society. It is a crucial element that is regularly found in the ways in which the State enters into a relationship with society, conceives the separation or unity of society and the State, the reciprocal influences of the State and society and the ways in which societies fit into the State within the framework of spatial perspectives.
-Pour [[Introduction et origines de la (sous)discipline#Friedrich Ratzel : 1844 – 1904|Ratzel]] dans ''Géographie politique'' publié en 1897, l’État est le peuple sont une unité faisant référence à Hegel pour qui l’État est une réalisation de l’esprit manifesté dans la population. Dans ''The Nature of Geography: A Critical Survey of Current Thought in the Light of the Past'' publié en 1939, Hartshorne refuse la notion ratzélienne de l’État comme organisme, mais accepte sa définition de l’État comme sélection de terres et une sélection de l’humanité organisée comme unité singulière. Harvey publie ''Monument and Myth'' en 1979. Pour lui, l’État fait partie de la société et est intégrale pour le fonctionnement des sociétés capitalistes. Dans ''Du Gouvernement des vivants'' publié en 1979, Foucault aborde la gouvernementalité avec le fait que l’État commence à s’intéresser à la « population » au XXème siècle au dehors de la survie de l’État, « l’art de gouvernement » devient « science politique », l’approvisionnement des biens publics nécessite des nouvelles ressources et connaissances. Jessop publie en 2002 ''Liberalism, Neoliberalism, and Urban Governance: A State–Theoretical Perspective''. Il refuse la réification de l’État en mettant l’accent sur la nature relationnelle et processuelle de la formation de l’État.
+For Ratzel in Géographie politique published in 1897, the State and the People are a unit referring to Hegel for whom the State is a realization of the spirit manifested in the people. In The Nature of Geography: A Critical Survey of Current Thought in the Light of the Past published in 1939, Hartshorne rejects the Razelian notion of the state as an organism, but accepts its definition of the state as a selection of lands and a selection of organized humanity as a singular unity. Harvey published Monument and Myth in 1979. For him, the State is part of society and integral to the functioning of capitalist societies. In Du Gouvernement des vivants published in 1979, Foucault approaches governmentality with the fact that the State begins to be interested in the "population" in the 20th century outside the survival of the State, "the art of government" becomes "political science", the supply of public goods requires new resources and knowledge. Jessop published Liberalism, Neoliberalism, and Urban Governance: A State-Theoretical Perspective in 2002. He refuses the commodification of the state by emphasizing the relational and procedural nature of state formation.
-= Haute politique, basse politique =
+=High politics, low politics=
 [[File:Haute politique et basse politique 1.jpg|thumb|right|]]
-La haute politique concerne la politique de guerre, de paix, de diplomatie, tout ce qui concerne l’existence de l’État, les préoccupations primaires des États. Cette garde résume les dépenses militaires en pourcentage du PIB.
+High politics is about politics of war, peace, diplomacy, everything about the existence of the state, the primary concerns of states. This guard summarizes military expenditures as a percentage of GDP.
-La basse politique concerne la politique, les transports, les dépenses de santé, l’éducation, les prestations sociales notamment qui émergent dans le contexte d’une transformation de la relation entre État et société. Pour Foucault, les États commencent à mieux comprendre les sociétés pour mieux les contrôler renvoie au concept de basse politique.
-<gallery mode="packed-hover" >
+Low politics concerns politics, transport, health expenditure, education, social benefits in particular, which emerge in the context of a transformation of the relationship between the State and society. For Foucault, states are beginning to better understand societies to better control them refers to the concept of low politics.<gallery mode="packed-hover">
-File:Haute politique et basse politique 2.jpg
+Fichier:Haute politique et basse politique 2.jpg
-File:Haute politique et basse politique 3.jpg
+Fichier:Haute politique et basse politique 3.jpg
 </gallery>
-L’indicateur de gauche représente les dépenses en santé par habitant. L’indicateur de droite représente les dépenses par personne liées à l’éducation supérieure.
+The indicator on the left represents per capita health spending. The indicator on the right represents per capita spending on higher education.
