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{{Infobox Lecture
| image =
| image_caption =
| faculté =
| département =
| professeurs = [[Jörg Balsiger|Balsiger, Jörg]]<ref>[https://www.unige.ch/gedt/membres/balsiger-joerg/ Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de l'UNIGE]</ref><ref>[https://www.eui.eu/ProgrammesAndFellowships/MaxWeberProgramme/People/MaxWeberFellows/Fellows2007-2008/Balsiger Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de European Univeristy Institute]</ref><ref>[https://scholar.google.co.uk/citations?user=iq6LOksAAAAJ&hl=en Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Google Scholar]</ref><ref>[https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Joerg_Balsiger Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Researchgate.net]</ref><ref>[http://unige.academia.edu/JoergBalsiger Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur academia.edu]</ref><ref>[https://www.britannica.com/contributor/Jorg-Balsiger/9312315 Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur Britannica.com]</ref><ref>[http://caucasus-mt.net/resources/people/person/216 Profile de Jörg Balsiger sur le site de Scientific Network for the Caucasus Mountain Region ]</ref>
| assistants = 
| enregistrement =
| cours = [[Political Geography]]
| lectures =
*[[Introduction and origins of the (sub)discipline of political geography]]
*[[The origins and evolution of States]]
*[[Critical geopolitics]]
*[[Democracy, citizenship and elections]]
*[[Urban policy]]
*[[A political geography of the city: urban agriculture and public space]]
*[[Identity politics and social movements]]
*[[Nationalism and regionalism]]
*[[Imperialism and postcolonialism]]
*[[Regional environmental governance]]
}}
{{Translations
{{Translations
| fr = Imperialism and postcolonialism
| fr = L’impérialisme et le postcolonialisme
}}
}}


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In The Colonial Present, published in 2004, Derek Gregory approaches the "war on terror" as a series of space stories taking place elsewhere. He takes the example of Afghanistan as the site of conflict between the United Kingdom and Russia in the 19th and 20th centuries, between the Soviet Union and the United States from 1979 to 1989 and as the site of the war on terror after September 11.
In The Colonial Present, published in 2004, Derek Gregory approaches the "war on terror" as a series of space stories taking place elsewhere. He takes the example of Afghanistan as the site of conflict between the United Kingdom and Russia in the 19th and 20th centuries, between the Soviet Union and the United States from 1979 to 1989 and as the site of the war on terror after September 11.


= Espaces (post)coloniaux =
= (Post-)colonial spaces =
Dans ''Edge of Empire: Postcolonialism and the City'' publié en 1996, Jacobs s’intéresse à la déconstruction des binaires et commence à critiquer la représentation de l’impérialisme. Son argument est lié à la variabilité interne de l’impérialisme. La logique évolutionniste qui légitimait le colonialisme et hiérarchisait les peuples du monde en produisant des classifications radicalisées. La colonisation pourrait induire la destruction massive des sociétés existantes (voulu en Australie) ou maintenir la société indigène
 « intacte » mais réorientée (voulu en Inde). Il y a des différences au sein même d’un système de catégorisation impériale comme, par exemple, des idéologies et des moralités en concurrence par rapport à Terra nullius en Australie.  
In Edge of Empire: Postcolonialism and the City published in 1996, Jacobs became interested in the deconstruction of binaries and began to criticize the representation of imperialism. His argument is linked to the internal variability of imperialism. The evolutionist logic that legitimized colonialism and hierarchized the peoples of the world by producing radicalized classifications. Colonization could induce massive destruction of existing societies (wanted in Australia) or keep indigenous society "intact" but reoriented (wanted in India). There are differences within an imperial categorization system itself, such as competing ideologies and moralities to Terra nullius in Australia.  


