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  |professeurs=[[Sacha Zala]]<ref>[https://www.dodis.ch/fr/portrait/groupe-de-recherche/sacha-zala Profil de Sacha Zala sur Documents Diplomatiques Suisses]</ref><ref>[http://www.zala.ch/cv/CV_Zala.pdf CV de Sacha Zala]</ref><ref>[https://de.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Sacha_Zala&oldid=189708391 Profil wikipedia de Sacha Zala]</ref><ref>[http://www.hist.unibe.ch/ueber_uns/personen/zala_sacha/index_ger.html Profil de Sacha Zala sur le site de l'Université de Berne]</ref><ref>[https://www.zala.ch/ Site personnel de Sacha Zala]</ref>
  |professeurs=[[Sacha Zala]]<ref>[https://www.dodis.ch/fr/portrait/groupe-de-recherche/sacha-zala Profil de Sacha Zala sur Documents Diplomatiques Suisses]</ref><ref>[http://www.zala.ch/cv/CV_Zala.pdf CV de Sacha Zala]</ref><ref>[https://de.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Sacha_Zala&oldid=189708391 Profil wikipedia de Sacha Zala]</ref><ref>[http://www.hist.unibe.ch/ueber_uns/personen/zala_sacha/index_ger.html Profil de Sacha Zala sur le site de l’Université de Berne]</ref><ref>[https://www.zala.ch/ Site personnel de Sacha Zala]</ref>
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*[[Introduction au cours de diplomatie multilatérale et organisations internationales]]
*[[Introduction to the Multilateral Diplomacy and International Organizations Course]]
*[[Les débuts de la gestion du système internationale : le concert européen et le nouvel internationalisme]]
*[[The beginnings of the management of the international system: the European concert and the new internationalism]]
*[[Aux origines de la Société des Nations]]
*[[The origins of the League of Nations]]
*[[La paix de Paris et la Société des Nations]]
*[[The Peace of Paris and the League of Nations]]
*[[La Société des Nations comme organisation pour la coopération technique, économique, sociale et humanitaire]]
*[[The League of Nations as an organization for technical, economic, social and humanitarian cooperation]]
*[[La Société des Nations et la sécurité internationales : 1920 1939]]
*[[The League of Nations and International Security: 1920 - 1939]]
*[[La naissance de l’Organisation des Nations Unies]]
*[[The birth of the United Nations]]
*[[L’ONU et la Guerre froide de 1945 à 1973 : crises et coopérations]]
*[[The United Nations and the Cold War from 1945 to 1973: crises and cooperation]]
*[[L’ONU et la sécurité internationale : 1945 2013]]
*[[The United Nations and international security: 1945 - 2013]]
}}
}}


{{Translations
{{Translations
| en = L’ONU et la sécurité internationale : 1945 – 2013
| en = L’ONU et la sécurité internationale : 1945 – 2013
| es =  
| es = La ONU y la seguridad internacional: 1945 - 2013
}}
}}


= Pouvoirs essentiels de l’ONU pour la résolution des différends =
= Essential powers of the UN for dispute resolution =


[[File:Panorama of the United Nations General Assembly, Oct 2012.jpg|thumb|320px|Panorama of the UNGA]]
[[File:Panorama of the United Nations General Assembly, Oct 2012.jpg|thumb|320px|Panorama of the UNGA]]


Il faut citer l’article 99 qui a été ajouté à San Francisco permettant au secrétaire général de l’ONU de porter au Conseil de sécurité toute situation qu’il juge délicate pour le maintien de la paix internationale. Un secrétaire général en fonction gagne une influence non négligeable sur ce qui se passe et peut jouer un rôle actif pouvant offrir de plus ses bons offices comme dans le cadre du Vietnam où l’ONU ne joue pas un rôle formel. Le secrétaire général peut envoyer des intermédiaires spéciaux.
We must mention Article 99, which was added in San Francisco, allowing the UN Secretary General to bring to the Security Council any situation he considers delicate for the maintenance of international peace. A serving Secretary-General gains significant influence over what happens and can play an active role that can also offer good offices, as in the case of Vietnam, where the UN does not play a formal role. The Secretary-General may send special intermediaries.


