Modification de The Formation of Global Migration Systems

Based on a lecture by Michel Oris<ref>[https://cigev.unige.ch/institution/team/prof/michel-oris/ Page personnelle de Michel Oris sur le site de l'Université de Genève]</ref><ref>[http://cigev.unige.ch/files/4114/3706/0157/cv_oris_fr_20150716.pdf CV de Michel Oris en français]</ref>

{{Translations
| fr = La formation de systèmes migratoires mondiaux
| es = La formación de sistemas migratorios globales
| it = La formazione dei sistemi migratori globali
| pt = A Formação dos Sistemas Migratórios Globais
| de = Die Entstehung globaler Migrationssysteme
| ch = 全球移民体系的形成
}}

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|[[Economic and social history of globalisation, 16th-21st centuries]]
|[[Agrarian Structures and Rural Society: Analysis of the Preindustrial European Peasantry]] ● [[The demographic regime of the Ancien Régime: homeostasis]] ● [[Evolution of Socioeconomic Structures in the Eighteenth Century: From the Ancien Régime to Modernity]] ● [[Origins and causes of the English industrial revolution]] ● [[Structural mechanisms of the industrial revolution]] ● [[The spread of the Industrial Revolution in continental Europe]] ● [[The Industrial Revolution beyond Europe: the United States and Japan]] ● [[The social costs of the Industrial Revolution]] ● [[Historical Analysis of the Cyclical Phases of the First Globalisation]] ● [[Dynamics of National Markets and the Globalisation of Product Trade]] ● [[The Formation of Global Migration Systems]] ● [[Dynamics and Impacts of the Globalisation of Money Markets : The Central Role of Great Britain and France]] ● [[The Transformation of Social Structures and Relations during the Industrial Revolution]] ● [[The Origins of the Third World and the Impact of Colonisation]] ● [[Failures and Obstacles in the Third World]] ● [[Changing Methods of Work: Evolving Production Relationships from the End of the Nineteenth to the Middle of the Twentieth Century]] ● [[The Golden Age of the Western Economy: The Thirty Glorious Years (1945-1973)]] ● [[The Changing World Economy: 1973-2007]] ● [[The Challenges of the Welfare State]] ● [[Around colonisation: fears and hopes for development]] ● [[Time of Ruptures: Challenges and Opportunities in the International Economy]] ● [[Globalisation and modes of development in the "third world"]]
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[[Fichier:DALL·E 2023-11-10 06.53.45 - A historical scene depicting global migration between 1850 and 1914. Feature groups of people in period attire carrying luggage and personal belonging.png|350px|vignette|droite|A historical scene illustrating global migration between 1850 and 1914. It features groups of people in period costume carrying luggage and personal belongings.]]

During the transition between the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, global migratory flows took shape under the impetus of the growing integration of national economies and the first waves of globalisation. This era witnessed a world in turmoil, weaving ever-closer links as the incessant flow of goods, services and people intensified. In these days of nascent globalisation, large-scale migratory networks emerged, offering people new avenues to cross borders in search of promising horizons. Between 1850 and 1914, unprecedented economic integration took place, with nations opening their doors to immigration and trade, laying the foundations of a global economic fabric and paving the way for a dynamic flow of people, goods and services on a planetary scale. Economic growth and increased investment paved the way for easier migration, supported by the development of ever more sophisticated means of transport, enabling people to travel faster and further than ever before. This chapter in history saw people from all walks of life venture to lands that had previously seemed inaccessible to them, laying the foundations for contemporary migration systems and shaping the dynamics of international migration over the long term.

= Theoretical Approaches to Migration =

Migration theory is a discipline that seeks to decipher the driving forces behind human mobility, identifying the reasons why individuals leave their place of origin for another. It looks at multiple factors - economic, such as the search for work opportunities; political, such as situations of instability or conflict; environmental, such as natural disasters; and social and cultural, marked by changes in collective norms and practices. This theory does not limit itself to studying the causes of migration, but extends to the multiple and complex repercussions of these population movements, analysing the impact on the migrants themselves as well as on the host communities, in terms of integration, social interaction and societal transformation. In short, migration theory offers an analytical framework for understanding how and why migration shapes societies, past and present.

The different theories of migration offer a spectrum of approaches for examining the causes and effects of human mobility. These theories are not mutually exclusive and often complement each other to provide a more comprehensive understanding of migration dynamics.

Economic theories view migration as a rational economic choice. Individuals are seen as economic agents who decide to migrate in response to wage differentials, employment opportunities and the search for an improved standard of living. Human capital theory and push-pull models are part of this perspective, highlighting how economic differentials between regions attract migrants to areas of relative prosperity.

Political theories attribute migration mainly to political factors, such as war, political repression, persecution and the search for human rights or security. These theories stress that, in many cases, migration is not a choice but a necessity for survival, leading to flows of refugees and asylum seekers.

Environmental theories highlight the influence of environmental changes and disasters on migration. They explain how natural disasters, climate change and environmental degradation can force communities to move in search of safer and more sustainable living conditions.

Social and cultural theories recognise the importance of social and cultural factors in migration decision-making. They include the influences of social networks, family expectations, cultural traditions and gender norms. These theories suggest that migration is not only a response to material conditions, but also to social aspirations and cultural identities.

Each theory offers analytical tools for understanding one aspect of migration, but in practice, the reasons for migration are often a complex combination of these factors, reflecting the multiplicity of human experiences and global contexts.

== Foundations of the Classical Migration Model ==
The classic model of migration, often referred to as the neoclassical model or the cost-benefit model, is based on the premise that migration decisions are the result of a rational assessment by individuals of the costs and benefits associated with moving. In this framework, the potential migrant analyses the economic and personal costs of leaving - such as travel costs, the loss of social and family networks, and the risks inherent in entering an unfamiliar environment - against the expected benefits, such as better job opportunities, higher wages, and improved quality of life. In the example of the farmer, this model assumes that he will assess the direct costs of migration (such as travel costs and settling in a new place) and the indirect costs (such as separation from his family and community). He will then compare these costs with the anticipated benefits, such as increased income, access to better services, or personal and political security. If the perceived benefits exceed the costs, the theory suggests that the farmer is more likely to make the decision to migrate. It is a utilitarian calculation that can also take into account the benefits and costs for the migrant's family members, not just the individual. This model has been used to explain migration flows from rural to urban areas, and from low-income to high-income countries. However, this model has also been criticised for its oversimplification and failure to take into account non-economic factors or structural constraints that may influence the decision to migrate. Contemporary research on migration recognises that it is a complex process influenced by a range of interacting economic, social, political and environmental factors.