-On constate une tendance générale de transition vers les politiques basses. Le type d’État qui émerge à la fin du XIXème et à la fin du XXème siècle est un État qui va investir plus dans les politiques basses. Cela ne veut pas dire que la haute politique disparaît. En général la tendance est que les investissements des États se concentrent sur la basse politique. On parle généralement de l’émergence de l‘État providence.
+There is a general trend of transition towards lower policies. The type of state that emerged at the end of the 19th and at the end of the 20th century was a state that would invest more in low politics. This does not mean that high politics is disappearing. In general, the trend is for state investment to focus on low politics. We generally talk about the emergence of the welfare state.
-= L’État-providence et sa géographie =
+=The welfare state and its geography=
-== Qu’est-ce que c’est un État providence ? ==
+==What is a welfare state?==
-L’État providence est un système d’unités administratives fournissant des services de santé, éducation ou un type d’État qui est un concept unifiant qui émerge après l’évolution fragmenté de services. On utilise le concept d’État providence pour décrire des États d’origine libérale. Le système de l’État providence est un compromis politique dans le cadre d’une radicalisation de la société afin de réduire l’attrait à des solutions plus radicales. C’est un compromis politique qui sert comme force opposé au communisme.
+The welfare state is a system of administrative units providing health, education or a type of state that is a unifying concept that emerges after the fragmented evolution of services. The concept of the welfare state is used to describe liberal states of origin. The welfare state system is a political compromise as part of a radicalisation of society in order to reduce the attractiveness of more radical solutions. It is a political compromise that serves as a force against communism.
-Le développement de l’État providence se fait en Europe à partir des 1890 jusqu’aux années 1920 à travers des systèmes de sécurité sociale en cas de blessures industriels, d’incapacité à travailler, ou encore la mise en place de pensions de retraite. Au États-Unis, l’État providence se manifeste à la fin du XIXème siècle et au début du XXème et avec la mise en place du « New Deal » dans les années 1930 suite à la Grande Dépression.
+The development of the welfare state took place in Europe from the 1890s to the 1920s through social security systems in the event of industrial injuries, incapacity to work, or the introduction of retirement pensions. In the United States, the welfare state emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and with the establishment of the "New Deal" in the 1930s following the Great Depression.
-== John Maynard Keynes : 1883 – 1946 ==
+==John Maynard Keynes: 1883 – 1946==
-Le concept d’État providence est devenu synonyme du keynésianisme. Il prône une plus grande implication de l’État dans l’économie. Keynes publie en 1936 ''The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money'' qui postule que le gouvernement peut influencer la demande des produits et services ce qui affecte le taux d’emploi. Pendant une récession, le gouvernement doit stimuler la demande en réduisant les impôts ou en augmentant les dépenses publiques. La dette se rembourse quand l’économie se rétablit. Les paiements de sécurité sociale assurent un minimum de consommation économique afin de prévenir qu’une récession devient une dépression. Le keynésianisme obtient ses meilleurs résultats lorsque les économies nationales sont relativement indépendantes. Pendant les années 1970 à et 1980, les États keynésiens vont commencer à rencontrer des problèmes.
+The concept of the welfare state has become synonymous with Keynesianism. It advocates greater state involvement in the economy. Keynes published in 1936 The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money which postulates that government can influence the demand for products and services which affects the employment rate. During a recession, the government must stimulate demand by reducing taxes or increasing government spending. Debt is repaid when the economy recovers. Social security payments provide a minimum of economic consumption to prevent a recession from becoming a depression. Keynesianism works best when national economies are relatively independent. During the 1970s and 1980s, Keynesian states began to experience problems.
-On trouve plusieurs types d’État providence avec des variations libérales comme aux États-Unis et au Canada, conservateur-corporatistes comme en Allemagne, en France, en Grande-Bretagne ou encore en Italie et sociale-démocrate dans les pays scandinaves.
+There are several types of welfare states with liberal variations as in the United States and Canada, conservative-corporatist as in Germany, France, Great Britain or Italy and social-democratic in the Scandinavian countries.