Le chapitre VI prévoit le règlement pacifique des différends. Le chapitre VII consacre les mesures en cas de rupture de la paix ou d’agression. Le maintien de la paix n’est pas prévu par la charte même. Nous avons vu que les Casques bleus sont devenus un instrument central de l’ONU en matière de sauvegarde des lignes d’armistice étant un exemple intéressant du droit international. Quelque chose de pas prévu va se développer. Le chapitre VIII prévoit une coopération avec des organisations régionales.
Chapter VI provides for the peaceful settlement of disputes. Chapter VII deals with measures in the event of a breach of the peace or aggression. Peacekeeping is not provided for in the charter itself. We have seen that peacekeepers have become a central instrument of the United Nations in safeguarding armistice lines as an interesting example of international law. Something not planned will develop. Chapter VIII provides for cooperation with regional organizations.


L’Assemblée générale dispose d’une fonction subsidiaire qui est que si le Conseil de sécurité n’arrive pas à résoudre une question, il est possible pour l’Assemblée générale de la traiter. La résolution du 3 novembre 1950 « Unifié pour de la paix » a accordé cette compétence à l’Assemblée générale qui pouvait convoquer une séance extraordinaire. C’est un autre exemple du développement du droit international n’étant pas prévu par la Charte originale. C’est un hommage à ce que pensait Wilson à savoir qu’il était mieux de créer une organisation de manière dynamique plutôt qu’une paix.
The General Assembly has a subsidiary function, which is that if the Security Council cannot resolve a matter, it is possible for the General Assembly to deal with it. The resolution of 3 November 1950 "Unified for Peace" granted this competence to the General Assembly, which could convene an extraordinary meeting. This is another example of the development of international law that is not provided for in the original Charter. It is a tribute to Wilson's belief that it was better to create an organization in a dynamic way than a peace.


= Limitations du pouvoir de l’ONU =
= Limitations on the power of the UN =
La question de la souveraineté des États est soulevée par la Charte de l’ONU qui ne prévoit l’intervention que dans le cas de conflits interétatiques. Il n’était pas contraignant pour les États de signer la charte vu que la charte est prévue pour des cas où il y aurait une situation de conflit ou de guerre entre États.


Une deuxième limite à l’efficacité de son travail est la question de la vitesse de ses décisions. Les commissions multilatérales de l’ONU ne fonctionnent pas toujours de manière effective. Il y a aussi le fait que les États membres du Conseil de sécurité n’ont pas toujours intérêt à agir de manière rapide et ont intérêt à retarder une décision étant un problème pour l’efficacité de l’ONU. Il y a également le véto de grandes puissances. Dans tous les conflits qui concernent directement les intérêts des grandes puissances du Conseil de sécurité, l’organisation peut être bloquée à travers le véto des grandes puissances. Il y a aussi la question de la prolifération nucléaire avec une sorte de « véto de la bombe ». Avec la prolifération des bombes atomiques ou des bombes à nitrogènes, les États peuvent exercer un véto factuel à travers la menace de la bombe atomique réduisant les possibilités de l’ONU notamment avec l’exemple de la Corée du Nord.
The issue of State sovereignty is raised by the UN Charter, which provides for intervention only in the case of inter-State conflicts. It was not binding on States to sign the Charter as the Charter is intended for cases where there would be a situation of conflict or war between States.


= Évolution intellectuelle de la politique de sécurité des Secrétaires généraux =
A second limitation to the effectiveness of its work is the question of the speed of its decisions. UN multilateral commissions do not always function effectively. There is also the fact that the States members of the Security Council do not always have an interest in acting quickly and have an interest in delaying a decision as a problem for the effectiveness of the United Nations. There is also the veto of great powers. In all conflicts that directly affect the interests of the major powers of the Security Council, the organization can be blocked through the veto of the major powers. There is also the issue of nuclear proliferation with a kind of "bomb veto". With the proliferation of atomic bombs or nitrogen bombs, States can exercise a factual veto through the threat of the atomic bomb reducing the possibilities of the UN, particularly with the example of North Korea.


Chacun des secrétaires généraux a essayé de donner un visage à son mandat à travers des innovations.
= Intellectual evolution of the security policy of the Secretaries-General =


== Trygve Lie : 1946 – 1952 ==
Each of the Secretaries-General has tried to give a face to his mandate through innovations.
 
== Trygve Lie: 1946 – 1952 ==


[[File:Trygve_Lie.jpg|thumb|Trygve Lie.]]
[[File:Trygve_Lie.jpg|thumb|Trygve Lie.]]