The cost-benefit model of migration focuses on an economic analysis of the decision to migrate. According to this model, 'benefit' is conceptualised as a function of the difference between the real wage in the country of immigration and the real wage in the country of origin. The real wage is defined as the purchasing power of a wage, i.e. the nominal wage adjusted for the cost of living in a given location. Differences in purchasing power between countries can affect the decision to migrate. A high salary in a country like Switzerland may not translate into high purchasing power because of the relatively high cost of living. On the other hand, if the United States offers a higher real wage - where wages allow for a greater capacity to save and consume after taking into account the cost of living - this may encourage a potential migrant to move, provided they have the financial means to bear the initial costs of migration. This model, while useful for understanding the economics of migration, has limitations in that it does not take into account many other factors that can influence the decision to migrate. These factors include, but are not limited to, personal and family considerations, migration policies, working conditions, personal security, and existing social networks. Moreover, this model assumes full access to information and the ability to act on that information, which is not always the case in reality, where migrants often face significant uncertainties and constraints.

The push/pull theory, often associated with migration geography, focuses on the forces that push individuals out of their country of origin and those that pull them into a destination country. Push factors include negative elements such as unemployment, poverty, famine, political or social conflict, and natural disasters. Pull factors are the positive aspects that attract migrants to a new location, such as the availability of jobs, better living conditions, political stability, security, and the presence of diaspora communities. This theory goes beyond the simple economic equation of the cost-benefit model, although it remains heavily influenced by economic considerations. For example, a country with a robust labour market and high wages can be a powerful pull factor, while difficult living conditions can be a powerful push factor. However, the push/pull theory also recognises non-economic influences. Migrants may be attracted by cultural factors, such as the presence of family or community members already established in the destination country, or repelled by social problems such as discrimination or persecution in their country of origin.

The notion of a perfect market, in the context of migration, would imply total fluidity of workers, with individuals moving frictionlessly from one market to another in response to economic signals. However, migration decisions are rarely taken in a vacuum and are often strongly influenced by non-economic factors. Economic decisions are interwoven with relationships and personal circumstances. Neoclassical theory may suggest that an individual will move for a better-paid job in Los Angeles, but this decision may be thwarted by other considerations, such as a spouse's career, family stability, social network, or even emotional attachment to a place. The importance of 'transaction costs' that are not strictly monetary, such as the emotional cost of separation or uprooting, and are not always taken into account in simplified economic models. Individuals are complex beings whose decisions are influenced by a multitude of factors, ranging from economic constraints to personal values, family obligations and subjective preferences. Migration, like many other life choices, is therefore the result of a complex calculation that goes beyond the scope of traditional economic models. Economists and other researchers studying migration must therefore take account of the diversity of motivations and constraints that influence migrants' decisions. This requires a multidisciplinary approach that integrates economic, sociological, psychological, geographical and political perspectives to fully grasp the dynamics of migration.

== Migration Cost Analysis: Direct and Indirect Costs ==
[[File:Welcome to the land of freedom.png|thumb|250px|New York - Welcome to the Land of the Free - An ocean liner passes in front of the Statue of Liberty: scene on the steerage deck / based on a sketch by one of the team's artists.]]

The decision to migrate incorporates a set of costs that are not limited to immediate expenses. Direct costs are the most visible and include the costs associated with moving, settling into a new location, and initial expenses before receiving a first salary. These costs can be substantial and often represent a significant investment for the migrant, especially if the move is international. Opportunity costs, on the other hand, are more subtle and represent what an individual gives up when they choose one option over another. In the context of migration, this could include the opportunity to buy back land or to take advantage of other economic opportunities that arise when others leave. These opportunity costs need to be weighed against the potential benefits of migration, such as increased income or better living conditions. The loss of social ties is another significant cost of migration. Family and community networks play a crucial role in supporting individuals, both emotionally and practically. Separation from family, friends and the community of origin can have profound psychological effects on migrants, particularly in terms of loneliness, isolation and difficulty integrating into new social environments. These intangible costs can be difficult to quantify but are crucial in the decision-making process. In addition, migration can involve a period of adjustment where migrants may face barriers such as language barriers, discrimination or difficulty in finding a job that matches their skills and qualifications. These challenges can lead to additional costs, both economic and psychological. The decision to migrate is the result of a complex assessment that integrates economic considerations, opportunity costs, intangible losses and psychosocial challenges. This requires an in-depth analysis that goes beyond simplistic economic models and takes into account the human dimension of migration.

Economic expectation in the context of migration is a concept that attempts to assess the potential benefits of migration in terms of probabilities and expected gains. The equation combining the probability of finding a job and the expected wage is a way of quantifying the expected benefits as a function of the information available and the expected conditions on the destination labour market. Information plays a crucial role in this calculation. A migrant who is well informed about labour market conditions, job opportunities, and salary levels in the destination country can make a more informed decision and, potentially, maximise his or her economic expectation. Migrant networks, recruitment agencies and the media often play a key role in disseminating this information. However, there is an element of uncertainty. Economic conditions can change rapidly, as was the case in 1921 in the United States when economic recession led to job cuts and increased hostility towards immigrants. Such economic fluctuations can turn an apparently safe bet into a high risk, underlining the volatile nature of economic expectation in migration. Taking account of risk and uncertainty is therefore an essential aspect of the economic theory of migration. Migrants can try to minimise risk by informing themselves, by migrating during periods of high labour demand, or by choosing countries with more stable immigration policies. However, risks can never be entirely eliminated due to the inherent unpredictability of national economies and policies, as well as the personal circumstances of migrants. Economic expectation offers a framework for anticipating the benefits of migration, but it must be viewed with caution, taking into account the risks and uncertainty that often characterise the migration process.

== Factors of Immobilization: The Role of Human Capital ==
 
Human capital plays a central role in understanding immobility as a counterpart to migration. The cost of travel is a fundamental element that can determine whether a person has the capacity to migrate. Often, those who could benefit most from migration, because of poverty or other unfavourable conditions in their country of origin, are precisely those who are unable to bear the initial costs of moving. This migration paradox is a major concern in the field of migration studies. People living in poverty may lack the financial capital to cover the costs of travel, visas, initial accommodation and other migration-related expenses. But human capital is not limited to financial resources; it also includes education, skills, work experience and social networks that can facilitate migration or immobility. Individuals with higher levels of education, specialised skills, and good social networks can more easily find legal migration opportunities and have access to resources that can help them overcome financial and regulatory barriers. On the other hand, those who lack these human capital attributes may find themselves in a situation of constrained immobility, where, despite a desire or need to migrate, they are unable to do so. In addition, the decision to migrate is often influenced by the calculation of the return on human capital investment. If potential migrants perceive that the benefits of their human capital will not be recognised or rewarded in the destination country (for example, due to deskilling or discrimination), they may choose to stay despite economic hardship.

