Modification de Action in Political Theory

{{Translations
| es = La acción en la teoría política
| fr = L’action dans la théorie politique
| it = Azione nella teoria politica
| de = Handlung in der politischen Theorie
| lt = Veiksmas politinėje teorijoje
}}

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|[[Introduction to Political Science]]
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In the sphere of political theory, the importance of understanding action - the ways in which individuals or groups engage with the political context - has become increasingly crucial. The term 'action' is constantly evolving, becoming increasingly complex as our understanding of human behaviour deepens and the global political context changes. This leads us to continually rethink and reassess theories of action, with the ultimate aim of providing a more nuanced and sophisticated framework for interpreting political actors.

As the world has become increasingly interconnected, action in the political context has also become more complex. Today, political actors are no longer simply individuals or groups of individuals; they can be organisations, institutions and even nations. They are also influenced by an ever-wider range of factors, from economic dynamics and social pressures to environmental and technological challenges. In response to the increasing complexity of action, theories of action have had to evolve. We have seen traditional approaches, such as rational choice theory, complemented and sometimes challenged by new perspectives, such as structuralist, constructivist and relational approaches. Each of these theories offers a unique lens through which to understand action, and all have contributed to broadening our understanding of the behaviour of political actors. The evolution of theories of action has opened the way to new ways of interpreting political actors. Instead of seeing political actors simply as autonomous entities seeking to maximise their own self-interest, we can now understand them as complex entities, rooted in a web of social relations, shaped by social and political structures and acting according to socially constructed norms and ideas.

Thus, by continually revisiting and reassessing theories of action, we can hope to better understand the complexity of action in the contemporary political context. Moreover, this approach allows us to interpret political actors through a more refined lens, giving us the tools we need to navigate today's complex political landscape.

= Definition and issues of action in political theory =
The essence of action is intrinsically linked to the environment in which it takes place. It is this environment that provides the context, the framework and the resources necessary for action. The environment, whether social, political, economic, technological or natural, offers both opportunities and constraints that shape the possibilities for action. For example, a country's political environment can influence the actions of individuals and groups by determining the laws, regulations and norms that govern behaviour. Similarly, the social environment, including culture, social norms, relationships and networks, can also influence action by shaping expectations, obligations and opportunities.

When the environment changes, whether through political events, social changes, technological advances, environmental crises or economic transformations, the conditions for action also change. A change in the environment can make certain actions more difficult, by introducing new constraints, or it can open up new possibilities for action, by offering new opportunities. This means that to understand action, it is crucial to understand the environment in which it takes place. It is also important to recognise that action itself can influence the environment, creating a complex cycle of interaction between action and environment. The actions of individuals and groups can transform their environment, creating new conditions for future action.

The concept of action is fundamental to political philosophy and was studied in depth by classical Greek philosophers such as Aristotle and Plato. For these thinkers, the question of action was intrinsically linked to the understanding of man as a political animal and to the nature of good and evil, ethics and justice.

Plato defined action in ethical and political terms in his vision of the ideal republic. In "The Republic", he argues that right action is that which contributes to the harmony of the city, where each individual plays his appropriate role according to his natural abilities. For Plato, action is intrinsically linked to virtue and the achievement of the common good. Aristotle, on the other hand, broadened the understanding of action in his notion of 'praxis'. For Aristotle, praxis (action) is a conscious and voluntary human activity, directed by reason, which aims at the good and the realisation of eudaimonia (a good and fulfilled life). For Aristotle, action is distinct from "poiesis" (production), which is the activity of creating something for an end outside itself. Praxis, on the other hand, is an end in itself. In his work Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle explored in depth the way in which ethical action, guided by virtue, contributes to the realisation of the individual and common good.

The work of these philosophers laid the foundations for many subsequent political and ethical theories on action. Their thinking continues to influence our understanding of action and the role of the individual in society, and is still relevant to understanding action in the contemporary political context.

The notion of action is central to political science. It is seen as the expression of man's engagement with his environment, an environment that can be both social and natural.
* Action as natural movement: From this perspective, action can be seen as an extension of natural movement, where human beings are constantly interacting with their environment. Action is not just a response to external stimuli, but also a self-affirmation, a way for human beings to assert themselves in the world. Action is thus an expression of human will, a manifestation of our ability to influence our environment rather than simply being influenced by it.
* Action as a necessity: Man, as a social and political being, needs to act. Action is often a response to a situation perceived as unsatisfactory, or to a desire to change existing conditions. In this sense, action is often motivated by some form of necessity - be it the need for survival, justice, equality, freedom or personal fulfilment.
* Action as an attentive endeavour: Political action is not an impulsive or thoughtless activity. It requires attention, preparation and reflection. Attention is needed to understand the environment, to assess the potential consequences of different actions and to make informed choices. In the political context, careful action is often necessary to navigate complex and uncertain environments, to manage power relationships and to promote the common good.

Thus, the notion of action in political science refers to an image of man as a committed, attentive and needy being who is constantly on the move and interacting with his environment. This understanding of action underlines the importance of human agency in shaping our societies and our world.

The idea of action, rooted in movement, is a central concept for philosophy and political theory. It is based on the notion that action is not a sterile activity, but a dynamic process that involves change or movement towards some goal or end. In philosophy, action is often discussed in terms of finality or teleology - the idea that there is a goal or end towards which action is directed. This view is largely influenced by classical philosophers such as Aristotle, who argued that all action has some end in view, and that the ultimate end of human action is happiness or eudaimonia. In political theory, the idea of action as movement towards a certain goal is also crucial. In particular, in the context of democracy, action is often seen as directed towards the public good or the common good. Citizens act - whether through voting, participation in civic life, or commitment to social and political causes - with the aim of influencing politics and society in ways that promote the well-being of all. Moreover, in a democracy, the idea of action is linked to the notion of civic responsibility. Acting for the common good is seen as an obligation for citizens. This can take a variety of forms, ranging from compliance with the law to participation in political decision-making and a commitment to equality, justice and sustainability. That said, the idea of action in philosophy and political theory is complex and multifaceted. It involves both an individual dimension (the individual acting according to his or her own motivations and objectives) and a collective dimension (individuals acting together for the good of society).

The notion of action in classical and Christian philosophy is intimately linked to reflection, intelligence and the concept of God. In these philosophical and theological traditions, God is often seen as the primary agent, the one who sets everything in motion. In classical philosophy, Aristotle, for example, spoke of God as the "immobile prime mover", a first cause which, although immobile itself, is the origin of all movement and action in the universe. For Aristotle, movement is a fundamental characteristic of reality, and all action is directed towards a certain end or good, reflecting the natural order established by the First Mover. In Christian philosophy, the notion of action is also closely linked to the understanding of God. God is often described as being in constant action, through his creation, his providence, and his plan of salvation for mankind. In this tradition, man is called to participate in God's action by conforming to his will and acting for good. Human action is thus seen as a response to divine action and as a participation in God's work in the world. This conception of action as movement and participation in divine action has profound implications for the way we understand human responsibility, ethics and the role of man in the world. It underlines the importance of conscious, thoughtful, good-oriented action, and emphasises the spiritual and moral dimension of action. Furthermore, it invites us to see action not only as a human activity, but also as a participation in a greater and deeper reality.

The philosopher Immanuel Kant explored in depth the relationship between action and morality. For Kant, morality is not measured by the effect of an action, but rather by the intention that motivates it. In his theory of duty or 'deontology', Kant postulated that moral action is that which is performed out of duty, out of respect for the universal moral law. This universal moral law is formulated by Kant in what he called the categorical imperative, which is an unconditional moral law that applies to all rational beings. The categorical imperative is formulated in several ways, but one of the most famous is: "Act only according to the maxim that makes you able to will at the same time that it becomes a universal law." This means that for an action to be moral, it must be capable of being universalised - that is, we should be prepared to accept that everyone acts in the same way in similar circumstances. If an action does not meet this criterion, it is considered immoral. As far as the common good is concerned, Kant recognised that some actions might run counter to the common good or collective interest. However, for him, morality is not determined by the consequences of the action (as is the case in consequentialist theory of ethics), but rather by whether the action corresponds to the categorical imperative. Consequently, even though an action may seem beneficial to the common good, it would be immoral if it violated the categorical imperative. From this perspective, action in the political sphere, including public policy, must also adhere to the principles of Kantian ethics. For example, a public policy that violates the fundamental rights of individuals would be considered immoral, even if it appears to serve the collective interest, because it would violate Kant's categorical imperative, which demands respect for the dignity and autonomy of each individual.

Political science, as a distinct academic discipline, developed out of moral and political science in the nineteenth century. It is primarily concerned with the study of power, political structures and political behaviour, but its roots in moral and political science mean that it is also concerned with ethical and moral issues. Political action, in particular, is an area where moral issues are particularly relevant. Political actions can have significant consequences for individuals and society as a whole, raising questions about what is right or wrong, fair or unfair, ethical or unethical. Moreover, political action is often motivated by moral or ethical convictions and aims at objectives that are considered morally important, such as justice, equality, freedom, or the common good. That said, it is important to note that, although political science is concerned with moral issues, it is first and foremost an empirical discipline. That is, it aims to study political phenomena as they are, rather than prescribing how they should be. In this sense, political science can help us to understand the nature of political action and to analyse its causes and consequences, but it often leaves it to other disciplines, such as political philosophy or ethics, to determine what is morally right or wrong in political action.

A number of problems emerge which highlight the complexity of action in political science:

* Action and decision: Action is often linked to decision. In many situations, before taking action, a person or political entity must first make a decision. It is in this decision-making process that actors evaluate different options, consider the potential consequences, and finally choose a course of action. Consequently, understanding action in politics often requires an understanding of decision-making processes.
* Action as support for the world: In classical political theory, action (and the decision that precedes it) is often seen as a means of shaping, structuring and supporting the world. By making decisions and taking action, political actors contribute to the creation and preservation of social and political order.
* Action and competence: The effectiveness of an action often depends on the competence of the actor. In the political context, making the "right" decision or taking the "right" action requires a precise understanding of the problems to be solved, the forces at play, and the potential consequences of different options. Assessing action and decisions from this perspective raises questions about the competence and responsibility of political actors.
* Action for social preservation: Finally, action can be seen as a means of preserving society. This can be done in different ways, for example by maintaining social order, promoting justice and equality, or defending the interests of the community. From this perspective, action is not only a means of achieving individual goals, but also a tool for collective well-being and social stability.

Action in political science is a complex concept involving decision, competence, world support and social preservation. These dimensions underline the importance of action for understanding politics and societies.

Decision-making is a fundamental element of action. It serves as a prelude to action, because it is through the decision-making process that the actor determines what action to take. To act without a decision would be to act without reflection or knowledge, which is generally inadequate in complex contexts such as politics.

The dimensions of decision can include :

* Evaluating options: Before making a decision, the stakeholder must identify and evaluate the different possible options for action. This may involve considering the advantages and disadvantages of each option, forecasting the potential consequences, and assessing the feasibility of each option.
* Consideration of values and objectives: The decision is also influenced by the actor's values, objectives and preferences. For example, a political actor may decide to act in a certain way because he believes it is most consistent with his values or political objectives.
* Judgement under uncertainty: Decision-making often involves making judgements under uncertainty. In politics, it is rare for all the necessary information to be available, and the actor often has to make decisions on the basis of incomplete or uncertain information.
* The social and institutional context: Decision-making is also influenced by the social and institutional context in which it takes place. For example, social norms, institutional constraints and the expectations of other stakeholders can all influence the way decisions are made.

Decision-making is a crucial aspect of political action. It enables the actor to define and plan his action, and involves a complex process of evaluating options, taking into account values and objectives, making judgements under uncertainty, and navigating the social and institutional context.

The action/decision pair is fundamental to political science, as it is to many other fields. This pair conceptualises the idea that decision precedes and informs action: we make a decision, then act on it. Through this process, we try to limit randomness and introduce a form of rationality into our actions.
* Reducing randomness: When we make decisions, we often try to take into account all the available information, evaluate the different options and choose the one that seems to be the best. This reduces randomness and increases the chances that our actions will produce the desired results. It should be noted, however, that all decisions involve a degree of uncertainty and risk.
* Rationality: In theory, decision-making is a rational process. We weigh up the pros and cons of each option, foresee the potential consequences, and choose the option that seems best to us. In practice, however, decision-making is often influenced by non-rational factors, such as emotions, cognitive biases and social pressures.
* Present-past relationship: Action and decision are embedded in a temporal relationship. Our present decisions and actions are informed by our past - by our experiences, our knowledge, and the lessons we have learned. At the same time, our decisions and actions in the present determine our future. For example, a political decision taken today can have long-term consequences for a society.

The action/decision pair is a fundamental characteristic of human activity. It is particularly relevant in the political context, where decisions and actions can have significant consequences for individuals and society as a whole.

The way in which we theorise and conceptualise action is closely linked to the conditions and context in which the action takes place. And since these conditions are constantly changing, our understanding of action must also evolve.
* Changing conditions: Political, economic, social, technological, environmental and other conditions can all influence the way in which action is taken. For example, the emergence of new technologies can create new opportunities for action, but also new challenges and dilemmas. Similarly, changes in the political or social climate can affect the motivations, opportunities and constraints faced by actors.
* Evolving theory of action: As conditions change, it becomes necessary to adapt and refine our understanding of action. This may involve developing new theories or modifying existing ones to take account of new realities. For example, the rise of social media has led to new theories of collective action and social movement.
* Interdependence of theory and practice: The theory and practice of action are closely linked. Theories of action help to inform and guide action, while observation of actual action can help to test, refine and develop theories. It is a process of continuous interaction, where theory and practice inform and shape each other.

La théorie de l'action est un domaine dynamique et évolutif, qui doit constamment s'adapter pour rester pertinent face aux conditions changeantes dans lesquelles l'action se déroule.

There are four main roles or objectives that decision making can fulfil in a given context, in this case within the framework of political theory. These functions are key aspects of what decision-making does in that context, i.e. the roles it plays or the objectives it serves. Here is a more detailed explanation:

# Enable the actor to act: By taking a decision, an actor (individual, group or institution) defines a path to follow, an action to undertake. The decision is therefore the prerequisite for any action.
# Enabling citizens to support the world: The ability to make decisions gives citizens a degree of control over their environment. This can help give them a sense of control and active involvement in the world.
# Fragmenting actions into respective skills: The decision-making process can help to divide complex tasks into simpler, more manageable skills or roles. This can facilitate collaboration, delegation and efficiency in collective actions.
# Ensuring social preservation: Decisions taken by political actors can contribute to the preservation of society by maintaining social order, promoting justice and equality, or defending the interests of the community.

Thus, the decision is not just an individual process of choosing between different options. It is also a social process that has implications for the organisation and preservation of society as a whole.