Lie fut le premier secrétaire général n’ayant aucun modèle pour s’orienter. Il est à l’origine du programme Force for Peace. Lie a adopté une position ouverte dans les conflits internationaux ayant agit sans l’accord préalable de membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité lu ayant valu des critiques durant la Guerre de Corée et en particulier du camp soviétique. Il a adopté une position favorable à l’entrée de la République de Chine à la place de Taïwan au Conseil de sécurité. À travers sa prise de position en faveur de la Corée du Sud, Lie s’est exposé énormément dans le cadre de la Guerre froide menant au refus de l’Union soviétique de soutenir sa réélection. Il a donné un profil fort créant une image forte du poste de secrétaire général des Nations Unies donnant un modèle pour ses successeurs.
Lie was the first Secretary General who had no model to guide himself. He is the founder of the Force for Peace program. Lie has taken an open position in international conflicts that have acted without the prior agreement of permanent members of the read Security Council that were criticized during the Korean War and in particular by the Soviet camp. It has adopted a position in favour of the Republic of China's entry into the Security Council in place of Taiwan. Through his position in favour of South Korea, Lie exposed himself enormously in the Cold War leading to the Soviet Union's refusal to support his re-election. He gave a strong profile creating a strong image of the position of Secretary General of the United Nations giving a model for his successors.


== Dag Hammarskjöld : 1953 – 1961 ==
== Dag Hammarskjöld: 1953 – 1961 ==


[[File:Dag_Hammarskj%C3%B6ld.jpg|left|thumb|150px|Dag Hammarskjöld.]]
[[File:Dag_Hammarskj%C3%B6ld.jpg|left|thumb|150px|Dag Hammarskjöld.]]


Le successeur de Lie est le suédois Dag Hammarskjöld soutenu par la France et la Grande-Bretagne dans un contexte de Guerre froide. Hammarskjöld était un diplomate brillant et discret. Par sa nature réservée et diplomatique, il est parvenu à élargir les compétences du secrétaire général et à rehausser le respect accordé à cette fonction. Hammarskjöld a profité de la mort de Staline en 1953 et avec l’arrivée de Khrouchtchev pouvant proposer une certaine ouverture antagoniste dans un contexte de Guerre froide. Il y a introduit les Casques bleus dans la crise de Suez de 1956 étant encore aujourd’hui l’un des instruments les plus importants de l’ONU. Il a eu recours à une diplomatie de conciliation menant à des résultats et créant de dynamiques à l’intérieur de l’ONU. Il a été réélu grâce à cette position conciliante sans aucune opposition en 1958. Dans la crise congolaise, il y a commencé à tomber sous les critiques vu qu’on lui a reprochait d’être au service de l’intérêt de la Belgique et des États-Unis. C’est dans ce contexte que Khrouchtchev avait élaboré un plan lors d’un discours de remplacer le secrétaire général par une troïka. La figure du secrétaire général devient tellement forte que des États comme l’URSS cherchent à diminuer son influence. Hammarskjöld est décédé dans un crash au Congo qui donne encore aujourd’hui matière à spéculation.
Lie's successor is the Swedish Dag Hammarskjöld, supported by France and Great Britain in the context of the Cold War. Hammarskjöld was a brilliant and discreet diplomat. By its reserved and diplomatic nature, it has succeeded in broadening the Secretary General's skills and enhancing the respect accorded to this function. Hammarskjöld took advantage of Stalin's death in 1953 and with the arrival of Khrushchev, who could offer a certain antagonistic openness in a Cold War context. There, he introduced the Blue Helmets into the Suez crisis of 1956, still being one of the most important instruments of the UN today. It has used conciliation diplomacy to achieve results and create dynamics within the UN. He was re-elected thanks to this conciliatory position without any opposition in 1958. In the Congolese crisis, he began to fall under criticism because he was accused of being at the service of the interests of Belgium and the United States. It was in this context that Khrushchev had drawn up a plan in a speech to replace the Secretary General with a troika. The figure of the Secretary General became so strong that states like the USSR sought to reduce its influence. Hammarskjöld died in a crash in Congo that still gives rise to speculation today.


== U Thant : 1961 – 1971 ==
== U Thant: 1961 – 1971 ==


[[File:U-Thant-10617.jpg|thumb|200px|U Thant.]]
[[File:U-Thant-10617.jpg|thumb|200px|U Thant.]]