{{citation bloc|Le résultat final, la ‘domination impériale’, résultait d’une multiplicité de rencontres, dont l’oppression pure est simple, mais aussi ‘la sympathie et l’adaptation’, aussi bien que ‘l’antagonisme, le ressentiment et la résistance’|Said 1993, 47, dans Jacobs, p. 103}}
{{citation bloc|The final result,'imperial domination', resulted from a multiplicity of encounters, whose pure oppression is simple, but also'sympathy and adaptation', as well as'antagonism, resentment and resistance'.|Said 1993, 47, in Jacobs, p. 103}}


Selon Jacobs, l’impérialisme de l’espace est la concrétisation de géographies imaginaires du désir par la subordination politique, la dépendance économique, des formes architecturales imposées et la transformation des paysages. La cartographie (et baptême de lieux) est que les cartes font partie des impératifs territoriaux d’un système politique particulier, notamment celui de l’impérialisme. La production des villes se fait à travers un transfert de styles architecturaux européens et de pratiques d’aménagement dans le cadre du projet de domination impériale. Ce sont des lieux importants pour le transfert d’une culture capitaliste moderne aux mondes nouveaux. Cependant, Jacobs souligne que « l’utilisation des territoires périphériques pour la production primaire et l’extraction de ressources facilitait, impliquait même, la croissance de centres urbains industrialisés et équipés commercialement au cœur de l’empire ».
According to Jacobs, imperialism of space is the concretization of imaginary geographies of desire through political subordination, economic dependence, imposed architectural forms and landscape transformation. Cartography (and baptism of places) is that maps are part of the territorial imperatives of a particular political system, notably that of imperialism. The production of cities is done through a transfer of European architectural styles and planning practices within the framework of the imperial domination project. They are important places for the transfer of a modern capitalist culture to new worlds. However, Jacobs stresses that "the use of peripheral territories for primary production and resource extraction facilitated, even implied, the growth of industrialised and commercially equipped urban centres at the heart of the empire.


Où trouver le postcolonial ? Des structures de néo-colonialisme ont constitué un préalable aux mouvements de décolonisation. Les groupes diasporiques, les citoyens de nations nouvellement indépendantes et des populations indigènes sont toujours confrontés à la puissance de formations néocoloniales. Certains pays sont aussi autant « métropolitain » que « postcoloniaux » comme c’est le cas de l’Australie, du Canada ou encore de l’Irlande.
Where to find the postcolonial? Structures of neo-colonialism were a prerequisite for decolonization movements. Diaspora groups, citizens of newly independent nations and indigenous peoples are still confronted with the power of neo-colonial formations. Some countries are as "metropolitan" as they are "postcolonial", as is the case in Australia, Canada or Ireland.


= La géographie politique du « land grabbing » =
= The political geography of land grabbing =
Cette géographie est liée aux approches postcoloniales même si elles sont peu apparentes dans l’analyse de cette tendance. Néanmoins, c’est un phénomène souvent cité comme illustration de l’impérialisme ou néocolonialisme. C’est un exemple qui montre que le postcolonial dans signification temporelle ne doit pas se comprendre comme dimension temporelle forte. C’est aussi un exemple qui montre qu’en principe, la géographie politique pourrait s’adresser à des phénomènes contemporains et matériels, non seulement à l’histoire critique et des représentations.  
This geography is linked to postcolonial approaches even if they are not very apparent in the analysis of this trend. Nevertheless, it is a phenomenon often cited as an illustration of imperialism or neo-colonialism. It is an example that shows that the postcolonial in temporal meaning should not be understood as a strong temporal dimension. It is also an example that shows that, in principle, political geography could address contemporary and material phenomena, not only critical history and representations.  


[[File:impact of projected food price increases on trade balances.jpg|thumb|]]
[[File:impact of projected food price increases on trade balances.jpg|thumb|]]


Le contexte du land grabbing est le contexte de la crise globale alimentaire de 2007 et 2008 avec de mauvaises récoltes, de la spéculation, un manque de réserves tout comme une envolée de prix créant une instabilité politique et économique avec de fortes mobilisations créant de l’instabilité politique et économique. Il y a aussi la crise globale financière 200 avec la crise de liquidité, la crise immobilière et la crise de l’euro.  
The context of land grabbing is the context of the global food crisis of 2007 and 2008 with poor harvests, speculation, a lack of reserves as well as a surge in prices creating political and economic instability with strong mobilizations creating political and economic instability. There is also the global financial crisis 200 with the liquidity crisis, the real estate crisis and the euro crisis.  