Action is a central theme in political philosophy, and many philosophers have developed different theories on the subject. Aristotle introduced a theory of action centred on the concept of 'telos' or ultimate goal. In his work Nicomachean Ethics, he argued that all human action is aimed at a certain good and that the ultimate goal of all action is eudaimonia, often translated as happiness or well-being. In the 17th century, the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes proposed a different vision of action. In his work Leviathan, he argues that human actions are motivated by desires and fears. Man's natural state is a "state of war of all against all". Political action is therefore necessary to create a "Leviathan", a sovereign state that maintains peace and order. Immanuel Kant, an eighteenth-century philosopher, developed a theory of action based on morality and duty. For Kant, an action is moral if it is performed out of respect for the moral law, regardless of its consequences. In the twentieth century, John Rawls proposed in his theory of justice that a just action is one that respects the principles of justice that rational individuals in an "original position" of equality would have chosen. Finally, the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas put forward a theory of communicative action. According to him, social action is primarily directed towards mutual understanding rather than individual success. Each of these theories offers a unique perspective on what motivates human action and how we should act, reflecting the complexity and diversity of factors that can influence action.

= Exploring the different theories of action =

== Action as a condition of modern man: Hannah Arendt's perspective ==
Hannah Arendt, a twentieth-century German political philosopher, developed a theory of action that highlights its importance for human nature and political life. According to Arendt, action is fundamental to human existence and to politics. In her major work, The Human Condition, Arendt draws a distinction between work, work and action. For her, action is the domain of human life that is directly linked to the public sphere, to politics. Action, for Arendt, is what allows us to distinguish ourselves as unique individuals and to participate in the life of the community. Arendt argues that action is what makes man a political being. By acting, we reveal ourselves to others, we express ourselves and we participate in the construction of the common world. For Arendt, the ability to act is what enables people to remain human, in other words to exist as unique individuals within a community. In this sense, Arendt's theory of action is a celebration of the human capacity to act freely and influence the world. It is also an affirmation of the importance of the public sphere and political life as places where this capacity for action can be fully expressed. 

Hannah Arendt's thinking on action is deeply rooted in her analysis of the human condition. For her, action is the means by which human beings engage with the world and affirm their existence. By acting, we create and shape our shared world, and assert ourselves as autonomous and free beings. For Arendt, acting is fundamentally linked to our mortal condition. It is because we are aware of our mortality that we seek to act, to leave our mark on the world. Action is therefore, in a sense, an affirmation of life in the face of death, an affirmation of our power to create and change the world despite the finiteness of our existence. For Arendt, belonging to the world is also a fundamental condition for action. We do not act in a vacuum, but always in the context of a shared world, a public sphere. It is in this public sphere that our action takes on its meaning, because it is there that it is seen and heard by others. So, according to Arendt, politics, as a space for action, is fundamentally linked to the human condition. It is through political action that we affirm our existence, our freedom and our belonging to the world. And it is through political action that we help to create and shape that world.

According to Hannah Arendt, the ability to act is intrinsic to human nature and a fundamental expression of our humanity. This capacity to act is all the more vital in difficult situations where giving up may seem tempting. For Arendt, action is not just a personal choice, but a collective and intergenerational responsibility. Each generation inherits a world shaped by the actions of those that preceded it, and in turn has a duty to engage with it and transform it through its own actions. This responsibility transcends the individual and is part of a collective and historical dimension. This vision of action as a duty is deeply rooted in Arendt's commitment to democracy and citizen participation. She maintains that politics, as a field of action, is essential to the life of a democratic community. Every citizen has not only the right but also the duty to participate actively in the political life of his or her community. For Arendt, to be human and to be political means to be an active agent, capable of acting and having the duty to act, whatever the circumstances.

One of the fundamental principles of democracy is the ability of citizens to act, also known as agency. In a democracy, individuals have the power to express their ideas, to participate in political decision-making and to influence the direction of their society. Voting, for example, is a form of action that enables citizens to participate directly in the governance of their country. By contrast, in a totalitarian regime, people's ability to act is generally severely limited. Citizens generally do not have the right to express themselves freely, to organise or to participate in political decision-making. Totalitarian regimes seek to control all aspects of social and political life, leaving little room for individual action. Arendt herself has written eloquently about totalitarian regimes, having fled Nazi Germany and studied totalitarian systems in works such as "The Origins of Totalitarianism". In her view, totalitarianism seeks to destroy the public sphere of action and to eliminate human plurality, the prerequisite for all political action. Speech, according to Arendt, is an essential form of action in a democracy. Through speech, citizens can express their ideas, debate important issues and participate in political life. Freedom of speech is thus inseparable from the ability to act in a democracy.

Hannah Arendt defended the idea that the essence of the human condition lies in our capacity to act - to initiate new actions spontaneously and unpredictably. In her view, this capacity for action is intimately linked to our mortality and our birth. Each birth, according to Arendt, represents the arrival of a new and unique actor in the world - an actor capable of taking new actions and giving a new direction to the course of things. This spontaneity, this ability to initiate new actions, is what enables change and progress in the world. Arendt also argues that speech is an essential form of action. Through speech, we reveal ourselves to others, we engage the world and we participate in the construction of the common world. Speech is therefore a means of integration and action in the world. According to Arendt, it is this capacity to act and to speak that underpins our humanity. Without it, we would be incapable of participating in the life of the community or leaving our mark on the world. For Arendt, the ability to act is therefore at the heart of the human condition and political life.

According to Hannah Arendt, action is the means by which we manifest our individuality and humanity in the world. She sees action as the fundamental expression of our freedom - the freedom to start something new, to initiate change, to make a difference. By taking action, we are not just doing something in the outside world; we are also shaping and defining ourselves as individuals. Every action we take is a manifestation of our personality, our values and our choices. So, by acting, we 'become' ourselves in a very real sense. This is why Arendt places such importance on the capacity to act as an essential characteristic of the human condition. Without the capacity to act, we would be deprived of the possibility of manifesting ourselves as unique and free individuals. Action is therefore not only a means of interacting with the world, but also an essential means of realising and constructing ourselves as human beings.

For Hannah Arendt, three fundamental conditions define human existence: natality, mortality and plurality.
* The birth rate is the ability to start something new, to be spontaneous and free. It's what enables us to act and change the world.
* Mortality is the awareness that our time is limited, which gives value to our actions and makes our existence meaningful.
* Finally, plurality is the fact that we are all different and yet share the same world. It is this condition of plurality that makes us political beings, capable of dialogue, debate and taking decisions together.

Arendt emphasises that these conditions of existence place us all on an equal footing. Whatever our gender, race, social class or nationality, we all face the same basic conditions. This is why we all have a duty to act, to participate in the life of the community and to care for the world we share.

The notion of plurality, as developed by Hannah Arendt, captures a fundamental double truth about human existence: on the one hand, we are all equal as human beings, sharing the same basic conditions of existence; on the other hand, we are all unique, possessing a distinct individuality and identity that cannot be reduced or erased. For Arendt, this duality lies at the heart of political life. Politics is where we negotiate both our equality (we are all citizens, with the same fundamental rights) and our distinction (we all have different ideas, values and goals). It is the place where we demonstrate both our individuality (through our actions, our words, our choices) and our belonging to a wider community. Plurality is therefore an essential principle of democracy: it requires us to recognise and respect both our common humanity and our unique individuality. This is what makes peaceful coexistence, dialogue and cooperation between different people possible. It is also what makes politics both difficult and necessary.

The "common world" is a key concept in Hannah Arendt's political philosophy. For her, human beings live not only in their physical environment or in their particular society, but also in a world shared by all human beings, a world made up of language, traditions, institutions, works of art and all the other products of human activity. For Arendt, this shared world is both the context and the product of human action. It is the framework within which we act, and it is shaped and transformed by our actions. It is in this shared world that we reveal ourselves to ourselves and to others, and leave our distinctive mark. Arendt also emphasises that caring for and preserving this common world is an essential political responsibility. Indeed, the common world is what gives meaning to our individual lives, and it is what we leave as a legacy to future generations. Consequently, we all have an interest in ensuring that this world is fair, sustainable and liveable for all. In this sense, Arendt's concept of the 'common world' has important implications for a range of contemporary political issues, from social justice to environmental protection.

For Hannah Arendt, action is the highest manifestation of human freedom. It is through action that we show initiative, influence the world and reveal ourselves and each other. Action is also the means by which we assume our responsibility towards the common world and towards others. By acting, we make decisions that have consequences for ourselves and for others, and we take responsibility for these consequences. Arendt particularly emphasises the crucial role of speech in action. For her, speech is what gives meaning to action, what makes it intelligible and recognisable. It is through speech that we express our intentions, justify our actions and commit ourselves to others. Speech is therefore not only a complement to action, but also a form of action in itself. This is why, for Arendt, politics is essentially a matter of speech and action: it is the domain where we deliberate together about what we should do, where we make collective decisions and where we act together to implement those decisions. It is in this process of speaking and acting that democracy is realised as a form of living together based on freedom and responsibility. 

For Hannah Arendt, action and speech are intimately linked. Speech, particularly in the form of dialogue, is a fundamental vehicle for political action. Through speech, we can not only articulate our understanding of the world and our intentions, but also coordinate our actions with those of others, negotiate compromises, resolve conflicts and build alliances. Dialogue is therefore an essential mode of political action. It is the means by which we can share our perspectives, listen to those of others, learn from each other and come to a common understanding. It is through dialogue that we can reach consensus on what is right and what is necessary, and develop collective action plans. At the same time, dialogue is also a form of action in itself. By engaging in dialogue, we are actively participating in political life, contributing to the formation of public opinion, and helping to shape the common world. It is in this sense that Arendt speaks of politics as a space for speech and action, where freedom and responsibility come together. Arendt's concept of political action thus highlights the crucial role of communication, deliberation and dialogue in democracy. It reminds us that politics is not simply a question of power and interests, but also and above all a question of speaking, listening and mutual understanding.

Hannah Arendt's analysis of the totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century highlights several fundamental characteristics of these systems of power:
# The suppression of plurality: For Arendt, a central element of totalitarianism is its tendency to eradicate plurality, which lies at the heart of the human condition. Totalitarian regimes seek to homogenise society by eliminating or repressing differences. In so doing, they deny the singularity of each individual and seek to transform him or her into a mere part of an undifferentiated mass.
# The single man: Totalitarianism seeks to mould all individuals according to a single ideal or model. From this perspective, anything that does not correspond to this ideal is seen as a threat and must be eliminated.
# Political universalisation: Totalitarian regimes often seek to universalise their ideology, claiming that it represents the only truth valid for all human beings, everywhere and at all times. This claim to universality is used to justify the regime's total domination of society and the elimination of all opposition.
# The suppression of speech: For Arendt, totalitarianism seeks to eliminate the public space where speech and action are possible. This is done by controlling information, censoring free speech and repressing all forms of dissent. By suppressing the possibility of speech and dialogue, totalitarian regimes seek to prevent individuals from thinking for themselves and acting on their own judgements. Thus, for Arendt, totalitarianism is a form of "terror" that seeks to destroy people's capacity for action and judgement.

For Hannah Arendt, the aim of a totalitarian regime is to destroy people's capacity for political action, and this is largely achieved by suppressing speech. It is through speech, and in particular through dialogue, that individuals express their thoughts, make their voices heard, share their points of view, discuss common issues, take collective decisions and act in the world. In a totalitarian regime, speech is censored, controlled and manipulated to prevent any form of dissent or criticism, and to impose a single version of reality, that of the regime. Individuals are reduced to forced silence, deprived of their ability to think and judge for themselves, and transformed into anonymous members of an undifferentiated mass. This has the effect of eliminating the public sphere as a place for debate, deliberation and collective action. Politics, in the sense of a democratic process involving a plurality of actors engaged in mutual interaction, is replaced by a system of totalitarian domination that denies freedom and human dignity. According to Arendt, the ability to think, to speak and to act are essential to the human condition and to democratic life. The suppression of speech in totalitarian regimes is therefore a fundamental attack on humanity itself. This is why she places so much emphasis on the importance of resistance, political commitment and the defence of freedom of speech and thought. 

Speech is fundamental to action and democracy. Speech provides a means by which individuals can express their thoughts and ideas, discuss various problems, and work together to find solutions. Speech, as a means of communication, enables people to share information, engage in dialogue and participate in deliberation. In the context of democracy, speech plays a central role in enabling active political participation. Through dialogue and debate, citizens can participate in decision-making, which is a fundamental element of any democratic system. Moreover, freedom of speech is often considered a fundamental right in a democracy, as it allows citizens to express their opinions, criticise the government and defend their rights. Consequently, the suppression of speech, as Hannah Arendt points out in her analysis of totalitarian regimes, is an attack on democracy and on the very essence of humanity. By silencing citizens, totalitarian regimes seek to control not only action but also thought, which is an attack on human freedom and dignity.

In Arendt's vision, the 'common world' is a sphere where humanity shares the experience of life through speech and action. These two elements are crucial because they enable the exchange of ideas, cooperation and the development of a collective identity. Speech, in this context, is the means by which individuals express their thoughts and intentions, deliberate on problems and opportunities, and ultimately make decisions. Through action, they put these decisions into practice, thereby influencing the world around them. Arendt also values spontaneity as an essential component of the shared world. For her, human spontaneity is a source of creativity and novelty, a means by which individuals can exercise their freedom, take initiative, innovate, and face unforeseen challenges. Spontaneity enables people to go beyond what is pre-established or predetermined, and thus to transform the world. Finally, the 'common world' is also a place of diversity and equality. For Arendt, plurality - the fact that we are all different and unique - is a richness that enriches our shared experience of the world. However, despite these differences, we all share the same human condition, which establishes a fundamental form of equality between us. Recognition of this diversity and equality is fundamental to democracy and social justice. 

The concept of "Action - Decision - Word" is fundamental to democracy, and it is through these tools that man engages with the world as a political animal.
* Action: As political beings, people have the capacity to take action to influence their environment and the society in which they live. These actions can take many forms, from voting in elections to taking part in demonstrations, volunteering or contributing to public debate.
* Decision: Decision-making is the process by which an individual or group chooses one course of action from several alternatives. In a democracy, the decision-making process is generally collective and inclusive, which means that all voices have the right to be heard and decisions are taken on the basis of consensus or a majority vote.
* Speech: Speech is a crucial tool for expressing ideas, opinions and feelings. In a democracy, freedom of expression is a fundamental right that allows every individual to share their views and contribute to public debate. It is through speech that people can defend their rights, criticise political decisions and put forward new ideas for the future of their community or country.

These three elements are intimately linked and mutually reinforcing. Action flows from decisions, which are informed by words. And words can inspire new actions and informed decisions. Together, they form a dynamic cycle that lies at the heart of democracy and political engagement.

