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= Le bouleversement du commerce international des années 1930 =
= Le bouleversement du commerce international des années 1930 =
La Grande dépression est une véritable de crise de l’économie internationale. Durant les années 1930, le commerce international ne reprend que lentement. Le niveau du commerce international en 1938 reste en dessous de son niveau de 1929.
The Great Depression is a real crisis of the international economy. During the 1930s, international trade recovered only slowly. The level of international trade in 1938 remains below its 1929 level.


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Fichier:Lente reprise des échanges internationaux ; 1929 = 100.png|Lente reprise des échanges internationaux ; 1929 = 100 Source: Bairoch & Kozul-Wright, 1996.
Fichier:Lente reprise des échanges internationaux ; 1929 = 100.png|Lente reprise des échanges internationaux ; 1929 = 100 Source: Bairoch & Kozul-Wright, 1996.
Fichier:Exportations de merchandise en % de PIB, moyenne de 3 années sauf pour 1950.png|Exportations de marchandises en % de PIB, moyenne de 3 années sauf pour 1950 - Source: Bairoch & Kozul-Wright, 1996.
Fichier:Exportations de merchandise en % de PIB, moyenne de 3 années sauf pour 1950.png|Exportations de marchandises en % de PIB, moyenne de 3 années sauf pour 1950 - Source: Bairoch & Kozul-Wright, 1996.
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Entre 1929 et 1938, on constate une chute de l’importance du commerce international. Pour comprendre les développements les plus importants du commerce international pendant les années 1930, on ne peut pas seulement se concentrer sur les échanges en volume, mais il faut aussi s’intéresser à la structure du commerce international. Il y a une tendance à conclure des accords bilatéraux ou régionaux étant constitués de différentes manières avec plusieurs modèles.  
Between 1929 and 1938, the importance of international trade fell. To understand the most important developments in international trade during the 1930s, one cannot only focus on trade volumes, but also on the structure of international trade. There is a tendency to conclude bilateral or regional agreements being constituted in different ways with different models.  


D’une part, il y a un modèle soviétique ou allemand cherchant à élargir la zone d’influence sous le contrôle d’un pays afin de le rendre plus indépendant de l’économie mondiale. C’est une restructuration du commerce international dans le cadre de l’autarcie.  
On the one hand, there is a Soviet or German model seeking to expand the area of influence under a country's control in order to make it more independent of the world economy. It is a restructuring of international trade within the framework of autarky.


Depuis la fin du XIXème siècle, l’Allemagne est une économie très dépendante du commerce international dépendant beaucoup des importations comme des importations de nourritures qui accroissent suite à l’industrialisation du pays, mais aussi vis-à-vis des matières premières comme du coton brut, du fer brut, mais aussi du pétrole qui remplace de plus en plus du charbon surtout avec l’importance grandissante de l’automobile et de l’avion. C’est un pays fortement dépendant des importations afin de soutenir l’économie. C’est un pays qui dépend beaucoup des exportations afin de payer ses importations. Il y a aussi le fardeau des réparations et de la dette étrangère à payer. La Grande dépression créée une situation externe pour l’Allemagne qui est catastrophique.  
Since the end of the 19th century, Germany has been an economy highly dependent on international trade, highly dependent on imports and food imports, which have increased as a result of the country's industrialisation, but also on raw materials such as raw cotton and raw iron, but also on oil, which is increasingly replacing coal, especially with the growing importance of the automobile and airplane. It is a country heavily dependent on imports to support the economy. It is a country that relies heavily on exports to pay for its imports. There is also the burden of reparations and foreign debt to pay. The Great Depression created an external situation for Germany that was catastrophic.[[Image:Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 74.png|thumb|300px|left]]


[[Image:Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 74.png|thumb|300px|left]]
We see the drop in German exports highlighting that the country is struggling to pay for the imports it needs.  
 
On voit la chute des exportations allemandes mettant en exergue que le pays peine à payer les importations dont il a besoin.  


[[Image:Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 72.png|thumb|300px|Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 72]]
[[Image:Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 72.png|thumb|300px|Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 72]]


On voit les conséquences de ces problèmes sur la balance des marchandises, les réserves en or et en devise de la banque centrale allemande. Vers 1934, la situation est catastrophique. Il y a une manifestation de la communauté internationale notamment à travers des accords internationaux pour décharger l’Allemagne de son fardeau financier. Le moratoire Hoover met la fin temporaire au paiement des réparations. En 1931, un accord pour arrêter la dette à court terme de l’Allemagne est signé par les créditeurs de l’Allemagne.
We see the consequences of these problems on the balance of goods, the gold and currency reserves of the German central bank. Around 1934, the situation was catastrophic. There is a demonstration by the international community, in particular through international agreements, to relieve Germany of its financial burden. The Hoover moratorium puts a temporary end to the payment of repairs. In 1931, an agreement to stop Germany's short-term debt was signed by Germany's creditors.


[[Image:Dette Etrangère de l'Allemagne ; printemps 1931 (million RM).png|thumb|300px|left|Dette Etrangère de l'Allemagne ; printemps 1931 (million RM) - Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 7]]
[[Image:Dette Etrangère de l'Allemagne ; printemps 1931 (million RM).png|thumb|300px|left|Foreign Debt of Germany  Spring 1931 (million RM) - Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 7]]


Il y a une volonté de la part des créditeurs d’aider l’Allemagne à survivre économiquement. Il y a une négociation autour de cette dette et des accords signés avec notamment la Suisse, les Pays-Bas ainsi que les États-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne. Toutefois, il reste le problème des dettes commerciales à long terme.
Il y a une volonté de la part des créditeurs d’aider l’Allemagne à survivre économiquement. Il y a une négociation autour de cette dette et des accords signés avec notamment la Suisse, les Pays-Bas ainsi que les États-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne. Toutefois, il reste le problème des dettes commerciales à long terme.