The notion of localised knowledge reflects the importance of knowledge and skills specific to a particular geographical, cultural or economic context. In the 19th century, the localisation of skills was particularly pronounced because of the marked differences in agricultural practices, climatic conditions, soil cultivation and working methods across different regions of the world. A nineteenth-century Genevan farmer would have acquired skills and knowledge adapted to the conditions of Swiss agriculture, which might not be directly transferable to radically different environments, such as those of the American Wild West. Cultivation techniques, water resource management, crop types and seasonal conditions vary considerably, making certain knowledge specific to its place of origin. The case of the Danes illustrates how a well-educated population, with extensive knowledge in several fields, could better adapt and succeed in new environments. A diversified education and a high level of literacy can make migrants more resilient and able to readjust their skills to meet the demands of their new place of residence. This probably contributed to the success of Danish migrants, who were able to apply a broader and more adaptable set of skills to the challenges they faced in their new homes. This example highlights the importance of the transferability of skills in the context of migration. In today's world, education and vocational training often seek to equip individuals with transferable skills, which can be applied in a variety of contexts, to improve their mobility and chances of success in the event of migration.

Investments, particularly in property assets such as land, can act as anchors and influence decisions on whether to move or stay. Landowners, in particular, may be reluctant to migrate because of the substantial investment they have made in their land, both financially and personally. This land is not only a source of income, but can also represent a family heritage, a part of their identity and a place of social and emotional stability. The decision to sell or relinquish land can be particularly difficult if the land has been in the family for generations, if it is associated with a particular social status, or if the property market is such that selling would not recoup an equivalent investment elsewhere. Such assets are often considered illiquid, meaning that they cannot be quickly converted into cash without significant loss of value. Conversely, tenants generally do not have the same constraints. Without deep financial or emotional ties to a property, they can be more flexible and responsive to opportunities elsewhere. This mobility can be an advantage in times of economic change or instability, allowing them to pursue new employment or living opportunities in other regions or countries. However, even renters can face barriers to mobility, such as the scarcity and cost of housing in the destination region, or other forms of investment in their community, such as social networks and professional relationships. Thus, investment in property and other forms of assets can have a significant impact on the decision to migrate, acting as an anchoring factor that reinforces immobility and makes the decision to leave more costly and complex.

Social networks are a crucial component of the migration process and can play a decisive role in the success of immigration. These networks, made up of family, friends, acquaintances, compatriots and even community organisations, provide essential support that can facilitate settlement and integration in the destination country. For newcomers, having connections within the immigrant community can greatly help navigate the complexities of the labour market and housing system. For example, community members can share information about job opportunities, recommend newcomers for positions or provide advice on how to look for work effectively in the new context. They can also offer or inform about affordable housing options, which is particularly important when you are new to a country and not yet familiar with local norms and procedures. Beyond the pragmatic help in finding work or accommodation, social networks can also provide important emotional and psychological support. Immigration can be an isolating experience, and having a support network can help migrants overcome feelings of loneliness and help them adapt to a new culture. Social networks may also play a role in the decision to migrate in the first place. Network migration theory suggests that every act of migration is facilitated by the links previously established between migrants and their compatriots in the destination country. These links reduce the costs and risks of migration, and the new opportunities they create may encourage others to follow. However, it is also possible that strong social networks in the country of origin can act as an anchoring factor, deterring migration. The prospect of leaving behind close relationships and an integrated social fabric can be a major deterrent to the decision to leave.

= Migration System Dynamics and Migration Waves =
The migration systems and waves of the past have shaped the world we live in today. The period between the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, in particular, saw massive population movements, mainly from Europe to the Americas, but also between other regions of the world. The "Atlantic system" refers to the massive flow of European migrants to North and South America. This system is marked by the emigration of tens of millions of people, who have left their countries of origin for a variety of reasons, including the search for land, escape from persecution or political unrest, and the search for economic opportunities. European countries such as Ireland, Italy, Germany and Scandinavia were major sources of migrants to the United States, which at the time encouraged immigration to populate its vast territories and fuel its economic growth. The "Pacific system" describes the migration of Asians, mainly Chinese and Japanese, to countries around the Pacific Ocean, such as the United States (particularly California and Hawaii), Canada and Australia. These migrations were fuelled by the demand for labour for plantations, railways and other rapidly growing industries in these regions. However, Asian migrants often faced severe discrimination and exclusionary policies that limited their immigration and civil rights. These migratory systems are not just historical phenomena; they have left lasting imprints on the host and home societies, shaping the demography, economy, culture and politics of these countries. The diasporic communities established during these waves of migration continue to influence international relations, trade and cultural exchanges between nations. Today, the term 'migration system' can also be used to describe more contemporary patterns of migration, including migration flows between Latin America and the United States, between Africa and Europe, and within the Asia-Pacific region. These systems are influenced by global economic, political and environmental factors, as well as by the migration policies of receiving countries.

Although transatlantic migration flows to North America have been the largest in number, South America and Africa have also received European migrants during the same period, albeit to a lesser extent. In South America, countries such as Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay have become major destinations for European immigrants. Argentina, for example, actively encouraged European immigration in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to populate the country and develop its economy. Italians and Spaniards, in particular, made up a large proportion of these migrants, and their influence is still visible today in the culture and society of these South American nations. As far as Africa is concerned, population movements to the British and French colonies were often linked to the need for labour for plantations, mines and infrastructure construction, as well as to colonial administration. The British, for example, migrated to countries such as South Africa, Kenya and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), while the French headed for regions such as Algeria and West Africa. These migrations to Africa were often characterised by the establishment of small communities of Europeans who maintained a privileged status under colonial structures. Many migrants sought to take advantage of the economic opportunities in the colonies without any intention of settling permanently. The impact of these migrations on South America and Africa was profound, leading to social, economic and political transformations. In South America, this has led to increased cultural diversity and the emergence of multicultural societies. In Africa, the consequences of colonialism and the settlement of European populations have been more complex, often marked by exploitation and socio-political tensions that have persisted even after the independence of the colonies. These population movements illustrate the variety of motivations and contexts for migration and demonstrate that, even on a small scale, immigration has had a lasting impact on the development of societies around the world.

The period of migration to the United States is often divided into what is known as "old" and "new" migration, depending on the national origins of the migrants and the time of their arrival.

Old migration (up to 1880): During this period, the majority of migrants to the United States came from Northern and Western European countries, notably the United Kingdom, Germany and the Scandinavian countries. These first waves of immigrants played an important role in the early development of the United States and left a lasting imprint on American culture, particularly the English language. German and Scandinavian immigrants also brought with them their own languages, cultures and traditions, but over time English became the dominant language, reflecting the predominance of British immigrants and the importance of English in the economic, political and social life of the country.

New migration (after 1880): Towards the end of the 19th century, the profile of immigrants began to change. More and more immigrants came from southern and eastern Europe, notably Italy, Russia and other Slavic countries. This new wave of immigration coincided with rapid industrialisation and the growth of cities in the United States, attracting workers for the expanding factories, construction and infrastructure. These immigrants were often attracted by the promise of economic opportunity and escape from economic hardship, political restrictions or persecution in their home countries.