In political theory, the interaction between speech and action is fundamental to understanding how individuals and communities function. Speech is the primary tool for communicating, expressing ideas and sharing perspectives. It is used to express our thoughts, feelings and intentions, to negotiate and to debate. Speech can enlighten, inspire, persuade and mobilise. It can ask questions, challenge existing assumptions and propose new visions of the world. Action, on the other hand, is the concrete expression of these discourses. It is through action that ideas and intentions take shape. Action is the means by which we influence the world around us, and how we react to circumstances and events. These two components are interdependent and dynamic. Speech informs action, and action in turn can give rise to more speech and discourse. In this way, speech and action exist in a constant cycle of interaction and reaction. Moreover, speech and action are both essential means by which we escape isolation. Together, they enable us to engage with others, to understand and be understood, to collaborate, to negotiate, to resolve conflicts and to participate in social and political life. They are therefore essential to our humanity and to our participation in the political community.

Action is dynamic and contains an element of uncertainty. Every time we act, we enter into a kind of unknown. We cannot accurately predict all the consequences of our actions, because they are influenced by many factors, some of which are beyond our control or understanding. This is particularly true in politics, where the actions of an individual or group can have unforeseen and sometimes far-reaching repercussions. Sometimes the results of an action can be very different from what was originally intended. That's why it's essential to approach action with a degree of humility, an understanding of its limits, and a willingness to learn and adapt along the way. At the same time, every action brings us new experience and new knowledge. Even when the results are not what we hoped for, we can learn from our mistakes and use these lessons to guide our future actions. In short, action is both a means of exercising our will and of learning, a process that generates both knowledge and non-knowledge. By non-knowledge, we mean an awareness of our limits, of the uncertainties and complexities that characterise human life and political activity.

Man seeks to build a predictable and orderly destiny. It is a natural aspiration that drives us to plan, to set objectives, to seek to control our environment. In politics, this translates into the drafting of laws, policies, action plans, etc., with the aim of creating a stable and predictable framework in which we can live and prosper. However, reality is often unpredictable and does not always bend to our plans. Unexpected events can occur that disrupt our plans and force us to adapt and change course. This is where the ability to react, improvise and demonstrate resilience becomes crucial. Indeed, flexibility and the ability to manage uncertainty are just as important as the ability to plan and forecast. It is in this tension between predictability and unpredictability that human action is situated. We try to create a predictable future, while being aware that we will constantly have to adapt to unforeseen circumstances. This reality, while sometimes frustrating, is also what makes human life and political activity so dynamic and interesting.

Action can be a source of anxiety and uncertainty. Making decisions and taking action inevitably means facing the unknown and the unpredictable. Every choice we make has consequences, sometimes predictable, often not. This is where a large part of the anxiety associated with action lies. What's more, choosing one path often means giving up others. There is an inherent loss in every choice we make, a philosophical notion often referred to as 'opportunity cost'. This can lead us to question what we may have missed out on by taking one decision rather than another. In politics, these issues are multiplying. Leaders are often faced with difficult decisions and have to make choices that affect not only their own lives, but also the lives of many others. This responsibility can certainly intensify the anxiety associated with taking action. But it's important to remember that action, despite its potential for anxiety, is also a source of power and potential. It is through action that we can influence the world around us, face challenges and create positive change. Despite the uncertainty, action is an essential part of human existence and political activity.

Action is a fundamental component of our being and our interpretation of the universe. Our ability to grasp, interact with and influence the world would be considerably diminished without action. Firstly, action is often an extension of our thoughts and beliefs. It is by acting that we test our assumptions and perceptions of the world. For example, we can conceptualise the impact of a given policy, but it is only by putting it into practice that we can really grasp the consequences. Secondly, action allows us to interact with the world in tangible ways. Through our actions, we actively participate in social, political and economic life. So, by taking action, we are not just spectators of the world, but actors who influence its course. Last but not least, it is through action that we can change the world. Our actions, whether large or small, have the potential to shape the future. This is particularly evident in politics, where actions - whether voting, demonstrating or legislating - can bring about major transformations. Action is intrinsically linked to our existence, our understanding of the world and our ability to change it. Without action, our commitment and influence on the world would be severely limited.

== Action from the perspective of the rational world ==
The view of the world as increasingly rational was a dominant one, particularly in the early and mid 20th century. This was largely due to the growing confidence in science, technology and human reason, which promised to solve social, political and economic problems. Rationality was seen as the path to progress, and many believed that through a more rational approach we could create a fairer, more efficient and more productive society. This perspective was rooted in a belief in 'positive progress', the idea that humanity was inevitably moving towards a better future through advances in knowledge and technology. It was believed that rational approaches to decision-making, whether in economics, politics or science, would lead to better outcomes. This view of the world greatly influenced the political theory of the time. It contributed to the rise of liberalism, socialism and other ideologies that saw rational progress as a means of achieving social and political ideals. Rationality was seen as an essential tool for understanding the world, solving problems and guiding action.

The notion of rational action has been widely explored and developed by a number of theorists and philosophers, particularly within the classical sociological tradition. Max Weber, for example, was one of the first to formalise the concept. For Weber, rational action is action guided by conscientious and systematic calculations of the most effective means of achieving a specific objective. It is action that is determined by logical and reflective considerations, rather than by emotions, traditions or social imperatives. This concept is based on the idea that man, as a rational being, will naturally seek to optimise his actions to achieve his objectives in the most effective way possible. This perspective is part of a wider vision of the rationalisation of society, in which individuals and institutions are increasingly seeking to organise their actions in a rational and systematic way. This view of human action as essentially rational has been highly influential in many fields, including economics, sociology and political science.

Max Weber categorised social action into four main types. These typologies provide a framework for understanding the different motivations that can guide human behaviour:
* Traditional action: This type of action is guided by customs and habits. Individuals act almost automatically, without giving detailed thought to their behaviour.
* Affective or emotional action: In this case, the action is determined by the individual's current emotions and feelings. These actions are often spontaneous and not calculated.
* Rational action in relation to values: Here, action is guided by ethical, religious or moral beliefs or values. People act according to what they believe to be good or right, even if this does not necessarily bring them personal benefit.
* Rational purposeful action: In this type of action, the individual has a specific objective and uses reason to plan and act in order to achieve that objective. The individual evaluates the most effective means of achieving his end, and his action is guided by this rational analysis.

Weber's categories of action provide a useful framework for understanding how individuals decide to act in different situations. It is important to note that these categories are not mutually exclusive, and a particular action can often be understood as falling into more than one of these types at the same time.

According to Max Weber, the modernisation of society is accompanied by a process of increasing rationalisation, i.e. a transition from more traditional or emotional forms of action to more rational forms of action. This process of rationalisation is reflected in many aspects of modern society, including bureaucracy, science, technology and, of course, politics. In politics, rationalisation can manifest itself in a number of ways. For example, it may involve the transition from an authority based on custom or tradition to one based on codified laws and regulations. Similarly, it may involve the replacement of political leaders chosen for their hereditary status or charisma with professionally trained civil servants who are selected and promoted on the basis of merit and competence. On the other hand, Weber argued that this rationalisation of society and politics could have negative effects, particularly in that it leads to a "disenchantment of the world". In other words, while rational actions can be more effective, they can also be perceived as more impersonal and meaningless, leading to a certain alienation. Finally, it is important to stress that, although Weber observed a tendency towards rationalisation, he did not claim that all actions become entirely rational in modern societies. Other types of action - emotional, traditional and value-rational - continue to play an important role in our social and political life.

According to Weber, the process of rationalisation is closely linked to modern institutionalisation. In this context, institutionalisation refers to the way in which actions, behaviour and social interactions are organised and regulated in a modern society. As society becomes more modern and rationalised, we see an increasing formalisation and standardisation of social and political structures. This can take the form of bureaucracies, laws and regulations, or standardised procedures in various sectors, such as education, health, the economy and, of course, politics. Institutionalisation can be seen as a means of codifying rational action and making it predictable. By creating formal institutions with clear rules and procedures, society seeks to minimise uncertainty and facilitate coordination between individuals. This is reflected in concepts such as the rule of law, where decisions are taken according to established principles rather than on the basis of individual discretion, or representative government, where political leaders are elected according to defined processes.

Weber emphasised the importance of rationalisation in modern society, in the process of industrialisation and bureaucratisation. However, it is important to note that this idea of progress towards rationality does not necessarily mean a total suppression of emotion or the irrational. In fact, even in the most modern and rationalised societies, emotions, cultural values and personal beliefs still play an essential role in individual and collective actions. On the other hand, rationalisation itself can sometimes lead to unintended or paradoxical consequences. For example, Weber spoke of the 'steel cage' of rationalisation, to refer to the feeling of constraint and dehumanisation that can be generated by an extremely bureaucratised and rationalised environment. That said, the general idea is that, in the process of modernisation, there is a growing tendency to structure society and the actions of individuals on the basis of logic, efficiency and rational calculation, rather than on traditions or unreflected emotional impulses.

Max Weber, one of the founders of sociology, introduced the notion of rational action to designate human behaviour guided by a logical evaluation of the options available to achieve a given objective. According to Weber, an action is rational if it is guided by a considered calculation of the most effective means of achieving a particular objective. Rational choice theories, which were developed later in the 20th century, are based on this idea of rational action. They assume that individuals are rational actors who make choices to maximise their utility, i.e. the benefit they derive from their actions. These theories are used in many areas of the social sciences, including economics, political science, sociology and psychology. They have been used to explain a variety of human behaviours, from economic decisions to political choices.

Rational choice theory is an important development in the social sciences that stems from the idea of rational action, and has been used to analyse a variety of phenomena, including politics. According to this theory, individuals are seen as rational actors who make choices based on their personal preferences and the information available to them in order to maximise their utility. This approach has been used to explain phenomena such as electoral behaviour, the formation of political coalitions, the development of regulations and many other aspects of political life. From this perspective, political action is seen as a kind of choice 'economy' in which actors (such as voters, legislators, political parties, etc.) make decisions on the basis of their preferences, expected costs and benefits.

Colin Campbell is a political theorist who has used the economic model of the rational actor to explain political behaviour. This is based on the premise that individuals are rational actors who make decisions on the basis of a cost-benefit calculation. This approach, also known as rational choice theory, assumes that individuals seek to maximise their utility, i.e. to obtain the greatest possible benefit while minimising their costs. Applied to politics, this theory suggests that individuals make their political decisions - such as voting for a certain candidate or supporting a particular policy - according to how they believe these decisions will maximise their personal benefit. This benefit can be material (for example, policies that will improve their economic situation), but it can also be immaterial (for example, the feeling of being in line with their values).

In the economic system, rational choice theory assumes that each individual acts to maximise his or her own self-interest based on a cost-benefit analysis. This analysis consists of evaluating the advantages (benefits) and disadvantages (costs) of each possible option, in order to make a choice that maximises their net gain. For example, a consumer may weigh up the cost of buying a good against the utility or pleasure he or she will derive from it. An investor can weigh the cost of an investment (the purchase price and the potential risk) against its expected return. Similarly, a company can weigh up the cost of hiring an additional employee against the potential benefit of increased productivity.

Rational choice theory, which originated in economics, is often seen as a utilitarian view of human action. According to this theory, individuals make decisions by seeking to maximise their personal utility, in other words by weighing up the costs and benefits of each option. As for the collectivist aspect, this is another angle of discussion. Although individuals seek to maximise their own benefit in rational choice theory, the aggregation of these individual behaviours can lead to outcomes that are beneficial for society as a whole. However, this is not always the case. Sometimes, what an individual does to maximise his or her own benefit can have negative consequences for the group or society, leading to what is known as a "prisoner's dilemma" or a "commons problem". In any case, the application of rational choice theory to politics has led to a variety of models and theories, including voting theory, game theory in politics, and the theory of political institutions.

John Campbell and James Rule contributed to rational choice theory in sociology and political science, emphasising the idea that individuals seek to maximise their self-interest in a context of constraints and opportunities. This approach is based on the idea that political action, like economic action, is guided by the logic of rational calculation. In this view, an individual makes political decisions by weighing up the potential costs and benefits of each option, just as an economic consumer or producer might do. For example, a voter might decide who to vote for by evaluating the positions of each candidate on issues that are important to him or her and estimating the probability that each candidate will be able to implement his or her preferred policies. According to the framework of rational choice theory, an actor (whether economic or political) will weigh the potential benefits of an action (the benefits) against its costs. If the benefits are greater than the costs, then the action is considered "profitable" and so, in theory, the actor will choose to carry it out. In the political context, for example, an elected official may consider a new policy or initiative. To determine whether it is worth implementing, he or she can weigh up the costs (such as the resources needed to implement it and potential political opposition) against the benefits (such as popular support gained, improved community well-being, etc.). If the benefits are perceived to outweigh the costs, then the policy can be adopted.

By relying solely on a cost/benefit analysis, we risk favouring a purely opportunistic logic, sometimes to the detriment of taking other important considerations into account. This can lead to decisions that favour personal or immediate interest over collective or long-term well-being. For example, a politician might be tempted to avoid unpopular but necessary policies for fear of losing votes at the next election. In an economic context, a company might be tempted to make choices that maximise its profits in the short term, even if this means ignoring the environmental or social consequences of its actions. This is why it is essential to integrate ethical and moral values into decision-making, as well as taking into account the long-term effects and impacts on society as a whole. This is where government regulation and a commitment to social responsibility can play a crucial role. In the political arena, altruism and a sense of public service are essential values. Leaders must be prepared to take difficult decisions, even if they may be unpopular, if they are in the long-term interests of society. Similarly, in the economic sphere, the notion of corporate social responsibility underlines the importance of companies taking into account the impact of their actions on society and the environment, and not just on their profits.

Rational choice theory postulates that in politics, as in other areas of life, individuals are largely motivated by cost-benefit considerations. They seek to maximise their own benefit (or utility) and minimise their cost. This logic is often applied to explain a multitude of behaviours, from a citizen's decision to vote (or not to vote) to a political leader's negotiation of an international agreement. According to this view, individuals are seen as instrumentally motivated, i.e. they seek to achieve specific goals through their actions. The emphasis is on effectiveness and efficiency in achieving these objectives. This is why we speak of a "utilitarian" logic, where each decision is evaluated in terms of its expected advantages and disadvantages. 

In the context of political reality, the idea is that individuals are motivated by objectives that can be measured in terms of costs and benefits. It is important to stress that these 'costs' and 'benefits' can be not only material (such as money or power), but also immaterial (such as prestige, influence, or even personal satisfaction). However, while this utilitarian and rational choice perspective can help explain much political behaviour, it is not without its limitations. Firstly, not all individuals are necessarily motivated by the same set of costs and benefits, and their motivations may change over time. Secondly, it can be difficult to measure costs and benefits accurately, particularly when they are intangible. In addition, this perspective may tend to underestimate the role of values, emotions, ideology, and other non-economic factors in driving political action. For example, some individuals or groups may be prepared to bear significant costs (including personal risks) to defend their beliefs or principles.

Within the framework of rational choice theory, there are two major constraints that guide an individual's action:
* Minimising costs: This means that the individual will seek to achieve his objective with the fewest possible resources, whether material (money, time) or immaterial (effort, stress). This constraint encourages efficiency, i.e. the achievement of a maximum of objectives with a minimum of resources.
* Maximising benefits: In other words, the individual will seek to gain the greatest possible advantage from his action. This benefit may be material (gain of money, acquisition of goods or services) or immaterial (personal satisfaction, social recognition, feeling of power or influence).