U Thant est le premier secrétaire général qui n’est pas européen. U Thant était ambassadeur de la Birmanie auprès des Nations Unies et jouissait d’une bonne réputation auprès des États d’Afrique et d’Asie. U Thant était un diplomate calme et expérimenté pouvant résister à une grande pression ce qu’il montre pendant la crise des missiles de Cuba. Thant va reprendre la doctrine de Hammarskjöld. Il a également réussi à amener la question des tensions sociales entre les États plus riches et les États du tiers-monde, il y a aussi un élargissement des thématiques liées au travail des Nations Unies qui se fait beaucoup plus large. C’est grâce à U Thant qu’on voit que le potentiel des tensions sociales entre nord et sud ont une grande importance et qu’il est nécessaire de les aborder au niveau international.
U Thant is the first Secretary General who is not European. U Thant was Burma's ambassador to the United Nations and had a good reputation with African and Asian states. U Thant was a calm and experienced diplomat who could withstand great pressure, which he showed during the Cuban missile crisis. Thant will take over Hammarskjöld's doctrine. It has also succeeded in raising the issue of social tensions between the richer states and the third world states, and there is also a much broader expansion of the themes related to the work of the United Nations. It is thanks to U Thant that we see that the potential of social tensions between North and South are of great importance and that it is necessary to address them at the international level.


== Kurt Waldheim : 1971 – 1981 ==
== Kurt Waldheim: 1971 – 1981 ==
Kurt Waldheim était l’ambassadeur d’Autriche auprès des Nations Unies pendant de nombreuses années. Son bilan en tant que secrétaire général et président de l’État autrichien est mitigé. La période des années 1970 fut des années difficiles pour l’ONU en pleine Guerre froide. Waldheim s’est fait remarquer pour son engagement pour les droits de l’homme préconisant une ONU active en cas de violation des droits de l’Homme et s’est investie pour les prisonniers politiques engageant des conférences importantes pour aider les boat people, mais aussi pour aider les réfugiés du Cambodge.


[[File:Hans Herbert Macholz, Kurt Waldheim, Escola Roncagli, and Artur Phleps in Podgorica, Yugoslavia, 1943.jpg|center|thumb|240px|Kurt Waldheim (second depuis la gauche) avec le général italien Ercole Roncaglia, le colonel Hans Herbert Macholz, et le ''SS-Gruppenführer'' Artur Phleps au champ d’aviation de Podgorica, le 22 mai 1943.]]
Kurt Waldheim was Austria's ambassador to the United Nations for many years. His record as Secretary General and President of the Austrian State is mixed. The 1970s were difficult years for the UN in the midst of the Cold War. Waldheim has distinguished herself for her commitment to human rights, advocating for an active UN in cases of human rights violations and for political prisoners engaging in important conferences to help boat people, but also to help refugees from Cambodia.


== Pérez de Cuéllar : 1981 – 1991 ==
[[File:Hans Herbert Macholz, Kurt Waldheim, Escola Roncagli, and Artur Phleps in Podgorica, Yugoslavia, 1943.jpg|center|thumb|240px|Kurt Waldheim (second from left) with Italian General Ercole Roncaglia, Colonel Hans Herbert Macholz, and SS-Gruppenführer'' Artur Phleps at the Podgorica airfield on May 22, 1943.]]
 
== Pérez de Cuéllar: 1981 – 1991 ==


[[File:Javier_P%C3%A9rez_de_Cu%C3%A9llar.JPG|thumb|200px|Perez de Cuellar.]]
[[File:Javier_P%C3%A9rez_de_Cu%C3%A9llar.JPG|thumb|200px|Perez de Cuellar.]]