-== La géographie des services publics ==
+==The geography of public services==
-Il y a toute une réflexion géographique derrière l’émergence de l’État providence avec un fort engagement politique de l’universalisme géographique qui vise à assurer l’accès aux services devant être garanti indépendamment du lieu de résidence. Toutes les politiques basses impliquent une forte dimension spatiale. En pratique, les inégalités sont fréquentes. Avec le concept de « justice territoriale » impliquant une forte dimension spatiale, on vise à analyser la localisation des services publics comme les universités, les hôpitaux ou encore les réseaux transports publics.
+There is a whole geographical reflection behind the emergence of the welfare state with a strong political commitment to geographical universalism which aims to ensure access to services to be guaranteed regardless of where one lives. All low policies imply a strong spatial dimension. In practice, inequalities are common. With the concept of "territorial justice" involving a strong spatial dimension, the aim is to analyse the location of public services such as universities, hospitals or public transport networks.
-= Crise et mutations =
+=Crisis and change=
-Claval met en évidence un certain nombre d’éléments qui mènent à la crise de l’État providence. Le niveau des prélèvements effectués par le système politique après la guerre était rendu possible par une configuration économique favorable aux pays industrialisés. Il y a toute une série d’éléments et de structures internationales comme le système de Bretton Woods qui a permis la mise en place du système de l’État providence.
+Claval highlights a number of elements that lead to the crisis of the welfare state. The level of taxation by the political system after the war was made possible by an economic configuration favourable to industrialized countries. There is a whole series of international elements and structures like the Bretton Woods system that allowed the welfare state system to be put in place.
-Pour Claval, la crise de l’État provient des bouleversements de l’économie mondiale et de la perte de souveraineté par le haut, par le bas à travers la décentralisation et la déconcentration et par le latéral avec les entreprises multinationales et plurinationales ainsi qu’avec les organisations non gouvernementales.
+For Claval, the crisis of the State comes from the upheavals of the world economy and the loss of sovereignty from above, from below through decentralization and deconcentration and from the lateral with multinational and plurinational companies as well as with non-governmental organizations.
-Ce qui reste à l’État, c’est la surveillance postulant que {{citation|l’évolution contemporaine conduit à dépouiller les systèmes étatiques de la quasi-totalité de leurs prérogatives. Ils n’en gardent qu’une : le pouvoir de coercition}}. Ainsi, {{citation|ce qui est remis en cause aujourd’hui c’est une conception de la politique insensible aux difficultés et aux souffrances d’aujourd’hui}}. Par conséquent, l’autorité n’est accordée que pour des mandats très courts et doit être renégociée en permanence, selon le principe de la bonne gouvernance, avec les divers groupes sur le territoire. L’autorité de l’État de faire appliquer la loi est révocable, la loi devient de nature provisoire : {{citation|L’État-nation est mort}}.
+What remains for the state is surveillance, postulating that "contemporary evolution leads to the despoiling of state systems of almost all of their prerogatives. They keep only one: the power of coercion. Thus, "what is called into question today is a conception of politics that is insensitive to today's difficulties and sufferings". Consequently, authority is granted only for very short mandates and must be renegotiated on a permanent basis, according to the principle of good governance, with the various groups in the territory. The State's authority to enforce the law is revocable, the law becomes provisional in nature: "The nation-state is dead".
-De nouveaux problèmes de gestion de territoire émergent. La crise de l’État providence se base sur une décentralisation avec un besoin de maintenir une cohérence nationale et une concurrence entres entités territoriales. On constate aussi une compétition économique qui s’intensifie avec des implications spatiales notamment des distributions spatiales de plus en plus marquées comme par exemple avec l’émergence des pôles de croissance autour des métropoles. Cette crise se caractérise aussi par le concept de « Not in my backyard » ayant pour enjeu la localisation d’usines d’incinération, dépôts de déchets, parcs, réserves, centres nucléaires, etc. ce sont des défis qui posent des problèmes pour l’État providence.