La sécurité alimentaire renvoi à l’achat de terres agricoles par des pays dépendant sur des importations de nourriture comme, par exemple, l’Arabie Saoudite, le Japon, la Chine, l’Inde, la Corée, la Libye, l’Égypte en Ouganda, en Somalie, au Brésil, au Cambodge, au Soudan, au Pakistan ou encore au Kazakhstan. Avec la crise alimentaire, des bénéfices peuvent être tirés des rendements financiers créant de l’instabilité financière avec des investissements dans les terres par des entreprises d’investissement, des fonds de capital-investissement, mais encore des négociants en grains. Grain montre que c’est un contrôle privé avec complicité publique : {{citation|Did someone say colonialism was a thing of the past}}.
Food security refers to the purchase of agricultural land by countries dependent on food imports such as Saudi Arabia, Japan, China, India, Korea, Libya, Egypt, Uganda, Somalia, Brazil, Cambodia, Sudan, Pakistan or Kazakhstan. With the food crisis, benefits can be derived from financial returns creating financial instability with investments in land by investment firms, private equity funds, but also grain traders. Grain shows that it is a private control with public complicity: "Did someone say colonialism was a thing of the past".


La Chine assure les besoins de 40 % de la population avec 9 % des terres agricoles et dispose de 1800 milliards de dollars en réserves de devises. C’est une politique d’investissement « Go Abroad » avec l’achat ou la location de terres au Kazakhstan, au Queensland et au Mozambique, mais aussi Philippines pour cultiver du riz, du soja, du maïs et produire des biocarburants.
China meets the needs of 40% of the population with 9% of agricultural land and has 1800 billion dollars in foreign exchange reserves. It is a "Go Abroad" investment policy with the purchase or lease of land in Kazakhstan, Queensland and Mozambique, but also the Philippines to grow rice, soya, maize and produce biofuels.


Les États du Golfe manquent de terres agricoles et d’eau, mais ont en abondance du pétrole. Ce sont des États ayant une forte vulnérabilité aux crises alimentaires et financières et qui disposent d’une population de travailleurs migrants à bas salaire assurant une stabilité politique. La stratégie collective du Gulf Cooperation Council est d’externaliser la production alimentaire par l’achat et des food-for-energy swaps dans d’autres pays islamiques.
The Gulf States lack agricultural land and water, but have abundant oil. They are States with a high vulnerability to food and financial crises and a low-wage migrant labour population that provides political stability. The collective strategy of the Gulf Cooperation Council is to outsource food production through purchase and food-for-energy swaps in other Islamic countries.


Il y a une variabilité interne qui montre à repenser des binaires classiques. Les gouvernements ont perdu confiance dans le marché, seul le contrôle direct des terres peut assurer l’accès aux produits alimentaires et l’élimination d’intermédiaires baisse les prix. Des ouvriers, des familles et des communautés locales perdront leur accès aux terres pour leurs propres productions alimentaires – perte de la « souveraineté alimentaire ». L’investissement dans l’agriculture (« hors de la portée de l’impérialisme ») est un atout, mais il faut restructurer les secteurs agricoles en termes de consolidation et d’exportation.
There is an internal variability that shows to rethink classical binaries. Governments have lost confidence in the market, only direct control of land can ensure access to food products and the elimination of middlemen lowers prices. Workers, families and local communities will lose access to land for their own food production - loss of "food sovereignty". Investment in agriculture ("beyond imperialism's reach") is an asset, but agricultural sectors need to be restructured in terms of consolidation and exports.


= Résumé =
= Summary =
Pendant qu’on peut définir le colonialisme comme articulation spécifique de l’impérialisme, une perspective chronologique pose des problèmes avec ce qui est « post- » ou « néo- ». Les études postcoloniales et impériales démontrent la nature problématique des binaires comme « centre – périphérie », « soi – autre », « premier monde – Tiers-Monde » et « Nord – Sud », et avancent à leurs places des tropes tels que l’« hybridité », « diaspora », « créolisation », « transculturation », « frontière ». La géographie politique a à peine débuté à intégrer des perspectives postcoloniales et impériales et y domine les approches d’histoire critique du colonialisme par le biais des représentations.
While colonialism can be defined as the specific articulation of imperialism, a chronological perspective poses problems with what is "post-" or "neo-". Postcolonial and imperial studies demonstrate the problematic nature of binary as "centre - periphery", "self - other", "first world - Third World" and "North - South", and advance to their places tropes such as "hybridity", "diaspora", "creolization", "transculturation", "frontier". Political geography has only just begun to integrate postcolonial and imperial perspectives and dominates critical history approaches to colonialism through representations.