The transition from old to new migration reflects economic and social changes in the United States and Europe. While old migration helped to establish cultural and linguistic foundations in the colonies and early American states, new migration contributed to cultural diversity and played a key role in the economic expansion of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These population movements also posed integration challenges and provoked social tensions, leading to periods of xenophobia and the adoption of stricter immigration laws in the early twentieth century. Despite this, the United States continues to be a country deeply marked by its history of immigration and the contribution of migrants to its society and economy.

The dynamic of first arrivals gaining dominant positions in the host society, while new migrants struggle to integrate, is a common historical feature of many migratory contexts, including that of the United States. Migrants who arrived in the United States during the first waves of immigration had the advantage of time to establish roots, accumulate wealth, create social and political networks, and learn to navigate their new environment. Having had the opportunity to settle and integrate before the large waves of immigration began to arrive, these early arrivals were often able to take advantage of the opportunities available in an expanding country, such as the purchase of cheap land or access to influential political positions. Land acquisition, in particular, has enabled many early migrants to become successful landowners, giving them considerable economic and social status. Similarly, in the political arena, they were often in a better position to engage in public life and influence policy decisions, particularly in relation to immigration laws and foreign policy. Migrants arriving later, particularly those of the 'new migration' after 1880, often found American society already in the process of structuring, with higher economic, social and linguistic barriers. These groups faced greater prejudice and discrimination and were perceived as more difficult to integrate because of their different languages, religions and customs. In an environment where positions of influence were already largely held by the first arrivals, new immigrants were often relegated to poorly paid jobs, precarious living conditions and marginal roles in society. These differences in experience between the first arrivals and the new migrants are reflected in the historical tensions around issues of assimilation, cultural pluralism and the definition of American identity. Successive waves of immigration have constantly reshaped American society, and each immigrant group has contributed to the diversity and complexity of the nation, even if they have faced different challenges in their quest for integration and recognition.

= Factors Driving Intercontinental Migration =
  
== Impact of Transport on Migration ==
 
The importance of transport to intercontinental migration in the 19th century was paramount, radically transforming people's ability to travel long distances and settle in new places. Previously, journeys had been long and hazardous, but with the arrival of steamships, ocean crossings became faster, safer and more predictable. These ships could carry significant numbers of passengers, making migration accessible to a greater number of people. At the same time, the development of railways revolutionised land transport. These networks connected the interior of countries to seaports, facilitating access to ports of embarkation and the colonisation of inland areas once they reached their destination. In the United States, for example, railways enabled immigrants to spread out across the country, which was essential for the development and conquest of the West. These advances in transport had profound effects on the world economy and demography. Not only did they encourage mass migration, but they also contributed to the economic growth of the host countries thanks to the influx of labour and the exploitation of new land. Agriculture, in particular, flourished with access to vast tracts of land, attracting those seeking to escape the overpopulation and harsh economic conditions of Europe. In addition, the ability to transport large quantities of goods quickly boosted world trade, encouraging the emergence of an interconnected global economy. Migrants played a key role in this process, transporting goods and ideas between their countries of origin and their new homes, strengthening economic and cultural ties across continents. Technological advances in transport in the 19th century were a key element in the era of intercontinental migration, helping to shape our modern world through unprecedented human mobility and increased economic exchange.

The reduction in transport costs during the 19th century played a major role in the increase in transoceanic migration. This reduction in costs was largely due to improvements in the organisation of maritime transport. In response to American protectionism, which restricted imports and led to the departure of many ships with underused holds, shipping companies looked for ways to make their return journeys to the United States more profitable. It was against this backdrop that the migration companies came into being. These companies specialised in transporting migrants, optimising the space available in the holds of ships that would otherwise have been empty. They turned what had previously been an unprofitable cost into a lucrative opportunity, not only by reducing ticket prices for migrants but also by increasing the volume of passengers carried. In addition, these companies began to actively promote the United States as a destination, using advertising to lure migrants with the promise of land, work and a better life. They broadcast idyllic images of American life and success stories to encourage people to make the journey. This advertising played on people's hopes and aspirations and helped to fuel the great population movements to the United States. The combination of falling transport costs and the marketing efforts of the migration companies stimulated mass migration, enabling increasing numbers of Europeans to embark for the Americas, and shaping the demographic and economic profiles of both continents.

== Influence of Demographic Transition on Migration ==
 
During the 18th century, the emergence of proto-industry and the diversification of sources of income marked the beginnings of a profound economic and social transformation in Europe. This period saw an improvement in living conditions that led to a reduction in mortality, a trend that accelerated in the 19th century with medical advances such as improved public hygiene, vaccination and the use of antibiotics.

However, while mortality fell, the birth rate remained high for much of the 19th century. This imbalance between births and deaths led to rapid population growth, which only began to slow down around 1875, when birth rates began to fall. This demographic transition - from high mortality and high birth rates to low mortality and low birth rates - was generally completed in the 1950s in developed countries, resulting in reduced demographic pressure.

Strong population growth in Europe has had significant economic consequences, particularly for the younger generation of working age. With an increasing number of people entering the labour market and an economy that could not always offer enough jobs, many Europeans found themselves faced with a lack of opportunities. This contributed to an increase in emigration as people sought new opportunities abroad, particularly in the Americas where land was available and demand for labour was high to support industrialisation and economic expansion.

Emigration served as a safety valve, reducing demographic pressure and offering migrants a chance to build a better life. This process of migration was facilitated by advances in transport and communication, which made intercontinental travel more accessible and less expensive, enabling large sections of the population to participate in the great migratory movements of the 19th century.

== Effects of urbanisation and industrialisation ==
 
Germans formed a significant part of the first waves of immigration to the United States, with significant peaks in migration during the nineteenth century. This period coincided with various economic and political pressures in Germany, including the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, agricultural crises, as well as political and religious restrictions, which drove many Germans to seek a better life elsewhere. However, as Germany entered the second wave of the Industrial Revolution, the situation began to change. Industrialisation transformed the German economy, creating new employment opportunities in booming cities and fledgling industries. This had the effect of reducing emigration, as economic prospects in Germany became more attractive.

From the 1880s, with accelerated industrialisation under Chancellor Otto von Bismarck and the development of a nascent welfare state, Germany experienced an increase in quality of life and economic opportunities. Jobs in manufacturing, engineering and chemicals, for example, became more plentiful and better paid. This coincided with a decline in German emigration, as fewer and fewer people felt the need to leave their homeland to find work or economic opportunities. In addition, Germany's protectionist economic policies, such as import tariffs that protected infant industries, also contributed to a more robust economy and greater self-sufficiency. This has made staying in Germany more attractive than migration.