Avec la situation désespérée des dettes à long terme et des stocks d’or, l’Allemagne risque de faire défaut à long terme. L’Allemagne va prendre la décision le 8 juin 1933 de répudier les dettes soulevant des protestations. Mais elle va faire marche arrière suite aux menaces des partenaires commerciaux de bloquer ou de saisir les revenus des exportations allemandes pour payer les dettes allemandes. C’est un point faible de l’économie allemande qui dépend de ces propres revenus pour payer ses importations créant des tensions avec les partenaires commerciaux. La faiblesse allemande a une influence importante sur Hitler et les nazis obligés de jouer le jeu à court terme avec un effort de négocier avec les créditeurs pour apaiser la situation. Il y a aussi une réduction des importations de biens qui ne sont pas essentiels. Il y a de multiples réactions à ce problème externe, mais il y a le début d’une clarification à moyen terme pour échapper à une situation à plus long terme. L’Allemagne décide de diminuer sa dépendance des partenaires commerciaux puissants et surtout la Grande-Bretagne et les États-Unis. C’est une situation prise face à la vulnérabilité allemande et de sa position externe. Il y a d’abord l’effort d’atteindre l’autosuffisance du point de vue agricole et industriel avec la création de produits synthétiques pour remplacer par exemple le caoutchouc et le pétrole. En 1932, l’Allemagne signe des accords avec des pays d’Europe centrale fournissant des matières primaires à l’Allemagne et achetant des produits manufacturés à l’Allemagne.
With the desperate situation of long-term debts and gold stocks, Germany risks defaulting in the long term. Germany will take the decision on June 8, 1933 to repudiate the debts raising protests. But it will back down following threats from trading partners to block or seize German export revenues to pay German debts. It is a weak point in the German economy that depends on its own revenues to pay for its imports, creating tensions with trading partners. German weakness had an important influence on Hitler and the Nazis forced to play the game in the short term with an effort to negotiate with creditors to ease the situation. There is also a reduction in imports of non-essential goods. There are multiple reactions to this external problem, but there is the beginning of a medium-term clarification to escape a longer-term situation. Germany decides to reduce its dependence on powerful trading partners and especially Great Britain and the United States. This is a situation taken in the face of German vulnerability and its external position. First, there is the effort to achieve self-sufficiency from an agricultural and industrial point of view with the creation of synthetic products to replace, for example, rubber and oil. In 1932, Germany signed agreements with Central European countries supplying primary materials to Germany and purchasing manufactured goods from Germany.  
 
[[Image:Commerce international de l'Allemagne.png|thumb|300px|left|Commerce international de l'Allemagne - Source: League of Nations, 1939, p. 278, 300 in Feinstein et al, p. 154]]
 
On voit les conséquences de cette stratégie par rapport à l’Europe centrale et orientale. La proportion des échanges de l’Allemagne avec l’Europe centrale augmente faisant partie d’une zone d’influence contrôlée par les allemands. L’Allemagne cherche à incorporer les pays d’Amérique latine dont le Brésil dans sa zone d’influence en les incorporant dans son commerce. Toutefois, cette région de l’Amérique latine gardes de relations importantes avec les États-Unis, mais aussi la Grande-Bretagne.  


Il y a une forte augmentation de l’importance de l’Amérique latine en tant que débouché des produits allemands, mais aussi en tant que source d’approvisionnement. On voit une réduction importante de l’Allemagne vis-à-vis de la Grande-Bretagne et des États-Unis. Il y a une réussite de la part de l’Allemagne à diminuer sa vulnérabilité. On voit des évènements assez similaires pour l’Union soviétique, l’Italie et le Japon. Il y a une tendance vers l’autarcie de plus en plus importante d’une manière plus générale. Le modèle autarcique en particulier est associé à un certain type de système politique et de régime.
[[Image:Commerce international de l'Allemagne.png|thumb|300px|left|Germany's International Trade - Source: League of Nations, 1939, p. 278, 300 in Feinstein et al, p. 154]]


Un modèle est développé par la Grande-Bretagne en particulier et la France aussi. Avec le cas britannique qui est le bastion du libre-échangisme depuis 1846, sa stratégie va changer dans les années 1930. Face à la Grande dépression, la Grande-Bretagne rompt avec l’histoire libre-échangiste en instituant des tarifs douaniers dès le début des années 1930. Va être établie une préférence avec les pays du Commonwealth suite aux accords d’Ottawa de 1932. Le Commonwealth est titré de la préférence impériale dans le cadre d’une association entre pays autonomes, librement associés et égaux dans l’adhésion d’une allégeance commune à la couronne britannique. Des accords commerciaux sont signés en 1932 instaurant la préférence impériale au sein du Commonwealth. Cela correspond à un régime de droit de douane plus faible pour les pays membres et une augmentation des droits au commerce à destination ou en provenance des pays non membres. C’est une logique de club.
We can see the consequences of this strategy in relation to Central and Eastern Europe. The proportion of Germany's trade with Central Europe is increasing as part of a German-controlled zone of influence. Germany seeks to incorporate Latin American countries including Brazil into its zone of influence by incorporating them into its trade. However, this region of Latin America keeps important relations with the United States, but also Britain.  


[[Image:Commerce international de la Grande-Bretagne.png|thumb|300px|Commerce international de la Grande-Bretagne - Source: UK Board of Trade, 1940, pp. 374-81 in Feinstein et al, p. 154]]
There is a sharp increase in the importance of Latin America as a market for German products, but also as a source of supply. We see a significant reduction in Germany vis-à-vis Great Britain and the United States. Germany has been successful in reducing its vulnerability. We see similar events for the Soviet Union, Italy and Japan. There is a growing trend towards self-sufficiency in a more general sense. The autarkic model in particular is associated with a certain type of political system and regime.


On observe une augmentation spectaculaire des échanges dans le cadre des accords régionaux. La France met aussi en place un système de préférence impériale qu’elle poursuit pour créer des zones protégées dans lesquelles le protectionnisme est limité, mais se protégeant contre les pays externes par les tarifs douaniers. L’empire français fournit 29% des importations en 1936 contre 11% en 1925.
A model is developed by Great Britain in particular and France too. With the British case, which has been the bastion of free trade since 1846, its strategy changed in the 1930s. Faced with the Great Depression, Great Britain broke with free trade history by introducing customs tariffs in the early 1930s. A preference was established with Commonwealth countries following the 1932 Ottawa Accords. The Commonwealth is titled the Imperial preference within the framework of an association between autonomous, freely associated and equal countries in membership of a common allegiance to the British Crown. Trade agreements were signed in 1932 establishing imperial preference within the Commonwealth. This corresponds to a lower tariff regime for member countries and an increase in trade duties to or from non-member countries. It's club logic.[[Image:Commerce international de la Grande-Bretagne.png|thumb|300px|Britain's International Trade - Source: UK Board of Trade, 1940, pp. 374-81 in Feinstein et al, p. 154]]


= Un tournant important de la politique commerciale aux États-Unis =
There has been a dramatic increase in trade under regional agreements. France is also setting up an imperial preference system which it is pursuing to create protected zones in which protectionism is limited, but protecting itself against external countries through customs tariffs. The French Empire provided 29% of imports in 1936 against 11% in 1925.
Avec les États-Unis, on parle de l‘hégémon du monde. Les États-Unis représentent l’exemple type du protectionnisme pendant longtemps étant un pays fortement protectionniste depuis la guerre de Sécession et même avant avec une politique de tarifs douaniers élevés ne faisant cependant pas nécessairement l’unanimité.


