Modification de Homegrown jihadism: How to prevent terrorist catastrophe?

For France, the triggering event is the Syrian affair which has become an important place for the making of this jihadism. In Syria, there is a regrouping of combatants, a polarization as desired by al-Qaeda. From the moment something fails, there is an important movement towards it. There are a whole host of fighters, such as Chechen commandos, al-Qaeda brigades, Hezbollah fighters, but also Salafists and Islamic State fighters in Iraq and the Levant. There is a plethora of group muscular combatants welcoming all those who are willing to go and fight. Today, the question of the refocusing of forces in this place of combat is being repeated on a continental, Middle Eastern and even African scale, with the internationalisation of the conflict in a place where foreign and European jihadists are concentrated.

There is a translation since there is a fight that is becoming internationalized since the movements say that Syria is a fundamental stake in the struggle for a new caliphate.

The definition of homegrown jihadism introduces the religious factor, that of radical political Islam born with the political Islam of the 1970s and 1980s. In a way, homegrown jihadism existed before 9/11 for countries that had been involved internationally with Middle East issues. The recent definition of homegrown jihadism thus describes an ancient reality long before September 11, 2001 that characterizes the transition from Marxist-inspired and internationalist secular terrorism to radical Islamic terrorism based on jihad.

Two half-brothers from Toulouse, Nicolas (31 years old) and Jean-Daniel (22 years old) went to Syria to join the Combattants de l'Etat islamique in Iraq and the Levant and were killed there a few months apart. After announcing to their families that they are going on holiday in Thailand, they join Barcelona, fly to Casablanca and join Istanbul. Through a route called "individual nomadism" they manage to penetrate without relay into Syria. It is interesting that the framework is not necessarily quite the same with the combatants of the radical Islam of September 11 who were educated.

The Merah case is an absolute failure. A young person from Toulouse is supervised by the police, summoned by the general intelligence several times. There is a paradox because it is spotted, but the spinning loosens at the most important moment. He travels to Syria, Afghanistan, Turkey and Pakistan without suspicion by the intelligence services despite occasional investigations. Merah had been known to the intelligence services since 2006 and was only monitored between 2009 and 2010.

The survey carried out at the request of DCRI by the local branch updates its Islamist profile without any reaction from central management. On March 11, 2012, the first murders begin when he is no longer under surveillance for two months. This results in highlighting the failure of the measures taken by the DCRI with inadequate surveillance, a weak territorial intelligence network, and a lack of a common culture between actors. The need for further reforms was raised.

We will try to strengthen security and territorial intelligence at the domestic level, we will try to fill the gaps in DCRI by building intelligence systems on the ground. We see how homegrown jihadism moves the frontiers of intelligence. The threat is no longer an external threat, but it is now a domestic threat that can be grasped through the manufacture of a new type of domestic intelligence that must go further since it is impossible to rely on conventional information systems.

The awareness of homegrown jihadism is recent. The attacks in London and Madrid have awakened the European chancelleries with a major event that is breaking up. It is a continuation of the discovery of Al-Qaida's globalized terrorism. It is very difficult to say to ourselves today that we are in something that is going to go up or if we are going towards something that is going to go down. For some, the Alqaidean reconfigurations as with AQIM make that homegrown terrorism would have no reason not to continue. The security issue is complicated because the evaluation makes it possible to define means is committed to the issue of resource allocation and weighting. With the Merah case is highlighted that there is structure, a system and complicity. We must get rid of the romantic idea that they are just individuals, absolutely all alone, but that homegrown jihadism must be seen as a device and a complex refocused on individuals that work well. Even in homegrown jihadism theory, it is necessary to get rid of the theory of the lone wolf to redefine the criteria that participate in the process of radicalization that engages a process of logic of action.