Selon la critique de Jacobs, il existe des importantes variabilités internes à l’impérialisme, pour elle, « la domination impériale résultait d’une multiplicité de rencontres » Le « land grabbing » est une illustration contemporaine de pratiques (post)coloniales et (néo)impérialistes.
According to Jacobs' critique, there are important internal variabilities in imperialism, for which "imperial domination resulted from a multiplicity of encounters".


= Annexes =
= Annexes =

Version actuelle datée du 17 mai 2018 à 11:00


Languages

Définitions[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Selon Edward Said, il faut différencier l’impérialisme et le colonialisme :imperialism:

  • the practice, theory and attitudes of a metropolitan centre governing a distant territory ;
  • Colonialism: For Williams and Chrisman in Colonial Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory published in 1993, it is the specific articulation of imperialism with invasions and occupation of territories that is a phase in a more constant process of capitalist imperialism that continues to this day.

For Jacobs, in Edge of Empire: Postcolonialism and the City published in 1996, "Colonial formations do not belong only to a past that the present strives to erase, but to a past that is being nostalgically reworked and adapted to the present.

The conception of imperialism today is close to Wallerstein's world system with the idea that there are centers and peripheries and a system of control from the center. This world system perspective was very important in the formation or reform of political geography in the 1980s. This approach has been criticised in particular by Jacobs because these theories are part of a global structure of Eurocentric diffusion to which otherness is only an addition. The structural dimension has never been explicit in world system theory.

Blunt et Wills dans Dissident Geographies: An Introduction to Radical Ideas and Practice publié en 2000 distinguent deux significations :

  • temporal significance: the period after colonialism. The problem is that colonial power persists;
  • critical significance: a set of approaches to the analysis of colonialism and its consequences. The problem is that (a) these approaches focus more on culture than on materiality and (b) these approaches focus more on history than on the contemporary.

The idea that postcolonialism is a critical approach is the fact that the way colonization and imperialism is described by scholars who are mostly European or American does not leave an alternative future for former colonies. This is related to Said's work. The postcolonial approach brings a deconstruction, an attempt to go further than the binary approaches, it is an approach that advances notions rather related to hybridity involving a deconstruction of the binary that demonstrates a possibility of the existence of space for an alterity of the colonized to develop. II. Postcolonial and imperial studies, geography and political geography The first works date from the 1960s and 1970s, without using the term through letters. Some emphasize the consequences of colonialism with the idea of unequal relations between former colonies and colonial powers, as well as the characteristics of these relations in the capitalist world system. For others, the inspiration comes from the theories of dependence, which is the idea that all resources come out of developing countries to enrich industrialized countries, a reaction against the theory of modernization.

In the 1990s, the notion was broadened with the unveiling of geographical complicity in the colonial domination of space, geographical representations in colonial discourse, the dissociation of the local geographical enterprise from metropolitan theory and its system of representation, the recovery of hidden spaces occupied and invested with their own meanings by the colonial subclass. The contemporary focus is on the critical history of colonialism through representations.

In Postcolonialism published in 2009, Gilmartin speaks of "precarious statutes" referring to political conflicts following colonialism and the rare engagement with postcolonialist theories. Nevertheless, the potential is recognized. For Chakrabarty in Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference published in 2000, there is a provincialization of knowledge produced in Europe and North America.

In The Colonial Present, published in 2004, Derek Gregory approaches the "war on terror" as a series of space stories taking place elsewhere. He takes the example of Afghanistan as the site of conflict between the United Kingdom and Russia in the 19th and 20th centuries, between the Soviet Union and the United States from 1979 to 1989 and as the site of the war on terror after September 11.

(Post-)colonial spaces[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

In Edge of Empire: Postcolonialism and the City published in 1996, Jacobs became interested in the deconstruction of binaries and began to criticize the representation of imperialism. His argument is linked to the internal variability of imperialism. The evolutionist logic that legitimized colonialism and hierarchized the peoples of the world by producing radicalized classifications. Colonization could induce massive destruction of existing societies (wanted in Australia) or keep indigenous society "intact" but reoriented (wanted in India). There are differences within an imperial categorization system itself, such as competing ideologies and moralities to Terra nullius in Australia.