These two constraints are often in tension. Minimising costs may mean sacrificing certain benefits, while maximising benefits may mean accepting higher costs. So rational choice is often a balancing act between these two constraints.

Rational choice theory is based on a linear and predictable view of the decision-making process. In this model, an individual or group of individuals begins by identifying an objective (point A), then determines the means to achieve it (points B and C), anticipating that this action will lead to a certain result or "output" (point D). This process assumes that the individual has perfect or at least sufficient knowledge of the situation, the options available and their potential consequences. In reality, however, the decision-making process is not always so linear or predictable. Individuals may not have complete knowledge of the situation, the options available may change along the way, and the outcome may be influenced by unforeseen factors. Furthermore, the decision taken may itself change the situation and create new options or constraints for future decisions. For these reasons, although rational choice theory is a useful tool for understanding and analysing human behaviour, it has its limitations and cannot account for all the complexities and uncertainties of real-life decision-making.

Rational choice theory assumes that the environment in which decision-making takes place is rational and predictable. This perspective postulates that individuals can obtain all the information they need to carry out a rational cost-benefit analysis, and that conditions will remain stable throughout the decision-making process. However, in the real world, this environment is often full of uncertainties and constantly changing dynamics. Individuals cannot always accurately predict the outcome of their actions or the impact of external factors. Moreover, information is often incomplete or imprecise, and individuals have limited cognitive capacity to process and analyse all the information available. Consequently, although rational choice theory can be useful for analysing certain behaviours and situations, it does not fully capture the complexity and uncertainty of decision-making in a real context. This is why other theories, such as the theory of behaviour related to bounded rationality or prospect theory, have been developed to complement and nuance this perspective.

The assumption remains that the best way to make policy is to limit one's convictions. You have to assess the overall consequences of the action or you move on to a more complicated scheme for preventing action. This underlines the constant debate between idealism and pragmatism in politics. On the one hand, we have idealism, which argues that political actors should act according to their deepest convictions and principles, whatever the situation. On the other hand, pragmatism argues that political decisions should be guided by a realistic assessment of costs, benefits and potential consequences. In this context, the hypothesis suggests that effective policymaking may require limiting one's beliefs (i.e. being more pragmatic) and carefully assessing the overall consequences of actions. In other words, it means taking a more calculated and pre-emptive approach to action, rather than being guided solely by idealistic principles. This can be more complex, as it involves navigating between multiple interests, constraints and uncertainties, but it can also lead to more sustainable and realistic outcomes.
 
[[Fichier:Processus_de_décision_linéaire.png|500px|center]]                             
 
Linearity is described as a form of predictability in action and decision-making. This type of thinking is associated with rationality, assuming an orderly and logical sequence of events with no deviations or unforeseen events. The idea is to follow a straight line from the initial idea to its final outcome, with each stage of the process following one another in a coherent and predictable manner. However, reality can often be more complex, and the course of events can be influenced by a multitude of unforeseen factors. This is why some researchers and theorists argue that action and decision-making need to be more flexible and adaptive, able to respond to uncertainties and changes in context. In this sense, an overly linear approach could be limiting, as it is not capable of adapting to unforeseen events or changes in direction.

In a rational world, individuals are seen as actors capable of making logical and structured choices. They evaluate the options available, consider the advantages and disadvantages of each choice, and select the option that seems most beneficial or appropriate. This decision-making process is often described as rational because it is based on an objective assessment of the facts, logic and the search for the best possible outcome.

One of the major criticisms of rational choice theory is that it can fail to take into account the cultural, social and emotional factors that influence people's decisions. By focusing solely on the economic or utilitarian aspect, this theory can neglect important elements that shape the human experience. For example, cultural rituals may be considered rational in some cultures, even if their purposes are not strictly economic or utilitarian. They may have a profound meaning and be considered indispensable to the members of the culture in question. Similarly, decisions may be influenced by emotional factors, personal beliefs, social pressures or cultural norms that are not necessarily aligned with maximising utility or economic value. This is why it is important to take a more holistic and nuanced approach to understanding human decision-making.

Rational choice theory is an economic approach to decision-making which assumes that individuals are fundamentally "rational actors" who seek to maximise their utility or profit. This theory has been widely applied in economics, politics, sociology and other disciplines to explain various social phenomena. However, despite its usefulness, rational choice theory has also been criticised for its simplicity and its overly individualistic, economic approach to decision-making. In particular, some argue that it ignores or neglects other important factors that can influence human behaviour, such as emotions, social norms, cultural beliefs and moral values. Therefore, although rational choice theory can be a valuable tool for understanding certain aspects of human decision-making, it should not be used alone and should be complemented by other approaches and theories that take into account the complexity and diversity of human experience.

The linear view of the decision-making process can be limiting. In this model, the decision-making process is generally represented as a logical and ordered sequence of steps, where a problem is identified, solutions are generated and evaluated, and a decision is made. In reality, the decision-making process is often far more complex and chaotic, involving a multitude of factors and stakeholders. Decisions are rarely taken in a vacuum, and are often influenced by social dynamics, political pressures, economic constraints, cultural norms and other contextual factors. In addition, the linear view can sometimes be too simplistic and fail to take into account how decisions are actually made in the real world. For example, it may not take into account the uncertainties, ambiguities, emotions, cognitive biases, and human factors that can influence the decision-making process. For these reasons, many researchers and practitioners have begun to adopt more complex and dynamic decision-making models, which take into account the complexity and uncertainty inherent in the decision-making process.

== Action through the prism of game theory ==

Game theory is another major perspective in the study of rational action, and offers an alternative to the linear approach to decision-making. Rather than assuming that decisions are made in isolation, game theory recognises that the actions of an individual or entity are often interdependent and can influence or be influenced by the actions of others. Within this framework, rationality implies not only evaluating one's own costs and benefits, but also anticipating the actions of others, taking into account their own interests and motivations. It is a fundamental concept in many fields, from economics and politics to the social sciences and even biology.

Game theory helps us to understand how individuals or entities interact and make decisions in a competitive or cooperative environment. It examines situations where the outcomes for an actor depend not only on his own actions, but also on those of others. Consequently, it goes beyond simple cost-benefit analysis to include a strategic assessment of the potential actions of other players. This does not mean, however, that game theory eliminates the idea of rationality. On the contrary, it is based on the idea of strategic rationality, where individuals act in such a way as to maximise their own interests, taking into account the potential reactions of others. Although game theory provides a more complex and nuanced perspective on decision-making, it also has its limitations. For example, it often assumes that players are perfectly rational and have perfect information, which is not always the case in the real world. Furthermore, like all theories, it is a simplification of reality and cannot capture all the subtleties and complexities of human interaction.

Game theory offers an interactionist perspective on action and decision-making. This perspective recognises that the behaviour of individuals is determined not only by their own rational choices, but also by external factors, including the actions and expectations of others. In this context, individuals are not simply autonomous entities making independent choices based on a cost-benefit analysis. Instead, they are seen as actors engaged in a dynamic and mutually influential interaction with other actors. Each of their choices is made in the context of this interaction, taking into account not only their own interests, but also those of others and how their actions may affect the behaviour of others. This interactionist perspective also allows account to be taken of constraints that may limit an individual's choices. These may include external factors, such as social or legal rules, or internal factors, such as personal beliefs or moral values. Ultimately, game theory provides a framework for understanding how individuals navigate these complex interactions and constraints, making strategic choices that take into account both their own interests and those of others.

Game theory is based on the idea that the decisions of an individual or an entity (such as a company or a country) are influenced by the anticipated decisions of others. In this sense, the decision-making process is like a game, where players strategise according to what they expect others to do. Each player, while seeking to maximise its own benefit, must take into account the potential actions and responses of its 'rivals' or other stakeholders. For example, if a company is considering raising its prices, it must take into account the possibility that its competitors may lower theirs in response, which could lead to a loss of market share. Similarly, in the political context, a government or party must take into account the potential responses of its opponents when making decisions. Political choices are therefore not taken in isolation, but are the result of an interactive process that takes account of the whole political 'game'.

In game theory, a political actor is seen as a player who tries to maximise his profits while minimising his costs or losses. He does this not only by acting rationally and strategically, but also by taking into account the actions of other players and adapting his strategy accordingly. External constraints can take many forms, such as laws and regulations, pressure from public opinion, budgetary restrictions, time constraints and so on. However, using game theory, a political actor can find optimal strategies that take these constraints into account and allow him to achieve his objectives as far as possible. The "game" in game theory is not a game in the traditional sense. Instead, it is an abstract model of strategic decision-making, where each player tries to maximise his gains while taking into account the potential actions of the other players. The "game" is therefore a simplified representation of the complexity of political reality, where decisions are not taken in isolation, but are the result of a complex interaction between different players with their own objectives and constraints.

In addition to a pragmatic vision, building alliances in the political arena requires a precise analysis of the temporal and spatial context. In other words, the choice of partners and strategies depends largely on the current political environment, and on social, economic and even international dynamics. Politicians must also take time into account. For example, they may seek short-term alliances to gain immediate advantage, or they may work to build long-term relationships that can bear fruit later. Similarly, alliances can change in response to changes in time, such as the arrival of an election or changes in international relations. In this context, maximising gains means not only maximising economic or political benefits, but also gaining political support, preserving stability, increasing influence, acquiring legitimacy and achieving political or ideological objectives. In short, the political game is a delicate dance of adaptability, strategy and responsiveness to changing circumstances.

Game theory can be considered a branch of behavioural economics, as it focuses on how individuals or groups make decisions in specific situations where outcomes depend on the actions of other participants. From this perspective, action is seen as the result of strategic choices, made within the framework of given rules (the 'game'), with actors seeking to maximise their own gain. The behaviour of each participant is determined by a mixture of rationality (trying to obtain the best possible result for oneself) and taking into account the potential actions of others. Participants are expected to make rational choices to maximise their own gains, but these choices are also influenced by their predictions of the actions of others. This creates a complex and often unpredictable dynamic, where the actions of one participant can have unexpected consequences because of the way they interact with the actions of others. As a result, even if each participant acts rationally from an individual point of view, the overall outcome of the game may be far from optimal from a collective point of view.

In game theory, and more broadly in politics, what is at stake is not just a question of maximising short-term utility, as may be the case in a purely economic conception of rationality. It is also about maintaining and extending influence and power over the long term. This may involve making short-term concessions to strengthen alliances, investing in long-term projects that will not have immediate benefits, or managing public perceptions and expectations to maintain political support. This is a more nuanced view of rationality, which takes into account the fact that political actors operate in a complex and uncertain environment, where the actions and intentions of other actors have a major influence on their own outcomes. This is why time management, the creation and maintenance of alliances, and the ability to anticipate and react to the actions of others are key aspects of political action. From this point of view, political competition is not a question of pure utility maximisation, but rather of balancing different constraints and opportunities.

Evolutionary game theory points out that in a situation where the immediate goal is crucial, the long-term view can be obscured. This is because short-term survival is a priority, which can lead to a focus on actions that generate immediate benefits. In the political context, this could mean that the need to win an election or manage an immediate crisis can make it more difficult to develop and implement long-term policies. This is particularly true in situations of high uncertainty or crisis, where attention is focused on managing the urgency of the moment. This does not necessarily mean that the long-term vision is completely ignored, but rather that the ability to focus on the long term can be reduced because of the pressure to respond to immediate needs. This is a major challenge for political actors, who have to juggle short- and long-term demands and constraints.

Robert Axelrod and John Maynard Smith, both leading theorists in the field of evolutionary game theory, have postulated that the players in these scenarios are not necessarily rational beings, but rather organisms seeking to survive and reproduce in a competitive environment. According to this approach, the players (or organisms) do not necessarily act on the basis of a rational analysis of costs and benefits, but rather adapt their behaviour according to their environment and the actions of others. In other words, they evolve according to their repeated interactions with other actors, so that strategies that have proved effective in the past are more likely to be used in the future.

This approach does not completely deny rationality. Rather, it suggests that in a complex and uncertain environment, where interactions are dynamic and outcomes uncertain, actors may not be able to foresee all the consequences of their actions and may therefore adapt to the situation on the basis of their experience and learning. This idea has important implications for policy and public administration, as it suggests that policies and interventions cannot always be perfectly planned or predicted, and that flexibility and adaptability may be required to respond to constantly changing challenges.

= Theories of action in a complex system =
From a traditional perspective, action is often seen as a cause producing an effect or a series of effects. However, in more complex systems, cause and effect relationships can be less direct and more difficult to predict. For example, in politics, an action (such as passing a new law) may have many different consequences, some intended and some not. These consequences can also change over time and be influenced by a variety of other factors. In a complex system, there are often multiple factors interacting in a non-linear way, which means that small changes can sometimes have large effects, and vice versa. Furthermore, in a complex system, the effects of an action can feed back on the initial cause, creating feedback loops that can make the results even more unpredictable. These ideas are at the heart of complex systems theory, which seeks to understand how the different parts of a system interact with each other to produce the overall behaviour of the system. This approach recognises that uncertainty and change are fundamental characteristics of complex systems, and that effective management of such systems often requires a flexible and adaptive approach. 

The fundamental characteristic of a complex system is the interdependence of its elements. It is not just an assembly of independent elements, but a dynamic structure whose overall behaviour is the result of interactions between its elements. In complex systems, it is difficult to predict the effect of a specific action because it can have repercussions on the whole system, through feedback and amplification mechanisms. In addition, complex systems often exhibit emergent behaviour, i.e. phenomena that cannot be predicted simply by examining the individual elements of the system. This contrasts with the linear approach, which generally assumes a direct and proportional cause-and-effect relationship between action and result. In a linear system, a small action will have a small effect, and a large action will have a large effect. In a complex system, however, a small action can sometimes have a large effect, or vice versa. In this sense, the postulate that any action produces a positive result is very simplistic, especially when it comes to complex social systems. In such systems, the consequences of an action can often be unforeseen and can have both positive and negative effects.

Complex system theories remind us that we operate in dynamic, uncertain and interconnected environments. Instead of static conditions with clear boundaries, we face situations that are constantly evolving and whose boundaries are often ambiguous or changing. This complexity and uncertainty have important implications for action. Instead of being able to plan and control our actions in a linear and predictable way, we often have to navigate uncertainty, make decisions with incomplete information and adjust our actions in response to reactions and changes in the environment. 

== The theory of perverse effects: action and its unexpected consequences ==
Machiavelli, in his famous book The Prince, pointed out that although leaders may seek to influence the course of events, they cannot always fully control the outcome. Changing circumstances, unforeseen forces and the reactions of other actors can all interfere with original plans and intentions. This reflects a realistic understanding of power and action in a complex and uncertain world. Leaders can try to shape their environment through their actions, but they must also adapt and react to changes around them. They must be prepared to navigate changing and often unpredictable situations, demonstrating flexibility and resilience in the face of challenges. This idea is also applicable to other areas outside politics, as it recognises the dynamic and interactive nature of action in a complex world. It suggests that success requires both the ability to take initiatives and the ability to adapt and react to changes and challenges.