In this context, the decline in German emigration to the USA and other countries can be seen as a direct consequence of the improved economic conditions and availability of jobs in an increasingly industrialised Germany. Germans who might have considered emigration a viable option a few decades earlier found new reasons to stay in a country that now offered promising prospects for the future.

== Politics, Agrarian Structures and the Impact of Economic Crises ==
 
The first globalisation, which took place in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, was characterised by a dramatic increase in international trade and capital flows, and by the massive movement of people across international borders. Although this period brought unprecedented economic growth and the opening up of new markets, it was also marked by economic crises and depressions, some of which were exacerbated by government policies. Agrarian structures in Europe, which were often based on small farms and intensive agriculture, found themselves in direct competition with the large-scale, mechanised agriculture of the United States. The massive influx of cheap American wheat onto European markets, facilitated by lower transport costs and innovations in storage and logistics, caused agricultural prices to plummet. This had a devastating impact on European farmers, who could not compete with the lower production costs of American wheat. 

The Great Agricultural Depression of 1873-1890 is a notable example. It was triggered not only by the influx of cheap agricultural produce from the Americas, but also by a series of poor harvests in Europe, which exacerbated the fall in prices and the economic pressure on farmers. The political regimes of the time responded to this crisis in different ways. Some adopted protectionist measures in an attempt to protect local farmers, while others encouraged emigration as a means of relieving the demographic and economic pressure on rural areas. The effects of these policies have varied, with some succeeding in stabilising local agricultural markets, while others have led to trade tensions and an increase in international migration. The first globalisation brought significant economic challenges. The crises and depressions of this era were often the result of a complex interplay between globalised market forces and policy interventions, highlighting the difficulties of adjusting to the realities of an increasingly interconnected economy.

=== The case of Italy: Migration and the agricultural crisis ===
The Great Agricultural Depression of 1873-1890 was a major catalyst for waves of emigration from Europe to the United States, with Italy being a striking example of this phenomenon. The agricultural situation in Italy, particularly in the period leading up to and during this depression, was marked by feudal structures and an outdated agrarian system.

In 1873, the Italian peasantry was still operating within a framework in which land was predominantly held by the nobility and religious orders. This ownership structure limited economic opportunities for small farmers and agricultural workers, who were often subjected to harsh working conditions and endemic poverty. The arrival of cheap agricultural products from America, such as wheat, exacerbated these conditions by causing local prices to plummet, making the situation of farmers even more precarious.

In Veneto and other parts of Italy, the collapse of the agricultural system and the resulting economic depression led many people to emigrate. Seeking to escape poverty and economic stagnation, many Italians saw emigration as an opportunity to build a new life in countries offering better economic prospects, notably the United States. This emigration was often envisaged as a temporary solution, with the hope of returning to Italy once savings had been made, but for many it has become permanent.

This pattern of emigration was not unique to Italy. Other countries in the Mediterranean basin, facing similar challenges with their obsolete agrarian systems and the economic pressure of competition from global markets, also experienced large waves of emigration. These population movements have had a significant impact on the countries of origin and destination, changing the demography, economy and even the cultural fabric of these societies.

=== Famine in Ireland and Migratory Consequences ===
The Great Irish Potato Famine of 1845 to 1847 was a tragic and significant episode in the history of migration. Ireland's dependence on the potato, a staple food for a large proportion of the population, made the country particularly vulnerable to potato blight, which destroyed crops. This disaster occurred in a context where Ireland was largely rural, with archaic agricultural structures and a population mainly made up of poor farmers.

Ireland's colonial relationship with Britain exacerbated the crisis. British policies prohibiting Ireland from industrialising, despite its proximity to major industrial centres such as Manchester, prevented the economic development that might have offered alternatives to agricultural dependence. So when the famine struck, there was no industrial sector to absorb the surplus labour or mitigate the economic impact.

The famine, coupled with epidemics and repressive policies towards the poor and beggars, led to a massive humanitarian crisis. As a result, around two million Irish emigrated, most of them to the United States. This wave of emigration had a profound impact on Ireland, significantly reducing its population, and on the United States, where Irish immigrants formed large communities and influenced culture and society.

The famine in Finland in 1860 offers an interesting parallel. Like Ireland, Finland, then under Russian rule, suffered from external policies that limited its economic development and increased its vulnerability to agricultural crises. These examples illustrate how colonial and imperial policies can have devastating effects on sub-dominant populations, often leading to massive migratory movements in response to economic and humanitarian crises.

=== The Jewish Residence Zone in Russia and its Implications ===
The Russian Jewish Residence Zone, established in the present-day territories of Latvia, Lithuania and Poland, was a significant and often tragic part of Jewish history between 1791 and 1917. Established by Catherine the Great, this zone was a huge 'ghetto' where the Jews of Russia were forced to live. Although it restricted freedom of movement and imposed severe economic limitations, the Residence Zone also became an important centre for Jewish culture and education. Institutions such as the Hebrew University in Vilnius were established there, testifying to a flourishing cultural and intellectual life despite the restrictions. The situation for Jews in the Zone of Residence deteriorated sharply from 1881 onwards, with the assassination of Tsar Alexander II. This event triggered waves of anti-Semitic violence, known as pogroms, which resulted in the death, destruction of property and worsening living conditions for many Jews. The pogroms intensified in 1905, following Russia's defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, with Jews often used as scapegoats for the frustrations and failures of the Russian Empire.

This violence and continued oppression led to a significant wave of emigration of Jewish populations from the Residence Zone. Many Jews chose to migrate to North America, particularly the United States, in search of security, freedom and better economic opportunities. This migration had a considerable impact both on the communities they left behind and on the societies into which they integrated, bringing with them their culture, knowledge and resilience. Jewish migration from the Area of Residence to other parts of the world is a poignant example of how persecution and political instability can lead to massive population movements, redefining communities and identities across the globe.

=== The Role of Port Cities in Attracting the United States ===
The mass migrations of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had a profound influence on the development of many European cities, particularly port cities, but in a different way from what might be expected. On the one hand, some migrants who arrived in European ports hoping to continue their journey to other destinations found themselves forced to settle in these cities because they lacked the financial means to continue their journey. These port cities, such as Hamburg, Liverpool and Marseille, have seen their population and cultural diversity grow significantly, with the formation of new ethnic communities and a notable contribution to the economic and cultural life of these cities.

On the other hand, the decision of some migrants to stay in these port cities was also based on an economic calculation. After comparing real wages - i.e. wages adjusted for the cost of living - in their country of origin with those in the destination country, some concluded that the economic situation was ultimately more advantageous in Europe. This decision was often influenced by disillusionment with the myth of countries such as the United States, perceived as lands of opportunity but where the reality could prove more difficult in terms of language barriers, lack of skilled employment opportunities, and discrimination.