[[Image:Partis et politiques commerciales des Etats-Unis.png|thumb|300px|left|Partis et politiques commerciales des États-Unis - Source: Bailey, Goldstein, Weingast, 1997, p. 311]]
= A major shift in U.S. trade policy =
With the United States, we talk about the hegemon of the world. The United States has long been a typical example of protectionism, being a highly protectionist country since the Civil War and even before with a policy of high tariffs, though not necessarily unanimously accepted.


Les deux partis politiques principaux ne sont pas d’accord concernant le protectionnisme. Le parti démocrate est moins protectionniste et libre-échangiste que les républicains. Le fait que les États-Unis poursuivent une politique protectionniste la plupart du temps est expliqué par la dominance du parti républicain.
[[Image:Partis et politiques commerciales des Etats-Unis.png|thumb|300px|left|United States Parties and Trade Policies - Source: Bailey, Goldstein, Weingast, 1997, p. 311]]


Lorsqu’on parle de l’acte tarifaire Smoot-Halley Act, il est tout à fait d’accord avec la tendance dominante. C’est seulement lorsque les démocrates sont au pouvoir que les tarifs douaniers diminuent. Vu que les démocrates remportent les élections de 1932, on attend une diminution des tarifs douaniers, mais le contexte étant très difficile pour prendre une telle décision, cela crée un obstacle à une telle décision. Le taux de chômage est très élevé, les tarifs douaniers sont en hausse ailleurs et il y a par conséquent une opposition à la diminution des tarifs douaniers. Le président Franklin Roosevelt est ambigu sur la question du protectionnisme et le fait de diminuer les tarifs douaniers. Les démocrates abandonnent l’idée d’une diminution des tarifs douaniers. Pourtant, ils poursuivent la diminution des tarifs douaniers avec le Reciprocal Tariff Act [RTAA] de 1934. Les démocrates poursuivent une plus grande autonomie pour le président en négociant une diminution des tarifs bilatéraux. Il libère le président américain de la surveillance du Congrès où les pressions protectionnistes sont fortes et difficiles à contrôler.
The two main political parties do not agree on protectionism. The Democratic Party is less protectionist and free trade than the Republicans. The fact that the United States pursues a protectionist policy most of the time is explained by the dominance of the Republican Party.


[[Image:Droits de douane moyens aux Etats-Unis 1900-1955, en pourcentage de la valeur.png|thumb|300px|Droits de douane moyens aux États-Unis 1900-1955, en pourcentage de la valeur.]]
When we talk about the Smoot-Halley Act, he fully agrees with the dominant trend. It is only when the Democrats are in power that tariffs are reduced. Given that the Democrats won the 1932 elections, a reduction in tariffs was expected, but the context being very difficult to make such a decision, this created an obstacle to such a decision. Unemployment is very high, tariffs are rising elsewhere and there is therefore opposition to tariff cuts. President Franklin Roosevelt is ambiguous on the issue of protectionism and lowering tariffs. The Democrats are abandoning the idea of lowering customs tariffs. Yet they continued to reduce tariffs with the Reciprocal Tariff Act[RTAA] of 1934. Democrats are pursuing greater autonomy for the president by negotiating a reduction in bilateral tariffs. It frees the American president from the oversight of Congress where protectionist pressures are strong and difficult to control.[[Image:Droits de douane moyens aux Etats-Unis 1900-1955, en pourcentage de la valeur.png|thumb|300px|Average customs duties in the United States 1900-1955, as a percentage of value.]]


En 1934, on voit un tournant important dans la politique commerciale des États-Unis qui vont mener une politique de diminution de la protection négociant 22 accords entre 1934 et 1940 réduisant les droits de douane et les quotas.
In 1934, we see an important turning point in the commercial policy of the United States which will carry out a policy of reduction of the protection negotiating 22 agreements between 1934 and 1940 reducing the customs duties and the quotas.


La chute ne reflète que la diminution négociée, mais c’est plus une combinaison de la déflation et le fait que les tarifs sont négociés en terme nominal. Même si à court terme, il ne faut pas sous-estimer l’importance du changement institutionnel du RTAA, à moyen terme et à long terme, la liberté du président étasunien dans le domaine de la politique commerciale a des conséquences importantes parce que c’est la capacité du président à engager le pays dans un nouvel ordre international après la Deuxième guerre mondiale qui n’est pas envisageable avec l’ancien système.
The fall reflects only the negotiated decline, but it is more a combination of deflation and the fact that tariffs are negotiated in nominal terms. Even if in the short term, one should not underestimate the importance of the institutional change of the RTAA, in the medium and long term, the American president's freedom in the field of trade policy has important consequences because it is the president's ability to engage the country in a new international order after the Second World War that is not possible with the old system.


= Le commerce international et la Seconde guerre mondiale =
= International Trade and the Second World War =
Les combattants font de leur mieux pour faire blocus au commerce international de leurs ennemis. Les combattants s’appuient sur les sous-marins. À l’apogée du conflit maritime en 1942, 1500 navires marchands sont torpillés dans l’Atlantique. Les dangers du transport maritime sont évidents dans la hausse des prix des primes d’assurance maritime. Pour un voyage à Calcutta elle monte à 2% de la valeur des biens transport en 1941 à 10% courant 1942 et à 30% en aout 1942.
The combatants do their best to blockade the international trade of their enemies. The fighters rely on the submarines. At the height of the maritime conflict in 1942, 1500 merchant ships were torpedoed in the Atlantic. The dangers of marine transportation are evident in the rising prices of marine insurance premiums. For a trip to Calcutta it rises to 2% of the value of transport goods in 1941 to 10% during 1942 and to 30% in August 1942.


Malgré tous leurs efforts à restructurer le commerce international, on voit que les pays de l’Axe restent vulnérables étant loin d’avoir résolu le problème de l’approvisionnement de base pour nourri la population nette poursuivre la guerre.
Despite all their efforts to restructure international trade, we see that the Axis countries remain vulnerable being far from having solved the problem of basic supplies to feed the net population continue the war.[[Image:Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 333.png|thumb|left|300px|Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 333]]


[[Image:Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 333.png|thumb|left|300px|Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 333]]
We see the imports from Germany and the consequences of the war for Germany. Japan which also from the outside necessary for the production of arms. There is a significant vulnerability that remains for the Axis countries. The Axis bloc is very effective. Germany will favour trade relations with the countries of Latin America, which however becomes almost impossible in this war context.