In any action, whether individual, collective or institutional, there is always the risk of unintended and perverse effects.
# Unintended effects occur when an action or decision has unexpected consequences. These consequences may be positive or negative, but they were not anticipated by those who made the decision or carried out the action.
# Perverse effects, on the other hand, are specifically unexpected negative consequences of an action or decision that was supposed to have positive effects. The example of "featuring down" is a good illustration of this concept: by seeking to improve housing for the richest, we can inadvertently contribute to the exacerbation of economic and social inequalities, which is of course an undesirable result.

These concepts are important to take into account in any analysis of public policy, as they remind us that decisions and actions often have complex and interconnected consequences that may go beyond the initial intentions.

The complexity of society means that our actions and decisions are embedded in a dense network of relationships and dynamics, which can interact with them in unpredictable ways. The cumulative effect of these interactions can lead a decision or an action to produce results that are very different from those initially intended. When a decision is taken, for example in the field of public policy, the starting point is usually an analysis of the existing situation, followed by a consideration of the expected effects of the decision. However, this analysis can never take into account all the factors involved, because of the complexity of society. There are many individual, social, cultural, economic, political and environmental factors that can affect outcomes. Each of these factors can interact with the others in complex and unpredictable ways. This is why the actual results of a decision or action can often be surprising, or even paradoxical in relation to the initial intentions. This is one of the reasons why decision-making, particularly in public policy, requires in-depth analysis, careful monitoring and the ability to adapt to unforeseen outcomes. The systems approach, which seeks to take account of the complexity and interdependence of the various factors involved, can help to navigate this complex landscape.

The fight against poverty is a multifaceted problem that cannot simply be solved by allocating more money. Although money is a key factor, a sectoral approach risks failing to take account of the interactions between the various factors that contribute to poverty, and could therefore not only fail to solve the problem, but sometimes even make it worse. For example, direct financial intervention to increase the incomes of poor individuals may overlook other underlying problems, such as lack of access to education or quality healthcare, or unequal socio-economic structures. These problems can continue to hamper people's efforts to escape poverty, even if their incomes are temporarily increased. In addition, sectoral interventions can sometimes produce unwanted or perverse effects. For example, the increase in financial aid can in some cases dissuade people from seeking employment, which can contribute to maintaining a cycle of dependency on aid. This is why a more systemic and integrated approach to tackling poverty is needed. This approach should take into account the way in which different factors interact and reinforce each other, and should aim to tackle the root causes of poverty, rather than simply treating its symptoms. 

In the welfare state, housing is a matter for the state. Today, its capacity for action is diminishing. In some countries, private companies have set up social housing agencies. By privatising a segment of society where there is no need to think in terms of making money from the poor, we will be creating even more insecure housing.

Housing is a major challenge in many countries, where the responsibilities traditionally assigned to the state are increasingly being transferred to the private sector. This privatisation can have negative consequences, especially when the services concerned are essential to social well-being, such as housing. When private housing agencies take over the State's responsibility for social housing, their main objective may be to generate profits, rather than to meet the needs of people on low incomes. This can lead to a reduction in the quality and accessibility of housing for poor people. In addition, it can create a vicious circle, where people on low incomes are forced to live in poor quality housing, which can have a negative impact on their health, education and ability to find well-paid work.

The concept of perverse effects highlights the fact that there can be a significant gap between the initial intentions of an action or policy and the actual results it produces. This is particularly evident in complex situations, where the effects of an action may be indirect or delayed in time, and may be influenced by a multitude of interconnected factors. In addition, the gap between the issue being addressed and the desired effect can be exacerbated by institutional problems. For example, if an institution has an incomplete understanding of the issue it is seeking to resolve, or if it uses inappropriate methods, this can lead to results that are not only unexpected, but also undesirable. This underlines the importance of thorough analysis and careful planning when implementing policies or actions, as well as the importance of continuous evaluation and adjustment to ensure that actions lead to the desired results.

In Machiavelli's writings, particularly in his famous work "The Prince", he highlights the fact that the actions of individuals, and in particular of leaders, can often have unforeseen and sometimes undesirable consequences. He insists that even the best-intentioned decisions can lead to unforeseen results. Machiavelli argues that leaders, in particular, must be prepared to deal with these undesirable effects and adjust their actions accordingly. He also argues that rulers must sometimes take decisions that may seem morally reprehensible, but which are necessary for the good of the state. This realistic and sometimes cynical view of politics has led to the adjective 'Machiavellian', which is often used to describe a calculating and manipulative approach to power.

In any action, particularly in the political sphere, great care must be taken when making decisions. It is important to consider not only the direct stakes involved, but also the potential indirect consequences. This notion is particularly important in complex system theories, where the effects of an action may have unforeseen repercussions due to the interconnected nature of all the elements of the system. It is in this context that the idea arises that there may be a mismatch between the issue being addressed - i.e. the initial objective of the action - and the reality, which is the set of actual consequences of the action. This can be due to a number of factors, including the inherent complexity of the system, unknown or unforeseen variables, and the effects of multiple and often unpredictable interactions between different elements of the system. This underlines the importance of analysis, foresight and adaptability in action, as well as the recognition that any action, however well-intentioned, can have unforeseen consequences. That's why it's essential to be aware of these possible discrepancies and to be ready to adjust actions in line with constantly changing realities.

The complexity of today's society can resist and react unpredictably to public policies and institutional actions. This complexity stems from the multiplicity of actors, interests, institutions and interconnected systems that make up our society. Each public policy can have a variety of effects, including unintended or perverse consequences, as a result of this complexity. In addition, different parts of society may react differently to a given policy, making outcomes more unpredictable. This highlights the need for public policy approaches that take account of social complexity, that are flexible and adaptable, and that seek to understand and navigate this complexity rather than ignore or oversimplify it. It is also important to note that this complexity is not necessarily a bad thing. While it can make policy implementation more difficult, it can also be a source of resilience and innovation. Complex systems are often able to adapt and respond creatively to challenges and changes, and can offer a variety of possible solutions to a given problem. Ultimately, the complexity of our society underlines the importance of an inclusive, reflexive and flexible approach to public policy, which recognises and works with this complexity rather than seeking to eliminate it.

== Albert Hirschman's approach to action in complex systems ==
Albert O. Hirschman (1915-2012) was an influential economist and social theorist, known for his contributions to fields such as development economics, political theory and the history of economic thought.

Born in Germany, Hirschman emigrated to the United States due to the rise of Nazism. He has worked for the World Bank and taught at several universities, including Harvard and the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton. He is best known for his work on exit and voice strategies in "Exit, Voice, and Loyalty" (1970). According to Hirschman, individuals have two main options when they are dissatisfied with an organisation or state: "exit" (i.e. leave the organisation or emigrate) or "voice" their dissatisfaction by trying to improve the situation from within. "Loyalty" is what keeps a person from immediately applying the exit strategy.

Hirschman also wrote influential books on economic development, including "The Strategy of Economic Development" (1958) and "Development Projects Observed" (1967). He challenged many conventional assumptions about economic development and emphasised the importance of entrepreneurship, innovation and flexibility in the development process. Hirschman was known for his interdisciplinary approach to economics and for his accessible writing, which often incorporated historical anecdotes and personal observations. He received many honours for his work, including the Talcott Parsons Medal for Behavioural Science from the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1983 and the Balzan Prize for the Social Sciences in 1985.[[Image:Dostlertrial.jpg|right|150px|thumb|Hirschman (left) translates accused German Anton Dostler in Italy 1945.]]

Albert Hirschman's approach to economic and social theory recognises the existence of unforeseen or unintended consequences that can arise as a result of an action or decision. This perspective is in line with his broader view of the economy and society as dynamic, interconnected systems, where change in one area can have unexpected repercussions in another. Hirschman points out that actions, particularly political or economic interventions, can have unanticipated side-effects, sometimes referred to as 'perverse effects'. These effects may be positive or negative, but they are often unforeseen and may even contradict the original intentions of the actors involved. He sees these unforeseen effects not only as an inevitable reality of human action, but also as a potential source of learning and progress. By recognising and exploring these unintended consequences, decision-makers can gain a better understanding of the systems in which they operate and can adjust their actions accordingly. Hirschman's vision ties in with broader themes in his thinking, notably his emphasis on the importance of flexibility, creativity and adaptability in the face of uncertainty and change. 

The invention of topography has been a major tool in the organisation and understanding of the world. However, like any technology or tool, its use can have unintended and sometimes contradictory consequences. Topography, which is the art of representing the relief and detail of a given surface, often on a map, has played a key role in many aspects of human civilisation, from exploration to urban planning and infrastructure development. But the use of topography in the context of nationhood and nationalism illustrates how a tool can be used for unintended purposes. The mapping and demarcation of national boundaries has been a crucial aspect of the formation of national identity, and topography has played a key role in this process. However, this same process has also contributed to the creation and reinforcement of national and nationalist claims, often to the detriment of minority or marginalised groups. The creation of national borders has often been a conflictual process, leading to territorial disputes and sometimes armed conflict. Therefore, although topography was originally conceived as a tool to help understand and navigate the world, it has also been used as a tool of division and conflict. This is a clear example of how unintended and unforeseen consequences can emerge from human actions, a theme emphasised by thinkers such as Albert Hirschman.

Albert Hirschman has stressed the importance of understanding perverse effects in policy analysis. Perverse effects' refer to unexpected or unintended outcomes that may occur as a result of specific actions or policies. Hirschman noted that policymakers and analysts, in their quest to make predictions and implement effective policies, may overlook or underestimate potential perverse effects. These unintended results may be very different, or even diametrically opposed, to the objectives initially pursued by an action or policy. For example, a policy designed to stimulate employment can sometimes lead to unwanted inflation. Or well-intentioned environmental regulations can sometimes result in additional costs for businesses, which in turn can lead to job losses.

For Hirschman, these perverse effects are often the product of complex political, economic and social systems. Understanding and anticipating these perverse effects is an important part of policy analysis and practice. He also highlighted the way in which political actors can sometimes use the "perverse effects" argument to oppose certain policies. For example, a political actor may argue that certain state interventions in the economy will have negative 'perverse effects' in order to oppose those interventions. Hirschman therefore stressed the importance of taking potential perverse effects into account when designing policies, but also warned against the political use of these arguments.

Albert Hirschman analysed what he called the "rhetoric of reaction" in his book "The Rhetoric of Reaction: Perversity, Futility, Jeopardy". In it he identifies three main arguments used by those who oppose progressive change or modernity, one of which is the perversity argument, which corresponds to the idea of the perverse effect. The perversity argument, according to Hirschman, claims that any attempt to improve a given situation only makes it worse. In other words, well-intentioned interventions lead to results opposite to those intended. Conservatives and reactionaries can use this argument to oppose social or economic reforms by suggesting that these reforms, far from improving the situation, will actually cause more damage. Hirschman did not offer these arguments as a rejection of all change or progress. On the contrary, he suggested that policymakers should be aware of these arguments and work to mitigate potential perverse effects while implementing necessary reforms.

In "The Rhetoric of Reaction", Albert Hirschman identifies and analyses these three types of argument frequently used by conservatives and reactionaries to oppose social and economic change:
# The Perversity Argument: This argument holds that an action designed to improve a situation will actually make it worse. In other words, the effort to change not only leads to failure, but actually reinforces the conditions it was designed to improve.
# The futility argument: This argument claims that any attempt to transform the existing order is doomed to failure because it will have no real impact. Attempts at change are therefore considered useless and sterile.
# Jeopardy argument: This argument posits that progressive political action jeopardises precious gains. In other words, progress in one direction jeopardises gains previously made in another.

Hirschman did not propose these arguments as truths, but rather as rhetoric frequently used to resist change. His thesis was that these arguments are often exaggerated or incorrect and that, while it is important to be aware of the potential unintended effects of political actions, these arguments should not be used to oppose progress generally.

The perverse effect argument is frequently used in political discourse. It is often used to oppose proposed reforms or new policies, suggesting that these measures, despite their benevolent intentions, will have unintended negative consequences. This argument can be used to impede change by creating an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty around new initiatives. That said, it is also sometimes valid and useful for drawing attention to the possible unintended consequences of a policy. However, as Hirschman pointed out, this argument is often overused and can act as a barrier to progress if it is not balanced by a thoughtful and objective analysis of the potential costs and benefits of an action.

== Edgar Morin's vision: understanding action in a complex world ==
Edgar Morin est un sociologue et philosophe français né en 1921. Il est surtout connu pour son travail sur la théorie de la complexité et pour son approche transdisciplinaire des sciences sociales. Morin estime que les phénomènes sociaux et humains sont trop complexes pour être compris par une seule discipline ou sous-discipline. Au lieu de cela, il plaide pour une approche intégrée qui tienne compte des interconnexions et des interactions entre divers facteurs et dimensions.

Dans son œuvre majeure, "La Méthode", Morin développe une méthode pour aborder la complexité du monde. Cette méthode tente de réconcilier et d'intégrer différentes perspectives et formes de connaissance, dans le but de mieux comprendre les systèmes complexes. Morin a également contribué à notre compréhension de la politique, de l'éducation et de la citoyenneté à l'ère de la mondialisation. Il a appelé à un nouvel humanisme qui reconnaît et embrasse la complexité, l'incertitude et l'interdépendance du monde moderne. Il a aussi apporté des contributions importantes dans les domaines de l'écologie, de la philosophie de la connaissance et de la culture. Sa pensée a influencé de nombreux chercheurs dans diverses disciplines, de la sociologie à la philosophie en passant par l'éducation et l'écologie.[[Image:Edgar Morin IMG 0558.jpg|right|150px|thumb|Edgar Morin .]]

Edgar Morin, dans son approche de la complexité, a mis l'accent sur le fait que l'industrialisation, le progrès technologique, et l'évolution socio-économique ont considérablement complexifié nos sociétés. Selon Morin, la complexité est inhérente à la réalité de notre monde. Elle est le résultat de l'interaction et de l'interdépendance de multiples facteurs, aussi bien dans les sphères sociales, économiques, politiques qu'écologiques. Dans cette perspective, l'industrialisation est un facteur clé qui a contribué à cette complexité. Elle a transformé la structure sociale, économique et environnementale de nos sociétés, en introduisant de nouvelles technologies, en reconfigurant les relations de travail, en modifiant les modes de vie, et en générant de nouveaux défis, tels que la pollution et le changement climatique. Par conséquent, pour Morin, comprendre et gérer ces défis requiert une approche qui reconnaisse et embrasse cette complexité. Cela implique de dépasser les approches simplistes ou réductionnistes, et de chercher à comprendre les systèmes dans leur globalité, en prenant en compte les interactions et interdépendances entre leurs différents éléments. 