Pérez de Cuéllar prend fonction en 1981. Il promouvait une diplomatie tranquille et une meilleure répartition des richesses. Les États-Unis sous Reagan ont critiqué l’ONU et son secrétaire général. Après le dégèle avec l’Union soviétique, une nouvelle phase plus constructive a commencée pour l’ONU, mais aussi pour Pérez de Cuéllar. Son mandat va être couronné par des médiations qui ont du succès comme en Afghanistan, au Cambodge et en Amérique centrale. Son retrait a eu lieu peu après la fin de la Guerre froide. On peut dire que Pérez de Cuéllar était le dernier secrétaire général de l’ONU dans la Guerre froide. Il y a également cherché à moderniser le secrétaire général des Nations Unies. Il promeut l’étude « Perspectives for the 1990s » mettant l’accent sur les capacités du secrétariat de rassembler des informations pour empêcher l’éclatement d’un conflit. Il y a l’idée du secrétariat comme organe de « supervision globale » des centres de tensions internationales, ce qui est appelé le « Global Watch ». Est créé l’« Office for Research and Information Collection ». Néanmoins, le contexte de Guerre froide fait que beaucoup de questions sont résolues par les États-Unis et l’URSS.
Pérez de Cuéllar took office in 1981. He promoted quiet diplomacy and a better distribution of wealth. The United States under Reagan criticized the UN and its Secretary General. After the thaw with the Soviet Union, a new and more constructive phase began for the UN, but also for Pérez de Cuéllar. His mandate will be crowned by successful mediations in Afghanistan, Cambodia and Central America. Its withdrawal took place shortly after the end of the Cold War. It can be said that Pérez de Cuéllar was the last UN Secretary General in the Cold War. He also sought to modernize the Secretary General of the United Nations. It promotes the study "Perspectives for the 1990s" focusing on the secretariat's capacity to gather information to prevent the outbreak of conflict. There is the idea of the secretariat as a body for the "global supervision" of international centres of tension, known as the "Global Watch". The "Office for Research and Information Collection" is established. Nevertheless, the Cold War context means that many issues are resolved by the United States and the USSR.


== Boutros Boutros-Ghali : 1992 – 1996 ==
== Boutros Boutros-Ghali: 1992 – 1996 ==


[[File:Boutros_Boutros-Ghali_in_Davos.JPG|thumb|200px|Boutros Boutros-Ghali.]]
[[File:Boutros_Boutros-Ghali_in_Davos.JPG|thumb|200px|Boutros Boutros-Ghali.]]


Boutros Boutros-Ghali avant d’être promu était ministre suppléant de l’Égypte ayant joué un rôle important pour les accords de Camp David et dans l’Union africaine. Il voulait conduire l’ONU dans une nouvelle ère cherchant à donner une nouvelle ligne principale de conduite à l’ONU. Son Agenda pour la paix comprenait des points importants et réalisables pour le renforcement du maintien de la paix notamment en mettant l’accent sur la prévention rapide (early warning), le stationnement préventif avec des accords des parties (zones démilitarisées, stationnement des casques bleus pas après, mais avant un conflit), des missions sur place du secrétariat ou encore des missions sur place du Conseil de sécurité (fact-finding missions) Ce n’était pas une période facile pour l’ONU. Beaucoup d’États, à la fin de la Guerre froide, ont cherché à trouver leur propre chemin restreignant la marge de manœuvre de l’ONU dans ce contexte. L’Agenda pour le développement visait à lutter contre la pauvreté, les famines comme qui était perçue comme cause de conflit. Ainsi, il va renforcer l’aide humanitaire dans des situations de détresse. L’Agenda pour la démocratisation met en exergue l’absence des structures démocratiques comme source de conflit. Boutros-Ghali va porter une assistance à restaurer ou consolider des structures démocratiques, pour l’organisation et la supervision des élections, la rédaction des constitutions, mais encore pour le renforcement des capacités de gouvernance, l’assistance technique aux administrations tout comme la formation des polices.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali before being promoted was Deputy Minister of Egypt, having played an important role in the Camp David agreements and in the African Union. He wanted to lead the UN into a new era seeking to give a new main line of conduct to the UN. Its Agenda for Peace included important and achievable points for strengthening peacekeeping, including an emphasis on early warning, preventive parking with agreements between the parties (demilitarized zones, blue helmet parking not after, but before a conflict), secretariat field missions or Security Council fact-finding missions. This was not an easy period for the United Nations. Many States, at the end of the Cold War, sought to find their own path restricting the UN's room for manoeuvre in this context. The Development Agenda aimed to fight poverty, famine as a perceived cause of conflict. Thus, it will strengthen humanitarian aid in situations of distress. The Agenda for Democratisation highlights the absence of democratic structures as a source of conflict. Boutros-Ghali will provide assistance to restore or consolidate democratic structures, for the organization and supervision of elections, the drafting of constitutions, but also for governance capacity building, technical assistance to administrations and police training.


== Kofi Annan : 1997 – 2006 ==
== Kofi Annan: 1997 – 2006 ==


[[File:Kofi_Annan.jpg|thumb|200px|Kofi Annan.]]
[[File:Kofi_Annan.jpg|thumb|200px|Kofi Annan.]]