On voit les importations de l’Allemagne et les conséquences de la guerre pour l’Allemagne. Le Japon qui aussi de l’extérieur nécessaire à la production d’armement. Il y a une vulnérabilité importante qui reste pour les pays de l‘Axe. Le bloc des pays de l’Axe est très efficace. L’Allemagne va privilégier les relations commerciales avec les pays de l’Amérique latine qui devient toutefois presque impossible dans ce contexte de guerre.
[[Image:Commerce international de l'Amérique latine ; parts des partenaires commerciaux principaux.png|thumb|center|400px|Latin American International Trade  shares of major trading partners - Source: Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of Latin America since Independence, p. 234]]


[[Image:Commerce international de l'Amérique latine ; parts des partenaires commerciaux principaux.png|thumb|center|400px|Commerce international de l'Amérique latine ; parts des partenaires commerciaux principaux - Source: Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of Latin America since Independence, p. 234]]
To counter the allied blockade, new strategies were put in place, notably with the German-Soviet pact in 1939 concerning the delivery of food and oil, but in 1940 it was looting and exploitation of occupied countries. With France, Germany has at its disposal a country almost as industrialized as its economy. The decision to move forward with Operation Barbarossa is partly explained by the desire to expand Germany's sources of supply. Hitler launched Operation Barbarossa on 22 June 1942. The conquest of a space in the east is created with the objective of supplying German politics and economy on the basis of an integrated space.  


Pour contrer le blocus allié, de nouvelles stratégies vont être mises en place notamment avec le pacte germano-soviétique en 1939 concernant la livraison des denrées et de pétrole, mais en 1940 c’est le pillage et l’exploitation des pays occupés. Avec la France, l’Allemagne a à sa disposition un pays presque aussi industrialisé que son économie. La décision d’aller de l’avant avec l’opération Barbarossa est en partie expliquée par la volonté d’élargir les sources d’approvisionnement de l’Allemagne. Hitler déclenche le 22 juin 1942 l’opération Barbarossa. La conquête d’un espace à l’est est créée avec l’objectif d’approvisionner la politique et l’économie allemande sur la base d’un espace intégré.  
The same can be said for Japan, which seizes coal and cotton in China, rubber in Malaysia and Ceylon, and dioxide in the Dutch Indies. There is a growing dependence on the region it controls. Cooperation between the Axis countries is becoming almost impossible. The United States exports mineral and industrial products to help Britain and the Soviet Union. Without the support of the United States, it would not have been possible for Britain and the Soviets to continue the war.


On peut dire la même chose pour le Japon qui s’empare du charbon et de coton en Chine, du caoutchouc en Malaisie et au Ceylan, du bioxyde dans les Indes néerlandais. Il y a une dépendance de plus en plus forte de la région qu’il contrôle. La coopération entre les pays de l’Axe devient presque impossible. Les États-Unis exportent des produits minéraux et industriels afin d’aider la Grande-Bretagne et l’Union soviétique. Sans l’appui des États-Unis, il n’aurait pas été possible pour la Grande-Bretagne et les soviétiques de poursuivre la guerre.
The international trade of Great Britain, France and the countries at the heart of the conflict declined sharply while exports from the United States increased by 3 times compared to their pre-war level. Following the Second World War, we see a hegemon with power over the world economy as never seen before. The United States overtakes Britain as the hegemon being the big winner of World War II, its losses are negligible, its investments are significant leading to an increase in investment and GDP representing 50% of world GDP.


Le commerce international de la Grande-Bretagne, de la France et des pays au cœur du conflit diminue fortement alors que les exportations des États-Unis augmentent de 3 fois par rapport à leur niveau d’avant-guerre. Suite à la Seconde guerre mondiale, on voit un hégémon avec un pouvoir sur l’économie mondiale comme jamais vu. Les États-Unis dépassent la Grande-Bretagne en tant qu’hégémon étant le grand gagnant de la Deuxième guerre mondiale, ses pertes sont négligeables, ses investissements sont importants menant à un accroissement des investissements et du PIB représentant 50% du PIB mondial.
For Great Britain, the Second World War ended Britain's claims to world domination because Britain emerged economically weakened from the war, but political changes also announced the end of its empire with the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947 and Burma and Ceylon in 1948. Following the war, we do not see Britain ceding its empire, but a willingness to integrate these colonies in a different way. Despite the intentions of the elite, the Suez crisis of 1956 ended Britain's imperialist illusions. There is a clear trend towards decolonisation and the collapse of European empires. Alongside the economic and military dependence on the United States, the European powers are confronted with their hemogenic and territorial decline. States are confronted with their borders of origin.


Pour la Grande-Bretagne, la Deuxième guerre mondiale met fin aux prétentions de la Grande-Bretagne sur la domination mondiale parce que la Grande-Bretagne sort affaiblie économiquement de la guerre, mais des changements politiques annoncent aussi la fin de son empire avec l’indépendance de l’Inde et du Pakistan en 1947 puis de la Birmanie et du Ceylan en 1948. Suite à la guerre, on ne voit pas de la Grande-Bretagne céder son empire, mais une volonté d’intégrer ces colonies d’une manière différente. Malgré les intentions de l‘élite, la crise de Suez de 1956 met fin aux illusions impérialistes de la Grande-Bretagne. On voit une tendance à la décolonisation nette à l’effondrement des empires européens. Parallèlement à la dépendance économique et militaire à l’égard des États-Unis, les puissances européennes sont confrontées à leur déclin hémogénique et territorial. Les États sont confrontés à leurs frontières d’origines.  
The inspirations to independence date back longer, but the end of the Second World War highlights the weaknesses of traditional empires and colonized populations raise questions about the future of traditional empires. Between 1945 and 1965, empires were dismantled with the exception of Portugal. The empires do not accept the loss of their colonies and France is perhaps the longest to accept the unacceptable coming out of the war with the shame of Vichy, refocusing on its empire to try to keep the territories considered particularly important by the French.


Les inspirations à l’indépendance datent de plus longtemps, mais la fin de la Deuxième guerre mondiale met en exergue les faiblesses des empires traditionnels et les populations colonisées posent des questions par rapport à l’avenir des empires traditionnels. Entre 1945 et 1965, on voit le démantèlement des empires à l’exception de celui du Portugal. Les empires n’acceptent pas la perte de leurs colonies et la France est peut-être la plus longue à accepter l’inacceptable sortant de la guerre avec la honte de Vichy, se recentrant sur son empire pour essayer de garder les territoires considérés comme particulièrement importants par les français.
= Trade policies divided in the post-war period =
The role of Europeans is diminishing in terms of economic and political power, but there is also the emergence of autonomous countries that have the capacity to know what to do in terms of trade policy. Post-war trade policies are divided. There is no doubt that international trade is increasing strongly in this period of history. The largest increase is in international trade in manufactured goods.