Edgar Morin a identifié ce qu'il appelle le "paradoxe de l'action", selon lequel lorsque nous cherchons à agir dans un monde complexe, nous avons souvent tendance à simplifier la situation. C'est un processus naturel et souvent nécessaire, car nous ne pouvons pas tenir compte de tous les aspects d'une situation complexe lors de la prise de décisions. Nous sommes donc obligés de réduire cette complexité pour pouvoir agir. Toutefois, cette simplification peut aussi nous amener à négliger des aspects importants de la situation, à mal comprendre les problèmes que nous cherchons à résoudre, et finalement à prendre des décisions qui peuvent ne pas être efficaces, ou même contre-productives. C'est pourquoi Morin plaide pour une approche qui respecte la complexité des situations, qui essaie de comprendre les problèmes dans leur globalité et qui prend en compte les interactions et les interdépendances entre leurs différents éléments. C'est ce qu'il appelle la "pensée complexe".

La télévision, comme d'autres médias, tend souvent à simplifier la réalité afin de la rendre plus accessible au grand public. Cette simplification peut entraîner une distorsion de la réalité, une accentuation de certains aspects aux dépens d'autres, ou même la propagation de stéréotypes et de préjugés. Elle peut aussi contribuer à créer une fausse impression de compréhension et à réduire notre capacité à appréhender la complexité du monde réel. Quant à la science, il est vrai que l'approche traditionnelle consiste à isoler les phénomènes pour les étudier de manière détaillée. Cela a permis de nombreuses découvertes et avancées, mais cela peut aussi conduire à une vision fragmentée et compartimentée du monde. C'est pourquoi des approches interdisciplinaires et holistiques sont de plus en plus promues, dans le but de mieux appréhender la complexité et l'interconnexion des phénomènes. Edgar Morin a beaucoup critiqué cette tendance à la simplification, à la fois dans les médias et dans la science. Selon lui, nous avons besoin d'une "pensée complexe" qui reconnaisse et embrasse la complexité du monde, au lieu de chercher à la réduire ou à l'éliminer. 
 
Selon Edgar Morin, l'idée de complexité repose sur l'interconnexion et l'interaction des éléments qui forment un tout. Ces éléments sont divers, hétérogènes, mais ils sont inséparables dans le sens où ils interagissent constamment les uns avec les autres. Chaque élément a une influence sur l'autre et l'ensemble du système. Cette idée a de profondes implications pour l'action, notamment en politique. Cela suggère que pour formuler des politiques efficaces, on doit prendre en compte l'ensemble du système, plutôt que de se concentrer uniquement sur un aspect ou un problème isolé. Dans ce cadre, chaque action peut avoir des répercussions imprévues ou non désirées, car elle peut affecter d'autres parties du système de manière inattendue. Cela souligne l'importance d'une approche globale et systémique pour comprendre les problèmes et formuler des actions. 
 
Edgar Morin conceptualise le monde comme un système ouvert, dynamique et complexe, caractérisé par une multitude d'interactions et d'interdépendances. Cette vision de la complexité se distingue de l'idée plus traditionnelle d'un système linéaire où les causes produisent directement des effets prévisibles. Dans un système complexe, selon Morin, une action peut avoir des répercussions qui se propagent à travers le système, provoquant des changements inattendus, des réactions en chaîne et des effets de rétroaction. Ces phénomènes peuvent être très différents de ceux que l'on anticiperait en se basant sur une approche linéaire. La rétroaction, par exemple, est un processus où les résultats d'une action influencent cette action elle-même. Cela peut conduire à des effets de renforcement ou de régulation, créant ainsi des dynamiques systémiques complexes et parfois surprenantes. De plus, selon la théorie de la complexité de Morin, ces dynamiques ne peuvent pas être entièrement contrôlées ou prédites, car le système est constamment en mouvement et en évolution, avec des parties interdépendantes qui interagissent de manière non linéaire. Cela peut créer une tension pour les acteurs qui cherchent à intervenir dans le système, car leurs actions peuvent produire des résultats inattendus ou avoir des effets indirects imprévus.
 
La vision de la complexité avancée par Edgar Morin suggère que nous vivons dans un monde où tout est interconnecté et interdépendant, un système ouvert qui est constamment en mouvement et en évolution. Dans un tel système, les choses ne sont pas figées ou isolées, mais sont en interaction constante, influençant et étant influencées par les autres parties du système. Cette perspective remet en question les approches traditionnelles qui cherchent à établir des vérités absolues ou universelles. Au lieu de cela, elle reconnaît que la réalité est multiple et multidimensionnelle, que différents points de vue peuvent coexister et que la vérité peut dépendre du contexte et de la perspective. Cela a des implications importantes pour la manière dont nous comprenons et abordons les problèmes et les défis du monde réel. Par exemple, il souligne l'importance de prendre en compte une multitude de facteurs et d'interactions lors de la prise de décisions ou de la planification d'interventions. Il souligne également la nécessité d'une pensée flexible et adaptable, capable de gérer l'incertitude et l'ambiguïté.
 
Dans la théorie de la complexité, les systèmes sont vus comme dynamiques et changeants, avec des interactions constantes entre leurs différentes parties. Ces interactions peuvent mener à des phénomènes tels que l'émergence (où le tout est plus que la somme de ses parties), la rétroaction (où les actions ont des conséquences qui peuvent influencer les actions futures), et l'auto-organisation (où l'ordre peut émerger sans qu'il soit imposé de l'extérieur). L'idée de "rupture permanente" et d'"équilibre dans le déséquilibre" suggère que, bien que les systèmes complexes puissent parfois sembler stables ou en équilibre, ils sont en réalité constamment en mouvement et en évolution, avec des changements qui peuvent se produire à tout moment. C'est une idée qui se retrouve souvent en sciences de la complexité, où on parle parfois de "stabilité dynamique" pour décrire ce phénomène. L'agencement continu des conditions est également un concept central dans la théorie de la complexité. Il suggère que le système est constamment en train de se reconfigurer en réponse aux changements internes et externes. Cela signifie que les systèmes complexes ne peuvent pas être pleinement compris ou prédits en se basant uniquement sur leur état actuel, car cet état est susceptible de changer à tout moment en réponse à de nouvelles conditions ou interactions.

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La complexité du monde réel et notre tendance à simplifier cette complexité pour la rendre plus gérable peuvent souvent être en contradiction. Dans la pratique, cette contradiction peut rendre difficile la prise de décisions éclairées et la résolution efficace des problèmes. Selon Edgar Morin, cette simplification excessive peut nous empêcher de comprendre pleinement les systèmes complexes que nous tentons de gérer. Par exemple, si nous traitons un problème social complexe comme s'il était simple et linéaire, nous risquons de ne pas tenir compte des nombreux facteurs interdépendants qui sont en jeu, et donc de ne pas être en mesure de résoudre efficacement le problème. La gestion de la complexité nécessite donc une approche qui tient compte de cette complexité, plutôt que de tenter de la réduire ou de l'ignorer. Cela implique d'accepter l'incertitude, d'être prêt à s'adapter et à évoluer en fonction des changements dans le système, et de comprendre que nos actions peuvent avoir des effets imprévus et non linéaires. 
 
Edgar Morin, un sociologue et philosophe français, est l'un des principaux défenseurs de l'approche de la complexité. Selon lui, la complexité est une caractéristique intrinsèque du monde réel, qui ne peut être pleinement appréhendée en simplifiant ou en isolant ses différents éléments. Au lieu de cela, nous devons comprendre que ces éléments sont "inséparablement associés" et qu'ils interagissent de manière complexe et souvent imprévisible. Dans ce contexte, un "tissu de constituant, hétérogène inséparablement associé" fait référence au fait que les systèmes complexes sont composés d'un grand nombre d'éléments différents (ou "constituants"), qui sont tous étroitement liés et interdépendants. Chaque élément du système peut influencer les autres de différentes manières, et ces interactions peuvent à leur tour avoir des effets en cascade qui affectent l'ensemble du système. C'est cette interconnexion et cette interdépendance qui font que les systèmes sont "complexes". Ils ne peuvent pas être pleinement compris ou gérés en examinant simplement leurs éléments individuellement. Au lieu de cela, nous devons comprendre comment ces éléments interagissent et comment leurs interactions influencent le comportement global du système. 

L'ère moderne est caractérisée par une complexité croissante dans de nombreux domaines, allant de la technologie à l'économie en passant par les systèmes sociaux et environnementaux. Cette complexité présente de nombreux défis, mais aussi des opportunités. Par exemple, la technologie numérique a rendu notre monde incroyablement interconnecté, ce qui facilite la communication et la diffusion des informations. Cependant, cela a aussi créé de nouveaux problèmes, comme les fausses informations et les cyberattaques. De même, la mondialisation a renforcé l'interdépendance des économies et des cultures, mais elle a également exacerbé certaines inégalités et tensions. En outre, nos sociétés sont confrontées à des défis complexes et interdépendants tels que le changement climatique, la pauvreté, les inégalités, la perte de biodiversité, etc. Ces problèmes ne peuvent pas être résolus de manière isolée, car ils sont tous liés les uns aux autres. Ainsi, la compréhension et la gestion de la complexité sont devenues des compétences clés pour le XXIe siècle. Cela implique une approche multidisciplinaire qui intègre différentes perspectives et reconnaît la nature interconnectée de notre monde. C'est un défi de taille, mais aussi une occasion de repenser nos façons de faire et de trouver de nouvelles solutions à nos problèmes les plus pressants.

L'un des principaux attributs d'un système complexe est son imprévisibilité. Il n'est pas possible de prédire avec précision comment un système complexe évoluera à l'avenir en raison des multiples interactions et des rétroactions qui se produisent à l'intérieur. Dans ce contexte, la façon dont nous prenons des décisions et planifions des actions doit changer. Dans un monde complexe, il est souvent plus efficace de faire des plans flexibles et adaptables, qui peuvent être modifiés en fonction des circonstances changeantes. L'agilité, la capacité d'apprendre et d'adapter rapidement, devient un atout précieux. Au lieu de s'engager dans un seul plan d'action déterminé, il est souvent plus avantageux de faire des expériences, d'apprendre des erreurs et d'ajuster en conséquence. Cela nécessite de renoncer à une certaine illusion de contrôle et d'embrasser l'incertitude. Cela peut être inconfortable, mais c'est aussi une opportunité d'innovation et de découverte. En embrassant la complexité, nous pouvons trouver des solutions créatives et efficaces à des problèmes qui semblaient insurmontables dans une perspective linéaire et simplifiée. 
 
Agir dans un système complexe requiert une compréhension différente de la façon dont le monde fonctionne et une capacité à naviguer dans l'incertitude et l'ambiguïté. C'est une question d'apprentissage, d'adaptation et d'évolution constante. 

La compression du temps est souvent appelée "l'accélération du temps". Dans nos sociétés modernes, tout semble s'accélérer : la technologie, la communication, le transport, l'économie... Ce phénomène conduit à une impression de vivre à un rythme effréné, où le futur devient difficile à prévoir et le passé vite oublié. Cela pose des défis pour la prise de décision et l'action, en particulier dans le contexte des systèmes complexes. Lorsque les situations évoluent rapidement, les décisions prises peuvent rapidement devenir obsolètes. Par ailleurs, l'accent mis sur l'immédiateté peut nous détourner de la prise en compte des conséquences à long terme de nos actions. La solution à cette "tyrannie du temps" n'est pas simple. Il est probablement nécessaire de ralentir, de réfléchir plus profondément et de prendre le temps d'analyser les situations complexes de manière systémique. Cela peut nécessiter de remettre en question notre rapport au temps, d'accepter l'incertitude inhérente à la complexité et de favoriser une pensée à long terme dans notre processus de prise de décision. 
 
Edgar Morin propose une approche appelée "la pensée complexe" pour répondre à ces défis. Au lieu de simplifier la réalité pour la rendre plus facile à comprendre, comme nous le faisons souvent en science ou en politique, la pensée complexe tente d'embrasser la complexité, de comprendre les interactions et les interdépendances entre les différents éléments d'un système. La pensée complexe invite à prendre en compte plusieurs niveaux d'analyse, de combiner différentes perspectives et de rester ouvert à l'incertitude et à l'ambiguïté. Il s'agit de développer une compréhension qui soit à la fois globale (prenant en compte le système dans son ensemble) et détaillée (prenant en compte les éléments spécifiques). Dans cette perspective, l'action publique doit être redéfinie en prenant en compte le passé (pour comprendre l'histoire et les contextes), le présent (pour agir de manière adaptée) et le futur (pour anticiper les conséquences possibles de nos actions). Cette approche implique une réflexion profonde, une planification stratégique et une prise de décision éclairée. De plus, selon Morin, nous devons accepter que nos actions auront des conséquences inattendues et que nous devrons constamment adapter nos plans en fonction de l'évolution du contexte. En d'autres termes, l'action publique dans un monde complexe n'est pas un processus linéaire, mais un processus dynamique et évolutif.

La "rétroprospective" est une partie essentielle de l'approche proposée par Edgar Morin pour gérer les systèmes complexes. Il soutient que nous ne pouvons pas comprendre correctement le présent ou prévoir l'avenir sans avoir une compréhension approfondie du passé. Cela signifie non seulement connaître les faits historiques, mais aussi comprendre les contextes, les processus et les forces qui ont façonné ces faits. Reconceptualiser le passé n'est pas simplement une question de regarder en arrière, mais aussi de réexaminer et de réévaluer nos interprétations et nos perceptions du passé. Cela peut nous aider à voir comment les modèles et les structures du passé continuent d'influencer le présent, et comment ils pourraient influencer l'avenir. Cette perspective nous permet également de repérer les erreurs et les échecs du passé, et d'apprendre d'eux pour éviter de les répéter. De plus, en reconnaissant que le passé est complexe et multiforme, nous sommes mieux préparés à faire face à la complexité et à l'incertitude du présent et de l'avenir. Pour Morin, l'important est de ne pas se laisser piéger par une vision simplifiée ou linéaire de l'histoire, mais d'embrasser la complexité et la richesse du passé dans toute leur profondeur et leur diversité. Cette approche peut enrichir notre compréhension du monde et améliorer notre capacité à agir de manière efficace et responsable.

Edgar Morin propose que pour agir efficacement dans un système complexe, nous devons accroître notre autonomie, c'est-à-dire notre capacité à penser et à agir de manière indépendante et créative, plutôt que de nous laisser contrôler par les forces extérieures ou par des schémas de pensée rigides et simplistes. Cela implique une volonté de se confronter à la complexité et à l'incertitude, plutôt que de chercher à les éviter ou à les nier. L'autonomie, dans ce contexte, ne signifie pas l'isolement ou l'indépendance absolue, mais plutôt la capacité de se relier de manière dynamique et créative à l'environnement complexe et changeant qui nous entoure. Cela exige une ouverture d'esprit, une flexibilité, une capacité à apprendre et à s'adapter, et une volonté d'assumer la responsabilité de nos actions. Restaurer l'autonomie signifie également questionner et remettre en cause les hypothèses, les croyances et les structures existantes. C'est une manière de "re-questionner" les conditions de l'action. En questionnant et en réexaminant les structures existantes, nous pouvons trouver de nouvelles possibilités d'action, et nous pouvons être mieux équipés pour gérer les défis et les incertitudes de notre monde complexe.
 