Migration not only transformed the host societies in America, but also had a considerable impact on European cities, changing their demography and urban development. These port cities have become crossroads for diverse cultures, shaping their unique character and playing an important role in the history of migration.

= Migration Causality Modelling =
 
The continuity of migration, even after the end of a specific crisis, can be understood by taking into account the complexity and interdependence of the factors that influence migration. Migration is not triggered by a single event or condition, but rather results from a combination of factors that interact and complement each other. One of the crucial elements is the cumulative effect of previous migrations. Previous migrations create diaspora communities in destination countries, which in turn encourage and facilitate the arrival of new migrants. This form of chain migration means that population movements can continue even after the initial cause has disappeared. Crises, in addition to their immediate impact, can bring about lasting societal and cultural changes. These changes can permanently alter economic and social structures, as well as people's aspirations and expectations, which can continue to motivate migration long after the crisis is over. In addition, perceptions and expectations play an important role. Perceived opportunities abroad, often idealised through the success stories of previous migrants, may continue to motivate migration. These perceptions can persist even when reality is different, fuelling continued migration. Protracted economic and political conditions resulting from previous crises can also fuel migration. For example, major economic transformations or high unemployment persisting after the end of the crisis can drive people to seek better opportunities elsewhere. The migration policies of destination countries and international legislation also influence the continuity of migration. More liberal policies and agreements facilitating migration can encourage a continuous flow of migrants. Finally, once migration becomes a viable and recognised option, it can become a standard response to economic or social challenges, even in the absence of an acute crisis. This social and economic inertia can maintain the movement of populations long after the problems that initially motivated it have been resolved. Taken as a whole, migration is a dynamic and multifactorial process, where various social, economic, political and personal factors intermingle, often creating a momentum that perpetuates migration beyond its initial causes.

The Irish potato crisis of 1845, also known as the Great Famine, was a major trigger for Irish emigration to the United States. This disaster, combined with the development of steam navigation making transatlantic travel more accessible and affordable, coincided with the perception of the United States as a place of dreams and opportunity. These factors led to a mass emigration of two million Irish, a movement that continued even after the famine was over.

The fact that migration continued even after 1914, when average wages in Ireland and the US had become similar, illustrates the complexity of the reasons for migration. This suggests that decisions to migrate are not solely dependent on immediate economic considerations, but also on wider and sometimes more nuanced factors. Firstly, emigration had already created established networks in the United States. These Irish diaspora communities offered support, information and opportunities for newcomers, making migration to the US more attractive and less risky. Secondly, perceptions and expectations of the US as a land of opportunity continued to play a major role. The 'American dream', fuelled by stories of success and an idealisation of life in the United States, maintained its appeal, even though the economic reality had become less favourable. Thirdly, the long-term effects of the Great Famine and British policies in Ireland may have left deep economic and social scars, influencing the decision to continue emigrating. The collective memory of the famine, as well as the quest for greater political and economic stability, may have contributed to continued emigration. Finally, migration, once it has become common practice, can be self-sustaining. The decision to migrate is often influenced by the actions of those who left before, creating a chain migration phenomenon that can persist regardless of initial economic conditions. Although average wages may have levelled out between Ireland and the US, other factors such as social networks, cultural perceptions, history and established migration dynamics have continued to motivate Irish people to migrate to the US.

Empowerment of migration flows is a crucial concept in understanding why migration often continues even after the initial causes have disappeared. This phenomenon implies that, once migration begins in response to certain conditions or crises, it tends to develop its own dynamic that sustains it beyond the resolution of these initial conditions. In the case of Irish emigration to the United States, for example, the Great Famine was the trigger. However, once Irish communities were established in the US and migrant networks were created, these networks began to play an autonomous role in promoting and facilitating further migration. Diaspora communities not only provide information and support to new arrivals, but also create a sense of belonging and connection with the destination country, regardless of the economic or political conditions that initially motivated the migration. In addition, chain migration, where migrants follow family members, friends or fellow citizens to the destination country, is becoming an important driver of continued migration. These social and family networks may be more influential in migration decisions than economic or political factors. In addition, perceptions and expectations can also play a role in empowering migration flows. Myths and narratives around destination countries, such as the "American dream" in the context of the United States, continue to attract migrants even if the economic reality is different from the idealised image. Migration flows, once initiated, can acquire an autonomy from their original causes. Social networks, cultural expectations and chain migration dynamics help to maintain and amplify these flows, even in the absence of the conditions that initially triggered them. This explains why migration can continue at a sustained pace even after the circumstances that triggered the initial migration movement have changed or disappeared.

Much of the explanation for the empowerment of migration flows, particularly in the context of Irish migration to the USA, lies in the role of social networks and communication between migrants and their families back home. When an Irish migrant settles in the United States, the letters and information he or she sends to his or her family in Ireland play a crucial role in the continuation of the migration. These letters offer reliable and practical information about life in the United States, including advice on immigration procedures, job opportunities, areas to live in and areas to avoid. This direct and reliable communication builds the confidence of family and friends back in Ireland, as it comes from sources they know and trust. It creates a tangible link between the country of origin and the country of destination, reducing the uncertainty and perceived risk associated with migration. By providing a social network and support, settled migrants encourage other family and community members to join them. This phenomenon is a typical example of chain migration, where migrants follow in the footsteps of those who came before them, creating established migration patterns and reinforcing the dynamics of migration flows. Furthermore, those who choose to migrate are often the most open and enterprising individuals, those who are willing to take risks and seek out new opportunities. This can lead to a kind of self-perpetuating selection, where those who remain in their country of origin are often more conservative or less inclined to take risks. Irish migration to the United States illustrates how social networks and communication between migrants and their families can create and maintain migration flows. These dynamics also show how migration can transform not only host societies, but also communities of origin, often shaping the composition and attitudes of these populations over the long term.

= Integration and Assimilation: The American Case =
=== Social Dichotomy: Dominants (WASP) vs Dominated ===
The integration and assimilation of immigrants in the United States has always been a complex process, influenced by pre-existing power dynamics and social structures. In the American context, White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (WASPs) have long been the dominant group, both politically and economically. This dominance reflects the legacy of the old migration, mainly British, Scandinavian and German, which formed the basis of American society from its beginnings.

These groups, because of their ethnic origins and religious affiliation (Protestant), have often been seen as the 'core' of American identity. They have played a major role in shaping the political and economic institutions of the United States and have long held a privileged position in the country's social and cultural hierarchy.

The election of John F. Kennedy as President in 1960 marked a significant turning point in American history. Kennedy was not only of Irish origin, but also Catholic, which distinguished him from the WASP profile traditionally associated with American political leaders. His presidency symbolised a degree of openness in American society and indicated an evolution in the acceptance of ethnic and religious groups that had previously been marginalised or kept out of the spheres of power.