= Les politiques commerciales divisées dans l’après-guerre =
[[Image:Exportations de merchandise % de PIB, moyenne de 3 années sauf pour 1950.png|thumb|400px|center|Merchandise exports % of GDP, average of 3 years except for 1950.]]
Le rôle des européens diminue en termes de puissance économique et politique, mais il y a aussi l’émergence des pays autonomes qui on la capacité de savoir quoi faire en termes de politique commerciale. Les politiques commerciales de la période d’après-guerre sont divisées. Il n’y a aucun doute que les échanges internationaux augmentent fortement dans cette période de l’histoire. C’est en termes de commerce international des biens manufacturés qu’on observe la plus forte augmentation.


[[Image:Exportations de merchandise % de PIB, moyenne de 3 années sauf pour 1950.png|thumb|400px|center|Exportations de marchandises % de PIB, moyenne de 3 années sauf pour 1950.]]
In 1970, the level of globalization of international trade competed with that of the First Globalization. At the end of the war, there was a desire to create a remnant with the Havana Charter, which in 1948 provided for the creation of the International Trade Organization[ITO], which was to represent a pillar of the world economy with the IMF and the WTO. The ICO's idea is to extend the system of bilateral agreements between trading partners worldwide in order to negotiate tariff reductions at a global level. Pending the necessary ratifications at the ICO, the first general agreement on customs tariffs negotiated in Geneva in 1947, the GATT, came into being. The party countries begin negotiating tariff reductions pending the creation of an organization to manage them. The Havana Charter never comes into force because it is not ratified by the United States Congress making it impossible to have an international trade organization. On the other hand, unilateral efforts are focused on the GATT. It was only in 1994 that the WTO replaced the GATT as the framework for organizing international trade.


En 1970, le niveau de mondialisation des échanges internationaux rivalise avec celui de la Première mondialisation. À la fin de la guerre, il y a une volonté de créer un rémige avec la Charte de La Havane qui prévoit en 1948 la création de l’Organisation internationale du commerce [OIC] qui devait représenter un pilier de l’économie mondiale avec le FMI et l’OMC. L’idée de l’OIC est d’étendre au monde entier le système des accords bilatéraux entre partenaires commerciaux afin de négocier la réduction des tarifs douaniers à un niveau mondial. En attendant les ratifications nécessaires à l’OIC, surviennent le premier accord général sur les tarifs douaniers négociés à Genève en 1947 qui est le GATT. Les pays partis commencent à négocier la réduction des tarifs douaniers en attendant la création d’une organisation pour les gérer. La charte de La Havane ne rentre jamais en vigueur parce qu’elle n’est pas ratifiée par le Congrès des États-Unis faisant qu’il n’est pas possible d’avoir une organisation du commerce international. D’autre part, les efforts unilatéraux se concentrent sur le GATT. C’est seulement en 1994 que l’OMC remplace le GATT comme cadre d’organisation du commerce international.
The reluctance of the United States to ratify the ICO shows that despite the almost total dominance of the United States in the post-war period, there is no talk of a country fully convinced of the benefits of free trade. The dominant ideology and especially that of the Republicans has changed a lot since the 1920s with a greater influence of the interests especially of multinational companies like Ford, Coca-Cola who are big sellers on world markets. It is not only the shareholders and managers of these companies who are in favour of free trade, but also the main trade unions such as the CIO or the United Auto Workers. Yet agricultural interests show a strong reluctance to free trade as well as isolationists like Senator McCarthy.


La réticence des États-Unis à ratifier l’OIC montre qu’en dépit de la dominance presque totale des États-Unis dans l’après-guerre, on ne parle pas d’un pays totalement convaincu des avantages du libre-échangisme. L’idéologie dominante et notamment celle des républicains a changée beaucoup depuis les années 1920 avec une plus grande influence des intérêts en particulier des entreprises multinationales comme Ford, Coca-Cola qui sont des grands vendeurs sur les marchés mondiaux. Ce ne sont pas seulement les actionnaires et les gestionnaires de ces entreprises qui sont favorables au libre-échangisme, mais aussi les principaux syndicats comme la CIO ou la United Auto Workers. Pourtant, les intérêts agricoles montrent une forte réticence au libre-échangisme ainsi que les isolationnistes comme le sénateur McCarthy.  
We see internal conflicts in the American policy that agrees with the ambivalent attitude of this hegemon about trade policy. This ambivalent attitude explains the refusal to ratify the ICO, but also a period of great enthusiasm for free trade immediately after the war.[[Image:Tarifs_douaniers-_produits_manufactures.png|thumb|300px|left|Tarifs douaniers : produits manufacturés - Source : Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 494.]]


On voit des conflits internes dans la politique américaine qui convient de l’attitude ambivalente de cet hégémon à propos de la politique commerciale. Cette attitude ambivalente explique le refus de ratifier l’OIC, mais aussi une période de fort enthousiasme pour le libre-échangisme juste après la guerre.  
Even for manufactured goods, there is no reduction in customs tariffs and there is even a slight increase. Tariff progress in the post-war period is recorded for manufactured goods, which continues to pose a problem to this day because the agricultural sector is treated differently.


[[Image:Tarifs_douaniers-_produits_manufactures.png|thumb|300px|left|Tarifs douaniers: produits manufactures - Source: Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 494]]
At the end of the war, the British demanded a reduction in American tariffs while justifying keeping the imperial preference by the situation they faced after the war. In the 1950s, Americans became increasingly impatient with Europeans and British. There is a risk of deadlock in terms of multilateral negotiations and the trend towards free trade is risky. With the Treaty of Rome in 1957, the six founding members decided to create a common market. It is this development that pushes the United States to lower its tariffs to promote freer international trade.[[Image:Integration de l'Economie Atlantique Exportations de marchandise, % de PIB.png|thumb|300px|left|Integration of the Atlantic Economy Merchandise Exports, % of GDP - Source: Maddison, 1995, p. 38]]


Même pour les produits manufacturés, il n’y a pas de diminution des tarifs douaniers et on peut même constater une légère hausse. Le progrès en termes de tarifs douaniers dans l’après-guerre est enregistré pour les produits manufacturés continuant à poser un problème jusqu’à aujourd’hui du fait que le secteur agricole est traité différemment.
In the early 1970s, the Atlantic acquis was impressive. There is an increase in international trade relative to economic activity. Europeans are taking advantage of the agricultural treaty to do the same. We cannot talk about a free trade area in agriculture for rich countries. When we talk about the post-war free trade regime, we are talking about manufactured goods.  
 