Kofi Annan est un personnage charismatique qui a beaucoup marqué le développement des Nations Unies marquant un changement assez fort à la suite du mandat de Boutros Boutros-Ghali passant de la prévention des guerres interétatiques à la prévention des conflits armés y compris des guerres civiles notamment à travers des mesures opérationnelles de médiation ou d’intervention rapide lors des crises. Annan a poussé le concept qu’en plus du fait d’être libre de la peur, il fallait aussi être libre de la violence construisant le concept de « global human security » qui est une sécurité qui se définit aussi avec la liberté du besoin. Il y a une ouverture du concept de sécurité qui participe d’une ouverture humanitaire mettant un focus sur la dignité humaine et le bien-être. La conception de la sécurité militaire a une ouverture de plus en plus large où la sécurité humaine est liée au concept de la santé, de la sécurité juridique, de l’éducation, de l’accès aux ressources dans le cadre d’une société non-violente. La lutte contre la pauvreté et la réduction de la misère sont devenues des tâches importantes de la politique de sécurité qui est un élargissement substantiel de ce qu’est le concept de sécurité. Il y a un ensemble de mesures structurelles et systématiques. Les mesures structurelles sont le renforcement des capacités des sociétés à autogérer des conflits (capacity-building), le renforcement de la culture de la paix avec la paix comme résultat des valeurs et pratiques culturelles ou encore l’organisation de « dialogues démocratiques » au sein des sociétés frappées par des conflits internes. Les mesures systémiques sont par exemple le contrôle de la traite des diamants, de la traite illicite des armes légères, ou encore des mesures visant à contrer la prolifération des armes ABC, lutter contre la pauvreté, empêcher la dégradation de l’environnement et ses conséquences conflictuelles sur les sociétés.
Kofi Annan is a charismatic character who has marked the development of the United Nations in a very significant way, marking a fairly strong change following Boutros Boutros-Ghali's mandate from the prevention of inter-state wars to the prevention of armed conflicts, including civil wars, in particular through operational measures of mediation or rapid intervention during crises. Annan pushed the concept that in addition to being free of fear, we must also be free of violence, building the concept of "global human security" which is a security that is also defined with the freedom of need. There is an opening of the concept of security that is part of a humanitarian opening focusing on human dignity and well-being. The concept of military security is increasingly open where human security is linked to the concept of health, legal security, education, access to resources in a non-violent society. The fight against poverty and the reduction of poverty have become important tasks of the security policy, which is a substantial expansion of the concept of security. There is a set of structural and systematic measures. Structural measures are the strengthening of the capacities of societies to manage conflicts (capacity-building), the strengthening of the culture of peace with peace as a result of cultural values and practices or the organization of "democratic dialogues" within societies affected by internal conflicts. Systemic measures include, for example, the control of the diamond trade, the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons, measures to counter the proliferation of ABC weapons, fight poverty, prevent environmental degradation and its conflicting consequences on societies.


== Ban Ki Moon : 2007 – 2016 ==
== Ban Ki Moon: 2007 – 2016 ==
Ban Ki Moon a été élu en 2007 étant dans son deuxième mandat qui va prendre fin en 2016. Il est diplomate de la Corée du Sud. On peut voir une évolution intellectuelle, mais il est difficile de dire ce que la personnalité elle-même a amené en rapport avec le contexte et les contingences.
 
Ban Ki Moon was elected in 2007 and is in his second term, which will end in 2016. He is a diplomat from South Korea. We can see an intellectual evolution, but it is difficult to say what the personality itself has brought in relation to context and contingencies.


[[File:Ban_Ki-moon_1-2.jpg|thumb|center|200px|Ban Ki Moon.]]
[[File:Ban_Ki-moon_1-2.jpg|thumb|center|200px|Ban Ki Moon.]]


= Médiation =
= Mediation =
L’organisation peut servir à travers ses bons offices, agir en tant que médiateur, observer et effectuer du fact-finding. Le Secrétaire général comme le Conseil de sécurité jouent un rôle important dans ce secteur.
The organisation can serve through its good offices, act as a mediator, observe and perform fact-finding. Both the Secretary-General and the Security Council play an important role in this area.