« The final result,'imperial domination', resulted from a multiplicity of encounters, whose pure oppression is simple, but also'sympathy and adaptation', as well as'antagonism, resentment and resistance'. »

— Said 1993, 47, in Jacobs, p. 103

According to Jacobs, imperialism of space is the concretization of imaginary geographies of desire through political subordination, economic dependence, imposed architectural forms and landscape transformation. Cartography (and baptism of places) is that maps are part of the territorial imperatives of a particular political system, notably that of imperialism. The production of cities is done through a transfer of European architectural styles and planning practices within the framework of the imperial domination project. They are important places for the transfer of a modern capitalist culture to new worlds. However, Jacobs stresses that "the use of peripheral territories for primary production and resource extraction facilitated, even implied, the growth of industrialised and commercially equipped urban centres at the heart of the empire.

Where to find the postcolonial? Structures of neo-colonialism were a prerequisite for decolonization movements. Diaspora groups, citizens of newly independent nations and indigenous peoples are still confronted with the power of neo-colonial formations. Some countries are as "metropolitan" as they are "postcolonial", as is the case in Australia, Canada or Ireland.

The political geography of land grabbing[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

This geography is linked to postcolonial approaches even if they are not very apparent in the analysis of this trend. Nevertheless, it is a phenomenon often cited as an illustration of imperialism or neo-colonialism. It is an example that shows that the postcolonial in temporal meaning should not be understood as a strong temporal dimension. It is also an example that shows that, in principle, political geography could address contemporary and material phenomena, not only critical history and representations.

Impact of projected food price increases on trade balances.jpg

The context of land grabbing is the context of the global food crisis of 2007 and 2008 with poor harvests, speculation, a lack of reserves as well as a surge in prices creating political and economic instability with strong mobilizations creating political and economic instability. There is also the global financial crisis 200 with the liquidity crisis, the real estate crisis and the euro crisis.

Food security refers to the purchase of agricultural land by countries dependent on food imports such as Saudi Arabia, Japan, China, India, Korea, Libya, Egypt, Uganda, Somalia, Brazil, Cambodia, Sudan, Pakistan or Kazakhstan. With the food crisis, benefits can be derived from financial returns creating financial instability with investments in land by investment firms, private equity funds, but also grain traders. Grain shows that it is a private control with public complicity: "Did someone say colonialism was a thing of the past".

China meets the needs of 40% of the population with 9% of agricultural land and has 1800 billion dollars in foreign exchange reserves. It is a "Go Abroad" investment policy with the purchase or lease of land in Kazakhstan, Queensland and Mozambique, but also the Philippines to grow rice, soya, maize and produce biofuels.

The Gulf States lack agricultural land and water, but have abundant oil. They are States with a high vulnerability to food and financial crises and a low-wage migrant labour population that provides political stability. The collective strategy of the Gulf Cooperation Council is to outsource food production through purchase and food-for-energy swaps in other Islamic countries.

There is an internal variability that shows to rethink classical binaries. Governments have lost confidence in the market, only direct control of land can ensure access to food products and the elimination of middlemen lowers prices. Workers, families and local communities will lose access to land for their own food production - loss of "food sovereignty". Investment in agriculture ("beyond imperialism's reach") is an asset, but agricultural sectors need to be restructured in terms of consolidation and exports.

Summary[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

While colonialism can be defined as the specific articulation of imperialism, a chronological perspective poses problems with what is "post-" or "neo-". Postcolonial and imperial studies demonstrate the problematic nature of binary as "centre - periphery", "self - other", "first world - Third World" and "North - South", and advance to their places tropes such as "hybridity", "diaspora", "creolization", "transculturation", "frontier". Political geography has only just begun to integrate postcolonial and imperial perspectives and dominates critical history approaches to colonialism through representations.

According to Jacobs' critique, there are important internal variabilities in imperialism, for which "imperial domination resulted from a multiplicity of encounters".

Annexes[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

References[modifier | modifier le wikicode]