À la fin de la guerre, les britanniques réclament une réduction des tarifs américains tout en justifiant de garder la préférence impériale par la situation à laquelle ils font face après la guerre. Dans les années 1950, les américains sont de plus en plus impatients avec les européens et les britanniques. Il y a un risque de blocage en termes de négociation multilatérale et la tendance du libre-échangisme est risquée. Avec le traité de Rome en 1957, les six membres fondateurs décident de créer un marché commun. C’est ce développement qui pousse les États-Unis à diminuer leurs tarifs douaniers pour promouvoir un commerce international plus libre-échangiste.
 
[[Image:Integration de l'Economie Atlantique Exportations de marchandise, % de PIB.png|thumb|300px|left|Integration de l'Economie Atlantique Exportations de marchandise, % de PIB - Source: Maddison, 1995, p. 38]]
 
Au début des années 1970, les acquis Atlantiques sont impressionnants. On observe une augmentation du commerce international par rapport à l’activité économique. Les européens profitent du traité de l’agriculture pour faire la même chose. On ne peut pas parler d’une zone de libre-échange concernant l’agriculture pour les pays riches. Lorsqu’on parle du régime libre-échangiste d’après-guerre, cela concerne les produits manufacturés.  


{{citation bloc|To say that the immediate postwar years were ones of growing liberalization... is to adopt a perspective that ignores the experience of the vast majority of mankind.|Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 489}}
{{citation bloc|To say that the immediate postwar years were ones of growing liberalization... is to adopt a perspective that ignores the experience of the vast majority of mankind.|Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 489}}


Même si on peut voir une intégration de l’économie Atlantique, cela ne concerne pas l‘économie mondiale. Parler de mondialisation dans l’après-guerre est négliger certains pays du monde. Il y a des exceptions. Nous n’avons pas de données très fiables pour la plupart des pays en développement.  
Even if we can see an integration of the Atlantic economy, it does not concern the world economy. To speak of globalization in the post-war period is to neglect certain countries of the world. There are exceptions. We do not have very reliable data for most developing countries.  
 
[[Image:Exportations de merchandise % de PIB.png|thumb|center|400px|Exportations de marchandises % de PIB - Source: Maddison, 1995, p. 38]]


Pendant la Première mondialisation, l’Argentine est un pays ouvert dépendant des importations. En 1973, la situation est tout autre. Pour le cas du Brésil, il y aune stabilité et même une légère augmentation. Ces exceptions poursuivent des stratégies de développement propre. Il y a plusieurs explications de ces tendances variant selon les pays dont-ont parle.
[[Image:Exportations de merchandise % de PIB.png|thumb|center|400px|Merchandise Exports % of GDP - Source: Maddison, 1995, p. 38]]


Le communisme et la Guerre froide fait qu’il y a souvent réduction des échanges internationaux qui existaient auparavant, les échanges entre pays communistes remplacent les échanges internationaux n’augmentant pas forcément le niveau d’activité en termes de commerce international. La décolonisation fait que les anciens échanges internationaux entre pays mère et colonies sont souvent rompus ne voyant pas nécessairement la continuité des échanges. D’autres exemples après la Deuxième guerre mondiale montrent un changement entre colonie et pays mère suite au processus de décolonisation. Les politiques de développement renforcent cette tendance en substituant les importations par une fabrication intérieure à l’économie. Cette politique de développement est très rependue en Amérique latine.
During the First Globalization, Argentina was an open country dependent on imports. In 1973, the situation was quite different. In the case of Brazil, there is stability and even a slight increase. These exceptions pursue clean development strategies. There are several explanations for these trends that vary from country to country.


[[Image:Part de l'Amérique latine des exportations mondiales.png|thumb|left|300px|Part de l'Amérique latine des exportations mondiales - Source: Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of Latin America since Independence, p. 263]]
Communism and the Cold War mean that there is often a reduction in international trade that existed before, exchanges between communist countries replace international exchanges that do not necessarily increase the level of activity in terms of international trade. Decolonization means that the old international exchanges between mother countries and colonies are often broken, not necessarily seeing the continuity of exchanges. Other examples after the Second World War show a change between colony and mother country following the decolonization process. Development policies reinforce this trend by substituting imports by domestic manufacturing for the economy. This development policy is very widespread in Latin America.[[Image:Part de l'Amérique latine des exportations mondiales.png|thumb|left|300px|Part de l'Amérique latine des exportations mondiales - Source : Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of Latin America since Independence, p. 263.]]


Si clairement, il y a de la libéralisation, cela ne concerne pas l’Amérique latine comme un pays comme l’Allemagne. La politique agricole des pays riches est un cas particulier ou le protectionnisme persiste, car l’agriculture est un secteur privilégié en termes de contrôle de l’approvisionnement de la nourriture afin d’insister sur la souveraineté d’un pays.  
So clearly there is liberalisation, it does not concern Latin America as a country like Germany. Agricultural policy in rich countries is a special case where protectionism persists, because agriculture is a privileged sector in terms of controlling food supply in order to insist on a country's sovereignty.  


{{citation bloc|There was one region of the world... which held aloof from the general drift towards protectionism: the northern Atlantic economies of Western Europe and North America, under the military & political leadership of the United States.|Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 489}}
{{citation bloc|There was one region of the world... which held aloof from the general drift towards protectionism: the northern Atlantic economies of Western Europe and North America, under the military & political leadership of the United States.|Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 489}}
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= References =
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[[Category:Mary O'Sullivan]]
[[Category:Mary O'Sullivan]]

Version du 4 avril 2018 à 23:58

Le bouleversement du commerce international des années 1930

The Great Depression is a real crisis of the international economy. During the 1930s, international trade recovered only slowly. The level of international trade in 1938 remains below its 1929 level.

Between 1929 and 1938, the importance of international trade fell. To understand the most important developments in international trade during the 1930s, one cannot only focus on trade volumes, but also on the structure of international trade. There is a tendency to conclude bilateral or regional agreements being constituted in different ways with different models.

On the one hand, there is a Soviet or German model seeking to expand the area of influence under a country's control in order to make it more independent of the world economy. It is a restructuring of international trade within the framework of autarky.

Since the end of the 19th century, Germany has been an economy highly dependent on international trade, highly dependent on imports and food imports, which have increased as a result of the country's industrialisation, but also on raw materials such as raw cotton and raw iron, but also on oil, which is increasingly replacing coal, especially with the growing importance of the automobile and airplane. It is a country heavily dependent on imports to support the economy. It is a country that relies heavily on exports to pay for its imports. There is also the burden of reparations and foreign debt to pay. The Great Depression created an external situation for Germany that was catastrophic.

Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 74.png

We see the drop in German exports highlighting that the country is struggling to pay for the imports it needs.

Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 72

We see the consequences of these problems on the balance of goods, the gold and currency reserves of the German central bank. Around 1934, the situation was catastrophic. There is a demonstration by the international community, in particular through international agreements, to relieve Germany of its financial burden. The Hoover moratorium puts a temporary end to the payment of repairs. In 1931, an agreement to stop Germany's short-term debt was signed by Germany's creditors.

Foreign Debt of Germany  Spring 1931 (million RM) - Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 7

Il y a une volonté de la part des créditeurs d’aider l’Allemagne à survivre économiquement. Il y a une négociation autour de cette dette et des accords signés avec notamment la Suisse, les Pays-Bas ainsi que les États-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne. Toutefois, il reste le problème des dettes commerciales à long terme.

With the desperate situation of long-term debts and gold stocks, Germany risks defaulting in the long term. Germany will take the decision on June 8, 1933 to repudiate the debts raising protests. But it will back down following threats from trading partners to block or seize German export revenues to pay German debts. It is a weak point in the German economy that depends on its own revenues to pay for its imports, creating tensions with trading partners. German weakness had an important influence on Hitler and the Nazis forced to play the game in the short term with an effort to negotiate with creditors to ease the situation. There is also a reduction in imports of non-essential goods. There are multiple reactions to this external problem, but there is the beginning of a medium-term clarification to escape a longer-term situation. Germany decides to reduce its dependence on powerful trading partners and especially Great Britain and the United States. This is a situation taken in the face of German vulnerability and its external position. First, there is the effort to achieve self-sufficiency from an agricultural and industrial point of view with the creation of synthetic products to replace, for example, rubber and oil. In 1932, Germany signed agreements with Central European countries supplying primary materials to Germany and purchasing manufactured goods from Germany.

Germany's International Trade - Source: League of Nations, 1939, p. 278, 300 in Feinstein et al, p. 154

We can see the consequences of this strategy in relation to Central and Eastern Europe. The proportion of Germany's trade with Central Europe is increasing as part of a German-controlled zone of influence. Germany seeks to incorporate Latin American countries including Brazil into its zone of influence by incorporating them into its trade. However, this region of Latin America keeps important relations with the United States, but also Britain.

There is a sharp increase in the importance of Latin America as a market for German products, but also as a source of supply. We see a significant reduction in Germany vis-à-vis Great Britain and the United States. Germany has been successful in reducing its vulnerability. We see similar events for the Soviet Union, Italy and Japan. There is a growing trend towards self-sufficiency in a more general sense. The autarkic model in particular is associated with a certain type of political system and regime.

A model is developed by Great Britain in particular and France too. With the British case, which has been the bastion of free trade since 1846, its strategy changed in the 1930s. Faced with the Great Depression, Great Britain broke with free trade history by introducing customs tariffs in the early 1930s. A preference was established with Commonwealth countries following the 1932 Ottawa Accords. The Commonwealth is titled the Imperial preference within the framework of an association between autonomous, freely associated and equal countries in membership of a common allegiance to the British Crown. Trade agreements were signed in 1932 establishing imperial preference within the Commonwealth. This corresponds to a lower tariff regime for member countries and an increase in trade duties to or from non-member countries. It's club logic.

Britain's International Trade - Source: UK Board of Trade, 1940, pp. 374-81 in Feinstein et al, p. 154

There has been a dramatic increase in trade under regional agreements. France is also setting up an imperial preference system which it is pursuing to create protected zones in which protectionism is limited, but protecting itself against external countries through customs tariffs. The French Empire provided 29% of imports in 1936 against 11% in 1925.

A major shift in U.S. trade policy

With the United States, we talk about the hegemon of the world. The United States has long been a typical example of protectionism, being a highly protectionist country since the Civil War and even before with a policy of high tariffs, though not necessarily unanimously accepted.

United States Parties and Trade Policies - Source: Bailey, Goldstein, Weingast, 1997, p. 311

The two main political parties do not agree on protectionism. The Democratic Party is less protectionist and free trade than the Republicans. The fact that the United States pursues a protectionist policy most of the time is explained by the dominance of the Republican Party.

When we talk about the Smoot-Halley Act, he fully agrees with the dominant trend. It is only when the Democrats are in power that tariffs are reduced. Given that the Democrats won the 1932 elections, a reduction in tariffs was expected, but the context being very difficult to make such a decision, this created an obstacle to such a decision. Unemployment is very high, tariffs are rising elsewhere and there is therefore opposition to tariff cuts. President Franklin Roosevelt is ambiguous on the issue of protectionism and lowering tariffs. The Democrats are abandoning the idea of lowering customs tariffs. Yet they continued to reduce tariffs with the Reciprocal Tariff Act[RTAA] of 1934. Democrats are pursuing greater autonomy for the president by negotiating a reduction in bilateral tariffs. It frees the American president from the oversight of Congress where protectionist pressures are strong and difficult to control.

Average customs duties in the United States 1900-1955, as a percentage of value.

In 1934, we see an important turning point in the commercial policy of the United States which will carry out a policy of reduction of the protection negotiating 22 agreements between 1934 and 1940 reducing the customs duties and the quotas.

The fall reflects only the negotiated decline, but it is more a combination of deflation and the fact that tariffs are negotiated in nominal terms. Even if in the short term, one should not underestimate the importance of the institutional change of the RTAA, in the medium and long term, the American president's freedom in the field of trade policy has important consequences because it is the president's ability to engage the country in a new international order after the Second World War that is not possible with the old system.

International Trade and the Second World War

The combatants do their best to blockade the international trade of their enemies. The fighters rely on the submarines. At the height of the maritime conflict in 1942, 1500 merchant ships were torpedoed in the Atlantic. The dangers of marine transportation are evident in the rising prices of marine insurance premiums. For a trip to Calcutta it rises to 2% of the value of transport goods in 1941 to 10% during 1942 and to 30% in August 1942.

Despite all their efforts to restructure international trade, we see that the Axis countries remain vulnerable being far from having solved the problem of basic supplies to feed the net population continue the war.

Tooze, A., The Wages of Destruction, 2006, p. 333

We see the imports from Germany and the consequences of the war for Germany. Japan which also from the outside necessary for the production of arms. There is a significant vulnerability that remains for the Axis countries. The Axis bloc is very effective. Germany will favour trade relations with the countries of Latin America, which however becomes almost impossible in this war context.

Latin American International Trade  shares of major trading partners - Source: Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of Latin America since Independence, p. 234

To counter the allied blockade, new strategies were put in place, notably with the German-Soviet pact in 1939 concerning the delivery of food and oil, but in 1940 it was looting and exploitation of occupied countries. With France, Germany has at its disposal a country almost as industrialized as its economy. The decision to move forward with Operation Barbarossa is partly explained by the desire to expand Germany's sources of supply. Hitler launched Operation Barbarossa on 22 June 1942. The conquest of a space in the east is created with the objective of supplying German politics and economy on the basis of an integrated space.