À la différence d’un système linéaire, il est nécessaire de questionner à chaque avancement afin de faire le bilan de son action. C'est ce qu'on appelle parfois une approche itérative ou adaptative, qui est souvent utilisée dans la gestion de systèmes complexes. Au lieu de définir un plan d'action fixe et de s'y tenir coûte que coûte, cette approche implique de faire des ajustements continus en fonction des retours d'information et des résultats obtenus. Dans ce processus, il est crucial d'impliquer les différents groupes concernés et de prendre en compte leurs points de vue et leurs retours d'information. Cela peut permettre d'identifier les obstacles et les opportunités qui ne seraient pas visibles d'un point de vue plus éloigné ou plus centralisé. Il est également important de rester ouvert à l'apprentissage et à l'adaptation, car les systèmes complexes sont souvent imprévisibles et peuvent évoluer de manière inattendue. L'approche itérative et adaptative permet d'expérimenter, d'apprendre de l'expérience, et d'ajuster les actions en conséquence. C'est une façon de naviguer dans la complexité sans prétendre la contrôler totalement. Finalement, agir dans un système complexe demande une certaine humilité, une acceptation de l'incertitude, et une volonté d'apprendre et de s'adapter constamment. C'est une approche qui reconnaît la complexité du monde réel et cherche à y faire face de manière pragmatique et créative.

En raison de la complexité croissante de nos sociétés et du développement de la technologie de l'information, la dynamique de l'action publique et politique a radicalement changé. Premièrement, il y a beaucoup plus de parties prenantes impliquées dans toute décision politique ou action publique. Cela comprend non seulement les acteurs traditionnels tels que les gouvernements, les organisations non gouvernementales et les entreprises, mais aussi les individus et les communautés, qui ont maintenant accès à une grande quantité d'informations et ont la possibilité de s'exprimer publiquement grâce aux réseaux sociaux et autres plateformes numériques. Deuxièmement, la rapidité de l'information signifie que les décisions et actions sont soumises à un examen public quasi instantané. Cela peut créer une pression pour des actions rapides et des résultats immédiats, parfois au détriment d'une planification à long terme ou d'une réflexion approfondie. Troisièmement, le contexte dans lequel l'action publique et politique se déroule est devenu beaucoup plus complexe et incertain. Il y a un plus grand nombre de défis interconnectés à prendre en compte, comme le changement climatique, l'inégalité économique, la migration, la sécurité, la diversité culturelle, etc.

Face à cette complexité, il est nécessaire d'adopter des approches plus flexibles, inclusives et réflexives. Cela peut impliquer de favoriser la participation citoyenne, d'utiliser des données pour informer la prise de décision, de promouvoir la transparence et la responsabilité, et de reconnaître et gérer les incertitudes et les risques. La nécessité d'intégrer les critiques et les positionnements des individus est un aspect essentiel de ce processus. Cela implique de créer des espaces pour le dialogue et la délibération, d'écouter et de prendre au sérieux les points de vue divergents, et d'être prêt à ajuster les plans et les stratégies en fonction des retours d'information et des évolutions du contexte.

La concertation est essentielle pour naviguer dans les systèmes complexes. Elle permet aux différents acteurs de partager leurs perspectives, de négocier des compromis et de prendre des décisions collectivement. C'est un processus dynamique qui évolue au fur et à mesure que les acteurs interagissent et que les circonstances changent. Dans ce contexte, il est important de comprendre que l'action n'est pas seulement déterminée par un ensemble fixe d'objectifs, mais est aussi façonnée par le processus de négociation lui-même. C'est pourquoi les objectifs peuvent être remis en question et renégociés au cours du processus. Cela signifie également que le résultat de l'action n'est pas seulement le produit des objectifs initiaux, mais aussi de toutes les négociations, adaptations et ajustements qui ont eu lieu tout au long du processus. Par conséquent, le résultat final peut être très différent de ce qui était initialement prévu. Cependant, ce processus de concertation et de négociation peut être complexe et difficile à gérer. Il nécessite une communication efficace, une compréhension mutuelle, le respect des différences, la patience, et souvent la volonté de faire des compromis. Il peut également nécessiter la facilitation ou la médiation pour aider à résoudre les conflits et à trouver des solutions acceptables pour tous.
 
Un processus intégratif et pragmatique au sein d'un système complexe nécessite généralement beaucoup de temps et d'efforts. Il est fondamentalement participatif, ce qui signifie qu'il inclut le plus grand nombre possible de personnes dans le processus de prise de décision et d'action. L'intégration dans ce contexte signifie que tous les acteurs concernés - qu'il s'agisse de citoyens ordinaires, de groupes de la société civile, d'entreprises, de chercheurs, de décideurs politiques ou d'autres parties prenantes - sont impliqués dans le processus. Leur participation contribue à enrichir le processus avec diverses perspectives et connaissances, et favorise également la légitimité et l'acceptabilité des décisions prises. Le pragmatisme, quant à lui, implique une approche flexible et orientée vers les solutions. Au lieu de s'accrocher rigoureusement à des idéologies ou à des plans prédéterminés, les acteurs doivent être prêts à adapter leurs arguments et leurs objectifs en fonction des circonstances changeantes et des préoccupations des autres parties prenantes. Cela peut souvent impliquer des négociations et des compromis. Cependant, bien que ce processus puisse être lent et parfois difficile, il est souvent nécessaire pour naviguer efficacement dans les systèmes complexes. Il aide à anticiper et à gérer les conséquences imprévues, à résoudre les conflits, et à élaborer des solutions plus durables et équitables. 
 
Les processus d’action aujourd’hui doivent chercher dans un monde complexe l’ensemble de ces données sous peine radicale d’échec. Il faut prendre en conséquence l’imprévisible et le non prévisible. Cela signifie que la complexité et l'incertitude doivent être prises en compte lors de la planification et de l'exécution d'actions, particulièrement dans un contexte sociétal ou organisationnel. Dans un monde complexe, les choses sont souvent interconnectées de manières subtiles et non évidentes. De petits changements peuvent avoir de grandes répercussions, et les résultats ne sont pas toujours prévisibles. De plus, nous ne pouvons pas toujours anticiper tous les facteurs qui peuvent influencer une situation donnée. C'est ce qu'on appelle l'imprévisible (ce qui est inattendu malgré une bonne planification) et le non prévisible (ce qui est totalement inconnu ou inimaginable à l'avance). Ainsi, dans un tel environnement, il est essentiel de prendre en compte une gamme de données variées et d'être prêt à ajuster les plans et les actions en conséquence. Cela peut impliquer une surveillance constante de l'environnement, une évaluation régulière des résultats, et une flexibilité pour changer de direction en fonction des nouvelles informations ou des événements imprévus. Cela nécessite également une certaine humilité et la reconnaissance que nous ne pouvons pas tout savoir ou contrôler, et que nous devons être prêts à apprendre et à nous adapter en permanence. En d'autres termes, nous devons être capables de gérer l'incertitude et l'imprévisibilité, et de les intégrer dans notre processus de prise de décision et d'action. Dans un monde complexe, le succès dépend souvent de notre capacité à naviguer dans l'incertitude, à tirer des leçons de nos erreurs, et à nous adapter et évoluer avec le système. 
 
Lorsque nous agissons, nous introduisons une certaine quantité de changement dans le système dans lequel nous nous trouvons. En même temps, ce changement rend le système plus complexe et, par conséquent, plus difficile à comprendre. C'est le paradoxe de l'action et de la connaissance. En effet, chaque action que nous entreprenons crée une nouvelle réalité, modifie notre environnement et influence les comportements des autres. Cependant, ces modifications peuvent rendre notre environnement plus complexe et moins prévisible, créant ainsi des zones d'incertitude et d'ignorance. De plus, étant donné que nos actions sont souvent basées sur nos connaissances actuelles, ces actions peuvent rapidement devenir obsolètes ou inappropriées lorsque les circonstances changent. Par exemple, l'utilisation des technologies numériques modifie constamment notre environnement social et culturel. À mesure que ces technologies évoluent, de nouvelles formes de communication et d'interaction émergent, créant de nouvelles réalités qui doivent être comprises et maîtrisées. Cependant, chaque nouvelle technologie introduit également de nouveaux défis et incertitudes, rendant ainsi notre environnement plus complexe et plus difficile à comprendre. Cela souligne l'importance de l'apprentissage continu et de l'adaptabilité dans notre monde de plus en plus complexe. Nous devons être prêts à remettre en question nos suppositions existantes, à apprendre de nos erreurs et à nous adapter à de nouvelles réalités. De plus, cela suggère que nous devons adopter une approche humble et prudente face à l'action, reconnaissant que nos actions peuvent avoir des conséquences inattendues et que notre compréhension du monde est toujours limitée et imparfaite.

Quand nous agissons dans le monde, nous le faisons généralement sur la base de nos connaissances actuelles, qui sont forcément limitées et partielles. Nos actions, ainsi, ont souvent des effets secondaires inattendus ou non prévus, ce qui produit de "l'ignorance" ou de la "non-connaissance". Par exemple, prenons le cas de l'innovation technologique. Lorsqu'une nouvelle technologie est introduite, nous ne comprenons pas toujours pleinement toutes ses implications possibles. Cela peut conduire à des effets secondaires inattendus ou non prévus. Cependant, avec le temps, nous apprenons à partir de ces effets secondaires et ils deviennent une nouvelle "connaissance". Ce processus est ce que certains appellent "l'apprentissage par l'action". C'est un aspect essentiel de la manière dont nous naviguons dans un monde complexe et incertain. Nous agissons, nous observons les résultats, nous ajustons nos actions en fonction de ces observations, et ainsi de suite. C'est un processus itératif et continu d'apprentissage et d'adaptation. Mais, il faut aussi prendre conscience que ce processus peut être douloureux, car il implique souvent de faire face à des erreurs, des échecs et des imprévus. C'est pourquoi la capacité à apprendre de ses erreurs, à s'adapter et à évoluer est si cruciale dans notre monde de plus en plus complexe.

Selon Morin, la complexité fait référence à la façon dont différents éléments d'un système sont interconnectés et interdépendants. C'est une caractéristique intrinsèque de nombreux phénomènes naturels et sociaux, et elle est particulièrement évidente dans notre société moderne. Morin soutient que notre monde est à la fois extraordinairement avancé et remarquablement complexe. Par exemple, nous avons fait d'énormes progrès en science et en technologie, ce qui a amélioré notre vie de bien des manières. Cependant, ces avancées ont également créé de nouvelles formes de complexité et d'incertitude. Par exemple, la technologie a transformé la façon dont nous communiquons et partageons l'information, mais elle a également créé de nouveaux défis, comme les fake news ou la cybercriminalité. En outre, Morin souligne que dans notre quête de connaissance et de progrès, nous générons aussi beaucoup de "méconnaissances", c'est-à-dire des choses que nous ne comprenons pas ou que nous ignorons. Parfois, ces méconnaissances peuvent être très dangereuses. Par exemple, nous pourrions développer une nouvelle technologie sans comprendre pleinement ses effets sur l'environnement ou la société. Dans ce contexte, Morin plaide pour une approche plus humble et réflexive de la connaissance et de l'action. Il soutient que nous devrions chercher à comprendre la complexité de notre monde, plutôt que de chercher à la simplifier ou à l'ignorer. Cela nécessite un changement fondamental dans notre façon de penser et d'agir, un changement qui reconnaît et embrasse la complexité de notre monde.
 
Le principe de précaution est une approche utilisée en politique et en gestion de risques lorsque des actions peuvent causer un dommage potentiel et lorsque le degré d'incertitude scientifique est élevé. Selon ce principe, même en l'absence de consensus scientifique, des mesures de précaution doivent être prises si une action ou une politique a le potentiel de causer un préjudice grave ou irréversible à la société ou à l'environnement. Dans le contexte de l'action publique, le principe de précaution peut être un outil précieux pour gérer la complexité et l'incertitude. Par exemple, si une nouvelle technologie ou une nouvelle politique a le potentiel de causer un dommage important, mais que les preuves scientifiques ne sont pas encore claires, le principe de précaution suggère que nous devrions retarder ou modifier l'action jusqu'à ce que nous ayons une meilleure compréhension des risques potentiels. Cependant, le principe de précaution est aussi sujet à débat. Certains soutiennent qu'il peut entraver le progrès et l'innovation, en faisant de la prévention d'un risque hypothétique une priorité sur la réalisation de bénéfices potentiels. De plus, l'application du principe de précaution peut être complexe en pratique, car elle nécessite de faire des jugements sur l'acceptabilité des risques, l'équilibre entre les avantages et les risques, et le niveau d'incertitude scientifique qui justifie l'action préventive. Ainsi, alors que le principe de précaution peut être un outil précieux pour naviguer dans la complexité et l'incertitude, il est également nécessaire de le mettre en œuvre de manière réfléchie et équilibrée.

L'incertitude et la complexité sont intrinsèques à notre monde moderne et sont à l'origine de nombreuses difficultés lorsque nous essayons de prendre des décisions éclairées sur la façon d'agir. C'est précisément pour cela que le principe de précaution est si important. Le principe de précaution recommande d'agir avec prudence lorsqu'il y a une incertitude significative et que les actions potentielles pourraient avoir des conséquences graves ou irréversibles. Cela signifie qu'il peut être nécessaire de retarder ou de modifier certaines actions jusqu'à ce que nous ayons une meilleure compréhension des risques potentiels. Dans ce contexte, il est également crucial de reconnaître et de prendre en compte la production continue de la "non-connaissance" ou de l'incertitude. Cela peut souvent signifier l'intégration de nouvelles informations et la modification des plans d'action en conséquence. Il est également important de noter que le principe de précaution n'est pas une barrière à l'action, mais plutôt une approche pour prendre des décisions réfléchies et responsables dans un contexte d'incertitude. Cela nécessite une rétroaction constante, une analyse des données et des connaissances existantes, ainsi qu'une volonté de s'adapter et de changer de cap si nécessaire. En fin de compte, il s'agit de trouver le juste équilibre entre l'action et la prudence.

Ce sont ces contradictions qui soulèvés par Morin : difficulté d’agir, de penser le futur, surproduction de la non-connaissance en même temps que l’injonction de l’action.