Kennedy's presidency also reflected and perhaps contributed to wider changes in American society regarding the integration and assimilation of different ethnic and religious groups. His success as the first Irish-Catholic President challenged some of the traditional norms and expectations of who could achieve power in American society.

=== Immigrant Community Formation and Urban Segmentation ===
The empowerment of migratory flows has played a key role in the formation of immigrant communities and the segmentation of space in American cities, as evidenced by neighbourhoods such as Chinatown and Little Italy. This phenomenon is explained by the tendency of migrants to join family members or acquaintances who have already settled in the destination country. These family and social networks offer vital support to new arrivals, making it easier for them to settle in and integrate.

In this context, migrants tend to group together with other members of their community, creating ethnic enclaves within cities. These neighbourhoods, such as Chinatown for Chinese immigrants or Little Italy for Italian immigrants, serve as gathering places where cultural traditions, language and social practices can be preserved and passed on. They also provide a space where migrants can support each other, both economically and socially.

As far as the Italian mafia is concerned, its emergence in the United States is linked to the challenges faced by Italian immigrants, particularly in terms of protection against aggression and discrimination. In the absence of adequate support structures and faced with marginalisation, some members of the Italian community turned to clandestine organisations for protection and to advance their interests. However, it is important to note that these organisations, although sometimes presented as protectors of the community, often engaged in criminal activities and had a complex and sometimes negative impact on the communities they claimed to serve.

These ethnic neighbourhoods and community structures are evidence of how immigrants have shaped and continue to shape the cultural and social landscape of American cities. They reflect the challenges, coping strategies, and contributions of immigrants to American society.

=== Integration Challenges for New Immigrants ===
Sedimentation theory in the context of immigration to the United States provides a framework for understanding how different waves of immigrants are integrated into American society and how perceptions and treatments of these groups change over time. This theory suggests that each new wave of immigrants initially experiences integration challenges, including experiences of discrimination and racism, but that these challenges diminish with the arrival of later groups.

In the case of the 'new wave' immigrants, mainly Italians and Slavs, who arrived in the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, they faced significant integration challenges. Because of their cultural, linguistic and religious differences from the Protestant Anglo-Saxon majority, these groups were often perceived as 'outsiders' who were difficult to assimilate.

According to sedimentation theory, these groups were subject to prejudice and initial marginalisation. However, with the arrival of new waves of immigrants, previously marginalised groups began to be perceived as more integrated or 'Americanised'. For example, Irish and German immigrants, who had previously been discriminated against, saw their status improve relatively with the arrival of Italian and Slavic immigrants. This dynamic illustrates a pattern where the latest arrivals are often the most marginalised and face the greatest degree of discrimination. As these groups settle, integrate economically and politically, and as new groups arrive, the perception and treatment of these earlier immigrant communities changes.

This theory simplifies a complex reality and that integration and assimilation are multifactorial processes influenced by many factors, including government policies, economic conditions, and broader social attitudes. Nevertheless, sedimentation theory offers a useful insight into how integration dynamics can evolve within a society with successive waves of immigration.

=== Consequences of Industrialisation on American Society ===
À la fin du XIXe siècle, l'Amérique a connu des changements significatifs dans son paysage économique et social, en partie dus à la fin de la conquête du Far West et à l'industrialisation rapide. La fermeture de la frontière ouest, souvent symbolisée par le recensement de 1890 déclarant la fin de la "frontière" américaine, a marqué un tournant dans les opportunités disponibles pour les immigrants et les citoyens américains. 

Pendant des décennies, la migration vers l'Ouest avait été une voie pour de nombreux Américains et immigrants pour devenir propriétaires de terres. Cette expansion vers l'ouest, bien que tragiquement conflictuelle et dévastatrice pour les populations autochtones, était perçue comme une opportunité de prospérité et de succès individuel, symbolisée par l'accès à la propriété foncière. Cependant, avec la fin effective de cette expansion, les opportunités de posséder des terres et de s'établir en tant que fermiers indépendants ont considérablement diminué. En parallèle, les États-Unis ont connu une industrialisation rapide, avec le développement de grandes usines et le besoin croissant de main-d'œuvre dans les zones urbaines. Les immigrants arrivant à cette période se sont donc retrouvés dans une situation différente de celle des générations précédentes. Au lieu de s'orienter vers l'agriculture et la conquête de terres, ils se sont tournés vers les emplois industriels, devenant des employés dans des usines souvent caractérisées par des conditions de travail difficiles, des salaires bas et des heures longues.

Cette transition a eu plusieurs implications. Premièrement, elle a signifié un changement dans le rêve américain, passant de la propriété foncière à l'emploi industriel. Deuxièmement, l'afflux de main-d'œuvre a contribué à maintenir les salaires bas, créant des conditions économiques difficiles pour de nombreux travailleurs, tant immigrants que natifs. Troisièmement, cela a renforcé la division de classe, car la capacité de devenir propriétaire de terres, un symbole de succès et d'indépendance, devenait de moins en moins accessible. La fin de la conquête du Far West et l'industrialisation ont marqué une période de transition majeure dans l'histoire des États-Unis, redéfinissant les opportunités et les défis auxquels les immigrants et les citoyens étaient confrontés. Ces changements ont également contribué à façonner la structure socio-économique du pays, avec des répercussions qui se sont fait sentir bien au-delà de cette période.

À la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle, les États-Unis ont connu une diminution de la fluidité sociale, rendant l'ascension sociale plus difficile pour beaucoup. Cette période a vu l'émergence et la popularisation de certains mythes américains, notamment celui du self-made-man et du cowboy, qui reflétaient l'idéal de réussite individuelle et d'indépendance. Cependant, la réalité historique et sociale de ces mythes était souvent plus complexe et diversifiée que ne le suggèrent les représentations populaires. Le mythe du self-made-man, qui célèbre la capacité d'une personne à s'élever socialement et économiquement par son travail acharné et son ingéniosité, a gagné en popularité pendant cette période. Ce mythe a été renforcé par des histoires d'entrepreneurs et d'industriels qui, partis de rien, auraient bâti des fortunes et des entreprises prospères. Cependant, cette narrative a souvent masqué les barrières structurelles et les inégalités qui rendaient une telle ascension difficile pour la majorité des gens, en particulier pour les immigrants, les minorités ethniques, et les classes ouvrières. En ce qui concerne le mythe du cowboy, l'image populaire du cowboy en tant que figure héroïque, solitaire et intrépide de l'Ouest américain était largement blanche et masculinisée. Néanmoins, la réalité historique montre que les cowboys étaient en fait très diversifiés sur le plan racial et ethnique. Beaucoup d'entre eux étaient des Noirs, des Asiatiques, des Hispaniques et des Amérindiens. Cette diversité reflète la nature multiculturelle de la frontière américaine, bien que cette réalité ait été fréquemment occultée dans les récits et les représentations culturelles dominants. Cette période de l'histoire américaine a vu l'émergence de mythes puissants sur la réussite individuelle et l'aventure, qui étaient à la fois une source d'inspiration et, parfois, un voile sur les réalités sociales et économiques plus complexes. La diminution de la mobilité sociale et les difficultés croissantes d'ascension économique contrastaient avec ces récits idéalisés, révélant les tensions entre l'idéal américain et les expériences vécues par de nombreux citoyens et immigrants aux États-Unis.
 