+New land management problems are emerging. The crisis of the welfare state is based on decentralisation with a need to maintain national coherence and competition between territorial entities. There is also increasing economic competition with spatial implications, in particular increasingly marked spatial distributions, such as the emergence of growth poles around metropolises. This crisis is also characterized by the concept of "Not in my backyard" whose challenge is to locate incineration plants, waste dumps, parks, reserves, nuclear centres, etc. These are challenges that pose problems for the welfare state.
-Pour Claval, « la disparition de l’État n’est pas envisageable ». La question se situe au niveau de la transformation de l’État. L’État providence n’a pas disparu, mais il a été restructuré sur des fondements néolibéraux. Ce qui a changé est la façon dans laquelle les budgets pour les services publics sont accordés et la nature de la prestation de service. L’État devient plus interventionniste ciblant des groupes particuliers avec une croissance de la conditionnalité. Le workfarisme est le fait que les bénéficiaires doivent « gagner » les prestations par le biais de changements comportementaux.
+For Claval, "the disappearance of the State is not an option". The issue is the transformation of the state. The welfare state has not disappeared, but it has been restructured on neoliberal foundations. What has changed is the way public service budgets are allocated and the nature of service delivery. The state becomes more interventionist targeting particular groups with an increase in conditionality. Workfarism is the fact that beneficiaries must "earn" benefits through behavioural changes.
-= Résumé =
+=Summary=
-L’établissement des États est un processus social complexe, ce n’est pas un développement unilinéaire vers un « État moderne » qui est plus efficace, plus démocratique, ou plus éclairé. Il n’y a pas une théorie de l’État. Le contrat social peut se comprendre comme mythe qui se crée pour délivrer la souveraineté de sa tradition religieuse. Dans la nouvelle organisation politique de l’État souverain, la légitimité vient du peuple. Pour les libéraux, l’État peut déjà assumer la responsabilité de tous les choix ; pour les révolutionnaires, la responsabilité revient aux minorités que sont les intellectuels et le prolétariat. La dimension géographique de la formation des États se manifeste dans la délimitation précise des frontières, l’exclusivité des territoires, la localisation de l’appareil étatique et le développement des outils de surveillance de la population.
+State establishment is a complex social process, not a unilinear development towards a "modern state" that is more efficient, more democratic, or more enlightened. There is no theory of the state. The social contract can be understood as a myth that is created to deliver sovereignty from its religious tradition. In the new political organization of the sovereign State, legitimacy comes from the people. For the liberals, the state can already assume responsibility for all choices; for the revolutionaries, responsibility belongs to the minorities that are the intellectuals and the proletariat. The geographical dimension of the formation of States is reflected in the precise delimitation of borders, the exclusivity of territories, the location of the State apparatus and the development of population monitoring tools.
-L’État providence apparaît en Europe après 1890 et aux États-Unis après la Grande Dépression. Il vise la provision des services en éducation, santé, logement, etc. avec une perspective géographique universaliste. Bien que ses formes varient, l’État providence ne se trouve que dans les pays les plus riches. L’État providence commence à souffrir à partir des années 1970 avec les bouleversements de l’économie mondiale menant à une perte de souveraineté par le haut, par le bas et par le latéral. Ce modèle souffre de contradictions internes : ses activités menacent les apports qui sont essentiels pour sa survie ; les processus administratifs deviennent trop complexes. L’État providence se transforme vers le workfarisme qui est le fait que l’individu devient responsable pour son bien-être, les prestations sont soumises à des conditionnalités.
+The welfare state appeared in Europe after 1890 and in the United States after the Great Depression. It aims at the provision of services in education, health, housing, etc. with a universalist geographical perspective. Although its forms vary, the welfare state is found only in the richest countries. The welfare state began to suffer in the 1970s with the upheavals in the global economy leading to a loss of sovereignty from the top, from the bottom and from the side. This model suffers from internal contradictions: its activities threaten the inputs that are essential for its survival; administrative processes become too complex. The welfare state is changing towards workfarism which is the fact that the individual becomes responsible for his well-being, benefits are subject to conditionalities.
-= Annexes =
+=Annexes=
-= References =
+=References=
-<references/>
+<references />
 [[Category:Jörg Balsiger]]

« The origins and evolution of States » : différence entre les versions