* '''Difficulté d'agir''' : Dans un monde complexe, chaque action peut avoir des répercussions imprévues et souvent indésirables. Cela rend l'action beaucoup plus difficile car les conséquences ne sont pas toujours prévisibles.
* '''Difficulté de penser le futur''' : Étant donné l'incertitude et l'imprévisibilité inhérentes à un système complexe, il est difficile de planifier et de prévoir l'avenir avec précision. Nous ne pouvons que faire des suppositions éclairées basées sur nos connaissances actuelles, qui sont toujours incomplètes et potentiellement erronées.
* '''Surproduction de non-connaissance''' : Plus nous découvrons sur le monde, plus nous réalisons combien nous ignorons encore. Ainsi, même si nos connaissances s'accroissent, notre "non-connaissance" (c'est-à-dire ce que nous ne savons pas encore ou ne comprenons pas encore complètement) augmente aussi.
* '''Injonction à l'action''' : Malgré toutes ces difficultés, nous sommes constamment sous pression pour agir, prendre des décisions et progresser. Cela peut être dû à des contraintes de temps, à des exigences sociétales ou politiques, ou simplement au désir inhérent de l'homme d'influencer son environnement et d'améliorer sa situation.

Ces contradictions peuvent rendre l'action et la prise de décision dans un monde complexe incroyablement difficiles. C'est pourquoi Morin plaide pour une approche qui reconnaît et embrasse cette complexité, plutôt que de la simplifier ou de l'ignorer. Il souligne l'importance de la rétroaction constante, de l'apprentissage continu et de l'adaptabilité face à l'incertitude et au changement.

= Conclusion : Synthèse et perspectives pour l'action dans la théorie politique =
Le livre "Agir dans un monde incertain : Essai sur la démocratie technique" de Michel Callon, Pierre Lascoumes et Yannick Barthes propose une nouvelle façon de comprendre la démocratie et la prise de décision dans le contexte des défis technologiques et environnementaux contemporains. Selon les auteurs, les décisions techniques et scientifiques ont des implications sociales et politiques majeures, et pourtant, elles sont souvent prises par une petite élite de spécialistes, ce qui peut entraîner une déconnexion entre les politiques publiques et les préoccupations et besoins des citoyens. Pour répondre à ce défi, ils proposent le concept de "démocratie technique", où les citoyens sont activement impliqués dans les décisions techniques et environnementales. Cela nécessite de créer des "mondes communs" - des espaces de discussion et de délibération où les experts, les décideurs politiques et les citoyens peuvent collaborer et négocier sur des questions techniques et scientifiques. En d'autres termes, ils soutiennent que dans un monde de plus en plus complexe et incertain, nous devons repenser la façon dont nous prenons des décisions et impliquer une plus grande diversité de voix et de perspectives. Cela nécessite d'inventer de nouvelles formes de démocratie et de gouvernance qui sont plus ouvertes, inclusives et capables de gérer la complexité et l'incertitude.
 
Dans un monde complexe et non linéaire, la prise de décision et l'action nécessitent une approche plus dynamique et adaptative. Au lieu de supposer que nous pouvons prédire précisément les résultats et tracer une ligne droite vers nos objectifs, nous devons être prêts à apprendre, à nous adapter et à changer de cap en fonction des retours d'information que nous recevons. Cela nécessite l'instauration de systèmes de rétroaction efficaces - des mécanismes qui nous fournissent des informations sur les effets de nos actions, nous permettant d'évaluer si nous nous dirigeons dans la bonne direction ou si nous devons ajuster notre approche. Les boucles de rétroaction sont un concept clé dans de nombreux domaines, de la biologie à l'ingénierie en passant par la gestion de projets. Dans le contexte de l'action politique et publique, cela pourrait signifier l'implémentation de systèmes de surveillance et d'évaluation qui nous permettent de mesurer l'impact de nos politiques et d'identifier rapidement les problèmes potentiels. Cela pourrait également signifier l'ouverture de canaux de communication plus efficaces avec les citoyens et les parties prenantes, afin de recevoir des retours d'information et de comprendre comment les politiques sont perçues et vécues sur le terrain. En fin de compte, agir dans un monde complexe exige une prise de décision éclairée par les données, l'apprentissage constant, et la volonté de s'adapter et de changer en fonction des retours d'information et des nouvelles informations que nous recevons.  
 
En raison de la complexité croissante du monde, de la rapidité des changements et de l'incertitude inhérente à nos sociétés modernes, les politiques publiques nécessitent une approche beaucoup plus dynamique et adaptable qu'il y a cinquante ans. La gestion de la complexité requiert des outils pour évaluer en temps réel l'impact et l'efficacité des actions. Ces outils pourraient inclure une variété de techniques de suivi et d'évaluation, ainsi que des systèmes de gestion des données pour recueillir, analyser et interpréter ces informations. Il s'agit non seulement de suivre les résultats, mais aussi de comprendre les processus par lesquels ces résultats sont obtenus, afin d'identifier les éventuels problèmes ou obstacles. Ces boucles de rétroaction en temps réel permettent aux responsables politiques de faire des ajustements en cours de route, plutôt que de s'en tenir à une ligne de conduite définie à l'avance. En d'autres termes, elles permettent une approche plus flexible et réactive de la politique publique, qui peut être ajustée en fonction des retours d'information reçus et des changements dans le contexte. Cela nécessite une certaine ouverture d'esprit de la part des responsables politiques, ainsi qu'une volonté de reconnaître et de corriger les erreurs. Il est également crucial de favoriser la transparence et la participation des citoyens, afin d'obtenir une image précise des effets des politiques sur le terrain et de comprendre les différentes perspectives et préoccupations. Tout cela rend la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques plus difficile qu'auparavant. Cependant, cela peut également conduire à des politiques plus efficaces, plus adaptatives et plus alignées sur les besoins et les préoccupations de la société. 

Le "savoir profane" et le "savoir d’expert" jouent tous deux des rôles importants dans la compréhension et la gestion des problèmes complexes de notre monde. Le "savoir d’expert" provient des spécialistes qui ont une connaissance approfondie dans un domaine spécifique, par exemple les scientifiques, les universitaires ou les professionnels. Ce savoir est basé sur des études formelles, de la recherche, ou une expérience pratique intensive. C'est généralement le type de savoir auquel on se réfère lorsqu'on parle d'"expertise". Cependant, le "savoir profane", ou la connaissance du quotidien, a aussi une grande valeur. Cela comprend les connaissances et les expériences acquises par les individus dans leur vie de tous les jours, souvent dans un contexte spécifique. Par exemple, un agriculteur local peut avoir une connaissance approfondie de son environnement local, de la météo et des conditions du sol, qui peut compléter ou même contredire l'information obtenue par des experts plus "traditionnels".

La proposition de Michel Callon, Pierre Lascoumes et Yannick Barthes dans "Agir dans un monde incertain" est que nous devons valoriser et intégrer à la fois le savoir profane et le savoir d'expert dans notre processus de prise de décision. Cela signifie donner aux citoyens non seulement un rôle dans la mise en œuvre des politiques, mais aussi dans leur conception. En effet, la "capacité à se penser elle-même" est une caractéristique clé d'une société résiliente et capable de s'adapter à des conditions changeantes. Dans ce contexte, l'expertise n'est plus seulement le domaine des spécialistes, mais elle devient un processus de co-production de savoirs, qui valorise et intègre une variété de perspectives et d'expériences. C'est une approche qui peut être plus lente et plus complexe, mais qui peut aussi conduire à des solutions plus robustes, plus adaptatives et plus démocratiques.

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Dans le contexte actuel de rapidité et de complexité accrue des défis sociétaux, l'approche traditionnelle de la prise de décision peut être insuffisante. Les "temps courts" font référence à la pression constante pour prendre des décisions rapidement, souvent dans des situations où les informations sont incomplètes ou incertaines. Dans le même temps, les "dimensions sociétales sans difficulté" soulignent la complexité croissante de notre monde, où les problèmes sont souvent interconnectés et transcendent les frontières traditionnelles de la discipline ou de la juridiction. Face à ces défis, il est nécessaire de développer de nouvelles méthodologies et de nouveaux outils d'évaluation. Cela pourrait inclure des approches plus adaptatives et réactives, qui permettent une réévaluation constante et des ajustements en fonction des nouvelles informations ou des changements de circonstances. La "construction de forums" suggère une approche participative, où diverses parties prenantes - y compris des experts de différents domaines, des décideurs politiques, et des membres du public - sont impliquées dans le processus de prise de décision. Ces forums peuvent servir d'espaces pour le dialogue, la délibération, et la co-construction de solutions. Ces approches peuvent aider à intégrer une variété de perspectives, à réduire l'incertitude, et à améliorer la qualité des décisions. Cependant, elles exigent également une volonté de remettre en question les suppositions existantes, de naviguer dans l'incertitude, et d'accepter que les décisions soient prises dans un contexte de "non-savoir" continu. 
 
C'est l'idée de la démocratie délibérative et participative, où le pouvoir politique et la prise de décision sont plus répartis parmi la population. Dans un tel système, les citoyens ne sont pas seulement des électeurs passifs mais des acteurs actifs du processus politique. Ils participent à des forums et des débats pour discuter des problèmes de société, créer des solutions et orienter les décisions politiques. La notion de "capacité collective à discuter" est essentielle ici. Cela implique que tous les citoyens ont la possibilité de participer à la discussion, et que cette discussion est structurée de manière à promouvoir un échange d'idées constructif et respectueux. Cela signifie également que la discussion doit être éclairée et informée, ce qui nécessite un accès équitable à l'information et à l'éducation. L'expertise sociétale peut jouer un rôle clé dans ce processus. Elle se rapporte à la capacité des individus et des groupes de la société à comprendre et à interpréter les informations, à formuler des arguments et à évaluer les options politiques. Cette expertise peut provenir de diverses sources, y compris l'éducation formelle, l'expérience de vie, l'activisme, le bénévolat, la participation à des organisations communautaires, etc. En ce sens, la politique devient un effort collectif de la société dans son ensemble pour naviguer dans l'incertitude et faire face aux défis. Cela marque un changement significatif par rapport à l'idée traditionnelle que la politique est quelque chose qui est "énoncé" ou déterminé par une élite politique.
 
Cette théorie appelle à une réimagination de la manière dont nous abordons la politique et la prise de décision dans une société de plus en plus complexe. Elle reconnaît que nous ne pouvons pas simplement compter sur les anciennes méthodes et outils pour naviguer dans les défis d'aujourd'hui. Les nouveaux outils pourraient inclure des technologies qui permettent une participation plus large et plus efficace à la discussion politique, des systèmes d'éducation qui préparent les citoyens à participer activement à la démocratie, des institutions qui favorisent l'équité et l'inclusion, et des mécanismes de responsabilisation qui garantissent que les décisions sont prises dans l'intérêt de tous. Ces outils ne sont pas seulement techniques ou institutionnels, ils sont aussi culturels et sociaux. Ils nécessitent des changements dans notre manière de penser le pouvoir, l'information, l'expertise et la responsabilité. Ils demandent une plus grande ouverture, une plus grande écoute et une plus grande volonté de collaborer. Cette théorie est révolutionnaire parce qu'elle appelle à un changement radical dans la façon dont nous nous engageons dans la politique et nous nous efforçons de créer un avenir commun. Elle demande plus qu'un simple ajustement des systèmes existants, elle demande une transformation fondamentale de la manière dont nous concevons et pratiquons la politique. 
 
Le principe de précaution repose sur l'idée que dans des situations d'incertitude, en particulier lorsqu'il y a des risques potentiels graves pour la santé ou l'environnement, des mesures préventives devraient être prises même en l'absence de preuves scientifiques absolues. C'est une approche qui a été largement adoptée dans les domaines de l'environnement et de la santé publique, où l'incertitude et les risques potentiels sont élevés. Le principe de précaution reconnaît l'existence de l'incertitude et la nécessité de prendre des décisions malgré celle-ci. Il insiste sur l'idée que l'absence de certitude ne doit pas être une excuse pour ne pas agir, surtout lorsque l'inaction pourrait entraîner des conséquences graves ou irréversibles. En même temps, le principe de précaution exige un processus de décision transparent et démocratique. Il invite à une prise de décision collaborative, où diverses parties prenantes - des scientifiques, des citoyens, des décideurs politiques, etc. - sont impliquées dans le processus. Il promeut également l'importance de la recherche continue pour réduire l'incertitude et les risques. Donc, oui, le principe de précaution est une manière d'aborder la gestion de l'incertitude qui prend en compte le manque de données, tout en favorisant une action proactive et une prise de décision éclairée. 
 
Hannah Arendt a fortement souligné l'importance de la pensée pour l'action. Selon elle, l'action est un élément central de la vie humaine, mais il est crucial qu'elle soit guidée par la pensée réfléchie. Dans son œuvre, Arendt distingue trois activités fondamentales de la vie humaine : le travail, l'œuvre et l'action. Le travail se rapporte à des activités routinières nécessaires pour la survie, comme manger ou dormir. L'œuvre concerne la création d'objets durables, comme les œuvres d'art ou les bâtiments. L'action, en revanche, se rapporte à l'interaction avec les autres dans le monde public. Pour Arendt, l'action est la plus noble de ces activités car elle exprime la liberté humaine et a le potentiel de créer quelque chose de nouveau dans le monde. Cependant, Arendt met en garde contre l'action sans pensée. Pour elle, l'action doit être guidée par la pensée réfléchie pour être significative. Autrement, elle risque de devenir irréfléchie ou même destructrice. Cette idée est particulièrement présente dans son analyse du totalitarisme, où elle note que les actes de mal les plus terrifiants peuvent être commis par des personnes qui n'ont pas réfléchi aux conséquences de leurs actions. Dans ce contexte, pour qu'une action ait un sens et soit efficace, elle doit être précédée et accompagnée de la pensée. Cela est particulièrement pertinent dans le contexte actuel de décision politique complexe, où la compréhension des interconnexions et des conséquences potentielles est essentielle pour agir de manière responsable et efficace.

Le manque de réflexion et d'analyse peut conduire à des actions malavisées ou impulsives, qui peuvent avoir des conséquences néfastes. Comme l'a souligné Arendt, la capacité à penser est essentielle pour une action significative et responsable. La complexité croissante du monde, comme le souligne Edgar Morin, accentue cette exigence. Agir dans un monde complexe nécessite de comprendre cette complexité, d'évaluer les interconnexions et les conséquences potentielles, et d'être prêt à ajuster nos actions en fonction de nouvelles informations ou de rétroactions. De plus, dans le contexte de la prise de décision publique, l'incapacité à penser peut mener à des politiques inefficaces ou même nuisibles. La participation active des citoyens à travers des forums d'échanges peut aider à renforcer le processus de pensée en intégrant une diversité de perspectives et en favorisant une réflexion collective. Ainsi, il est crucial de favoriser et de valoriser la pensée critique et l'analyse dans tous les aspects de notre vie, y compris l'action publique et politique.

= Annexes =
*Callon, Michel, Pierre Lascoumes, and Yannick Barthe. Acting in an Uncertain World: An Essay on Technical Democracy. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 2009.
*Warren, M. E. (1999). What is Political? Journal of Theoretical Politics, 11(2), 207–231. https://doi.org/10.1177/0951692899011002004

= References =
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[[Category:science politique]]
[[Category:théorie politique]]
[[Category:Rémi Baudoui]]