== Montée de la Xénophobie et Politiques de Restriction Migratoire ==
La xénophobie et la fermeture des frontières aux États-Unis se sont développées en deux phases distinctes, reflétant les tensions et les changements dans la société américaine à la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle. 

La période de de la du XIXe siècle (1890 - 1900) a été marquée par une montée de la xénophobie, en grande partie due à l'arrivée massive d'immigrants de la nouvelle vague, notamment d'Italie, de Russie, et d'autres pays d'Europe de l'Est et du Sud. Ces immigrants, souvent catholiques ou juifs, différaient culturellement et religieusement des populations majoritairement protestantes d'origine anglo-saxonne et germanique. Leur arrivée a suscité des inquiétudes parmi certaines parties de la population américaine, qui craignaient que ces nouveaux arrivants ne puissent pas s'assimiler ou qu'ils ne menacent les emplois et la stabilité économique. Cette période a vu l'émergence de mouvements nativistes et de lois restrictives, comme la Loi d'exclusion des Chinois de 1882, qui visaient à limiter l'immigration de certains groupes.  La fin de la Première Guerre mondiale a marqué une deuxième phase de xénophobie et de fermeture des frontières. Cette période a été caractérisée par une intensification des sentiments anti-immigrants, exacerbée par les peurs post-guerre concernant le radicalisme politique (comme le communisme et l'anarchisme) et une récession économique. La "Peur rouge" de 1919-1920, une période de forte peur du communisme aux États-Unis, a souvent été associée aux immigrants, en particulier à ceux d'Europe de l'Est. En réponse à ces craintes, les États-Unis ont adopté des lois d'immigration de plus en plus restrictives, comme les Quota Acts de 1921 et 1924, qui ont mis en place des quotas sévères basés sur les origines nationales et ont considérablement réduit l'immigration en provenance de nombreux pays. 

Ces deux périodes reflètent les tensions et les défis que les États-Unis ont rencontrés en intégrant des vagues successives d'immigrants dans une société en rapide évolution. La xénophobie et les politiques restrictives de l'époque ont eu un impact durable sur le paysage de l'immigration aux États-Unis, façonnant à la fois les perceptions et les expériences des immigrants et les politiques migratoires américaines pendant des décennies.

Durant la première période de xénophobie aux États-Unis, à la fin du XIXe siècle, un racisme spécifique ciblant les Asiatiques et les Afro-Américains s'est manifesté de manière notable. Ce racisme était en partie alimenté par la peur que les Blancs ne deviennent minoritaires face à une augmentation perçue de la population asiatique et noire. Ce sentiment était renforcé par des changements démographiques, notamment la baisse de la natalité à partir de 1875, qui était plus prononcée parmi les Blancs aisés que parmi les communautés noires et asiatiques, souvent économiquement défavorisées. Cette peur d'être submergé par des populations non-blanches a conduit à des politiques discriminatoires et à des lois raciales. Par exemple, la Loi d'exclusion des Chinois de 1882 a été l'une des premières et des plus significatives de ces lois, interdisant l'immigration de travailleurs chinois. Elle a établi un précédent pour d'autres législations discriminatoires contre les Asiatiques. 

La victoire du Japon sur la Russie en 1905 lors de la guerre russo-japonaise a exacerbé ces craintes aux États-Unis, alimentant des inquiétudes sur la "montée" de l'Asie et une possible menace pour la suprématie occidentale. Cette perception a conduit à une méfiance accrue envers les immigrants japonais et à l'établissement de quotas et de restrictions d'immigration visant spécifiquement les Asiatiques. Ces politiques reflétaient et renforçaient des attitudes racistes et xénophobes déjà présentes dans la société américaine. Le racisme de cette époque n'était pas uniquement dirigé contre les Asiatiques, mais affectait également les Afro-Américains, qui continuaient de faire face à la ségrégation et à la discrimination systémique dans de nombreuses parties du pays. Malgré l'abolition de l'esclavage après la guerre civile, les lois Jim Crow dans le Sud et d'autres formes de discrimination institutionnalisée ont maintenu les Afro-Américains dans une position inférieure sur les plans social, économique et politique. 

Après la Première Guerre mondiale, les États-Unis ont connu une deuxième vague de xénophobie et de fermeture des frontières, influencée par des facteurs économiques, sociaux et politiques complexes. Pendant la guerre, l'immigration aux États-Unis avait considérablement diminué, tandis que l'économie américaine était fortement mobilisée pour la production d'armes et de matériel militaire. Avec la fin de la guerre en 1918, l'immigration a repris, alimentée par un grand nombre de réfugiés européens cherchant à fuir les ravages et les bouleversements causés par la guerre. Dans un premier temps, cette vague d'immigration ne posait pas de problème majeur, étant donné que les industries de guerre étaient encore actives. Cependant, avec le retour à une économie de paix en 1920, la situation a rapidement changé. Les commandes militaires ont cessé, entraînant des licenciements massifs et une récession économique. Les syndicats américains, déjà préoccupés par les troubles et les grèves, ont commencé à attribuer la responsabilité du chômage et de la baisse des salaires à l'afflux de nouveaux immigrants. Ces inquiétudes étaient exacerbées par la peur du communisme, en particulier concernant les immigrants en provenance d'Europe de l'Est, où le communisme gagnait en influence.

Dans ce contexte de crainte du communisme, de tensions économiques et de chômage, les attitudes envers les immigrants se sont durcies. Les années 1920 ont vu l'adoption de lois restrictives en matière d'immigration, comme les Quota Acts de 1921 et 1924, qui limitaient sévèrement l'immigration en provenance de nombreux pays, en particulier ceux d'Europe de l'Est et d'Asie. En parallèle, les États-Unis se sont retirés de la scène internationale, malgré leur rôle clé dans la création de la Société des Nations après la Première Guerre mondiale. Ce retrait et le renforcement des quotas d'immigration reflétaient un désir croissant d'isolationnisme et une méfiance envers les influences étrangères. Cette période après la Première Guerre mondiale représente donc un moment crucial dans l'histoire des États-Unis, marqué par des tensions économiques, une montée de l'anticommunisme, et un durcissement des attitudes envers les immigrants. Ces éléments ont contribué à façonner la politique d'immigration américaine et l'identité nationale pour les décennies à venir.

= Annexes =
= Référence =
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[[Category:Michel Oris]]
[[Category:histoire]]
[[Category:histoire économique]]