On peut distinguer trois étapes :
Three steps can be distinguished:
*1945 1969, pendant la guerre « très froide » et la décolonisation : cette période est marquée par la crise de Berlin en 1948, la crise de Suez en 1956 ou encore la crise de Cuba en 1962. Est créé la fédération malaisienne suit au conflit sur le Bornéo du nord entre l’Indonésie, les Philippines et le Malay-britannique en 1963. Le fact-finding mission vise à établir le vœu de la population concernée. Au Bahreïn, un conflit entre 1969 et 1970 impliquant l’Iran et le Royaume-Uni a mené à une médiation par Ralph Bunche.
*1945 - 1969, during the "very cold" war and decolonization: this period was marked by the Berlin crisis in 1948, the Suez crisis in 1956 or the Cuban crisis in 1962. The Malaysian federation was created following the conflict in North Borneo between Indonesia, the Philippines and Malay-British in 1963. The fact-finding mission aims to establish the wishes of the population concerned. In Bahrain, a conflict between 1969 and 1970 involving Iran and the United Kingdom led to mediation by Ralph Bunche.
*1969 1986, crises lors de l’époque de la détente : cette période est marquée par le conflit israélo-arabe. Avec la crise des otages à Téhéran qui dura de 1979 à 1981, il faut noter que c’est désormais la Suisse qui gère les intérêts américains en Iran<ref>Foreign Policy,. (2015). The Untold Story of the U.S. and Cuba’s Middleman.</ref>. Le plan de paix proposé par Javier Pérez de Cuéllar avant la guerre des Iles de Falkland/Malouines fut un échec du au manque de temps.
*1969 - 1986, crises during the period of détente: this period was marked by the Arab-Israeli conflict. With the hostage crisis in Tehran that lasted from 1979 to 1981, it should be noted that it is now Switzerland that manages American interests in Iran<ref>Foreign Policy,. (2015). The Untold Story of the U.S. and Cuba's Middleman. </ref>. The peace plan proposed by Javier Pérez de Cuéllar before the Falkland Islands/Malvinas war was a failure due to time constraints.
*1987 2011, crises de la période après Guerre froide : un conflit entre Turquie et la Bulgarie en 1989 a lieu concernant l’éviction des femmes, enfants et personnes âgées de la minorité turque. En Afrique du Sud est mis en place un observatoire et une médiation entre l’ANC de Mandela et Inkatha Freedom Party de Mangosuthu Buthelezi afin de limiter et endiguer la violence. Entre 1995 se passe le conflit territorial entre l’Érythrée et le Yémen concernant les îles Ḩānīsh soumises au modèle de résolution d’un différend et à une commission d’arbitrage après médiation du SG. Il y a également eu une médiation française et des bons offices d’autres membres du Conseil de sécurité notamment de la part de l’Allemagne et des États-Unis. Un conflit territorial a lieu entre le Cameroun et le Nigeria en 2002.
*1987 - 2011, crises of the post-Cold War period: a conflict between Turkey and Bulgaria in 1989 took place concerning the eviction of women, children and elderly people from the Turkish minority. In South Africa, an observatory and mediation between the Mandela ANC and Mangosuthu Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party is being set up to limit and contain violence. Between 1995 there was the territorial conflict between Eritrea and Yemen over the islands Ḩānīsh subject to the dispute resolution model and an arbitration commission after mediation by the SG. There was also French mediation and good offices from other members of the Security Council, including Germany and the United States. A territorial conflict took place between Cameroon and Nigeria in 2002.


= Maintien de la paix =
= Maintien de la paix =
Ligne 101 : Ligne 104 :
[[File:Evstafiev-un-peacekeepers-sarajevo-w.jpg|thumb|French VAB UNPROFOR armoured personnel carriers during the Siege of Sarajevo]]
[[File:Evstafiev-un-peacekeepers-sarajevo-w.jpg|thumb|French VAB UNPROFOR armoured personnel carriers during the Siege of Sarajevo]]