The same can be said for Japan, which seizes coal and cotton in China, rubber in Malaysia and Ceylon, and dioxide in the Dutch Indies. There is a growing dependence on the region it controls. Cooperation between the Axis countries is becoming almost impossible. The United States exports mineral and industrial products to help Britain and the Soviet Union. Without the support of the United States, it would not have been possible for Britain and the Soviets to continue the war.

The international trade of Great Britain, France and the countries at the heart of the conflict declined sharply while exports from the United States increased by 3 times compared to their pre-war level. Following the Second World War, we see a hegemon with power over the world economy as never seen before. The United States overtakes Britain as the hegemon being the big winner of World War II, its losses are negligible, its investments are significant leading to an increase in investment and GDP representing 50% of world GDP.

For Great Britain, the Second World War ended Britain's claims to world domination because Britain emerged economically weakened from the war, but political changes also announced the end of its empire with the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947 and Burma and Ceylon in 1948. Following the war, we do not see Britain ceding its empire, but a willingness to integrate these colonies in a different way. Despite the intentions of the elite, the Suez crisis of 1956 ended Britain's imperialist illusions. There is a clear trend towards decolonisation and the collapse of European empires. Alongside the economic and military dependence on the United States, the European powers are confronted with their hemogenic and territorial decline. States are confronted with their borders of origin.

The inspirations to independence date back longer, but the end of the Second World War highlights the weaknesses of traditional empires and colonized populations raise questions about the future of traditional empires. Between 1945 and 1965, empires were dismantled with the exception of Portugal. The empires do not accept the loss of their colonies and France is perhaps the longest to accept the unacceptable coming out of the war with the shame of Vichy, refocusing on its empire to try to keep the territories considered particularly important by the French.

Trade policies divided in the post-war period

The role of Europeans is diminishing in terms of economic and political power, but there is also the emergence of autonomous countries that have the capacity to know what to do in terms of trade policy. Post-war trade policies are divided. There is no doubt that international trade is increasing strongly in this period of history. The largest increase is in international trade in manufactured goods.

Merchandise exports % of GDP, average of 3 years except for 1950.

In 1970, the level of globalization of international trade competed with that of the First Globalization. At the end of the war, there was a desire to create a remnant with the Havana Charter, which in 1948 provided for the creation of the International Trade Organization[ITO], which was to represent a pillar of the world economy with the IMF and the WTO. The ICO's idea is to extend the system of bilateral agreements between trading partners worldwide in order to negotiate tariff reductions at a global level. Pending the necessary ratifications at the ICO, the first general agreement on customs tariffs negotiated in Geneva in 1947, the GATT, came into being. The party countries begin negotiating tariff reductions pending the creation of an organization to manage them. The Havana Charter never comes into force because it is not ratified by the United States Congress making it impossible to have an international trade organization. On the other hand, unilateral efforts are focused on the GATT. It was only in 1994 that the WTO replaced the GATT as the framework for organizing international trade.

The reluctance of the United States to ratify the ICO shows that despite the almost total dominance of the United States in the post-war period, there is no talk of a country fully convinced of the benefits of free trade. The dominant ideology and especially that of the Republicans has changed a lot since the 1920s with a greater influence of the interests especially of multinational companies like Ford, Coca-Cola who are big sellers on world markets. It is not only the shareholders and managers of these companies who are in favour of free trade, but also the main trade unions such as the CIO or the United Auto Workers. Yet agricultural interests show a strong reluctance to free trade as well as isolationists like Senator McCarthy.

We see internal conflicts in the American policy that agrees with the ambivalent attitude of this hegemon about trade policy. This ambivalent attitude explains the refusal to ratify the ICO, but also a period of great enthusiasm for free trade immediately after the war.

Tarifs douaniers : produits manufacturés - Source : Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 494.

Even for manufactured goods, there is no reduction in customs tariffs and there is even a slight increase. Tariff progress in the post-war period is recorded for manufactured goods, which continues to pose a problem to this day because the agricultural sector is treated differently.

At the end of the war, the British demanded a reduction in American tariffs while justifying keeping the imperial preference by the situation they faced after the war. In the 1950s, Americans became increasingly impatient with Europeans and British. There is a risk of deadlock in terms of multilateral negotiations and the trend towards free trade is risky. With the Treaty of Rome in 1957, the six founding members decided to create a common market. It is this development that pushes the United States to lower its tariffs to promote freer international trade.

Integration of the Atlantic Economy Merchandise Exports, % of GDP - Source: Maddison, 1995, p. 38

In the early 1970s, the Atlantic acquis was impressive. There is an increase in international trade relative to economic activity. Europeans are taking advantage of the agricultural treaty to do the same. We cannot talk about a free trade area in agriculture for rich countries. When we talk about the post-war free trade regime, we are talking about manufactured goods.

« To say that the immediate postwar years were ones of growing liberalization... is to adopt a perspective that ignores the experience of the vast majority of mankind. »

— Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 489

Even if we can see an integration of the Atlantic economy, it does not concern the world economy. To speak of globalization in the post-war period is to neglect certain countries of the world. There are exceptions. We do not have very reliable data for most developing countries.

Merchandise Exports % of GDP - Source: Maddison, 1995, p. 38

During the First Globalization, Argentina was an open country dependent on imports. In 1973, the situation was quite different. In the case of Brazil, there is stability and even a slight increase. These exceptions pursue clean development strategies. There are several explanations for these trends that vary from country to country.

Communism and the Cold War mean that there is often a reduction in international trade that existed before, exchanges between communist countries replace international exchanges that do not necessarily increase the level of activity in terms of international trade. Decolonization means that the old international exchanges between mother countries and colonies are often broken, not necessarily seeing the continuity of exchanges. Other examples after the Second World War show a change between colony and mother country following the decolonization process. Development policies reinforce this trend by substituting imports by domestic manufacturing for the economy. This development policy is very widespread in Latin America.

Part de l'Amérique latine des exportations mondiales - Source : Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of Latin America since Independence, p. 263.

So clearly there is liberalisation, it does not concern Latin America as a country like Germany. Agricultural policy in rich countries is a special case where protectionism persists, because agriculture is a privileged sector in terms of controlling food supply in order to insist on a country's sovereignty.

« There was one region of the world... which held aloof from the general drift towards protectionism: the northern Atlantic economies of Western Europe and North America, under the military & political leadership of the United States. »

— Findlay & O'Rourke, 2007, p. 489

Annexes

References