Le maintien de la paix est surement un autre élément très central de l’ONU. Il ne peut toutefois être instauré qu’avec l’accord des parties concernées. Une résolution du Conseil de sécurité est le fondement pour une opération de peace-keeping. En règle générale, les opérations de peace-keeping suivent un processus avec un armistice dont l’application est assurée par les Casques bleus devant être issus des pays qui sont neutres par rapport à ce concept. Le concept du maintien de la paix a été développé par Lester Pearson qui avait représenté l’ONU pendant la crise du canal de Suez lui valant le prix Nobel pour la paix en 1957. Une autre personne qui a développé le peace-keeping est Hammarskjöld et Ralph Bunche qui a représenté l’ONU dans le conflit israélo-arabe. Les opérations de maintien de la paix se sont multipliées avec de la crise de Suez en 1956, celle du Congo entre 1960 et 1963, celle de Suez de 1973à 1979 survenant après guerre israélo-arabe du Yom Kippur de 1973), mais aussi la crise de Chypre qui commença en 1976 et dure jusqu’à présent, le conflit du Liban de 1982à 1984. Il y a une multiplication des actions de l’ONU après la fin de la Guerre froide comme avec UNPROFOR en ex-Yougoslavie.
Peacekeeping is surely another very central element of the UN. However, it can only be established with the agreement of the parties concerned. A Security Council resolution is the basis for a peace-keeping operation. As a general rule, peace-keeping operations follow a process with an armistice, the application of which is ensured by the peacekeepers to be drawn from countries that are neutral with regard to this concept. The concept of peacekeeping was developed by Lester Pearson, who represented the United Nations during the Suez Canal crisis that won him the Nobel Peace Prize in 1957. Another person who developed peace-keeping is Hammarskjöld and Ralph Bunche who represented the UN in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Peacekeeping operations multiplied with the Suez crisis in 1956, the Congo crisis between 1960 and 1963, the Suez crisis from 1973 to 1979 following the Arab-Israeli war of Yom Kippur in 1973), but also the Cyprus crisis that began in 1976 and has lasted until now, the Lebanon conflict from 1982 to 1984. There is a multiplication of UN actions after the end of the Cold War, as with UNPROFOR in former Yugoslavia.


= Imposition de la paix =
= Peace enforcement =
Le concept de peace-enforcemnt doit partir dune résolution du Conseil de sécurité basé sur le chapitre VII de la Charte. Les puissances qui détiennent un véto en ont fait peu usage notamment parce que les coûts humains, les risques élevés et les enjeux de pouvoir sont risqués. De nombreux cas ont été résolus dans le cadre du Conseil de sécurité comme la Guerre de Corée de 1950 à 1953, la Guerre civile au Congo qui dura de 1960 à 1963, mais qui fut du maintien de la paix sans paix, la Guerre d’Irak de 1991, la Guerre civile de Somalie de 1992 qui fut aussi du maintien de la paix sans paix, ainsi que le conflit de Bosnie de 1995. L’imposition de la paix s’est aussi faite sans consentement de l’ONU comme ce fut le cas pour le Kosovo en 1999 et l’Irak en 2003.
 
The concept of peace-enforcemnt must be based on a Security Council resolution based on Chapter VII of the Charter. Powers holding vetoes have made little use of them, particularly because human costs, high risks and power issues are risky. Many cases have been resolved by the Security Council, such as the Korean War from 1950 to 1953, the Civil War in Congo which lasted from 1960 to 1963, but which was peace-keeping without peace, the Iraq War in 1991, the Somalia Civil War in 1992, which was also peace-keeping without peace, and the Bosnia conflict in 1995. Peace was also imposed without UN consent, as was the case for Kosovo in 1999 and Iraq in 2003.


[[Fichier:UNSC Summit 2005.jpg|thumb|300px|center|Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies est un haut lieu de la diplomatie internationale]]
[[Fichier:UNSC Summit 2005.jpg|thumb|300px|center|Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies est un haut lieu de la diplomatie internationale]]


= Sanctions, « smart sanctions » =
= Sanctions, "smart sanctions" =
Pour qu’il y ait une sanction, il faut une résolution du Conseil de sécurité ou de l’Assemblée générale selon le chapitre VII de la Charte des Nations Unies. Dans les années 1950, les sanctions visaient principalement les pays qui pratiquaient l’apartheid comme en Rhodésie du Sud en 1966 et en Afrique du Sud en 1976. Après la Guerre froide, les sanctions ont été appliquées de différentes manières notamment à travers le concept de « smart sanctions ».


La question de l’efficacité des sanctions renvoie au fait qu’elles sont traditionnellement vues comme instrument faible, mais cela est depuis récemment qu’elles sont vues comme instrument relativement efficace. Néanmoins, la critique est que les sanctions touchent plus les populations que des gouvernements, c’est pourquoi sont mis en place des sanctions ciblées que l’on appelle « smart sanctions » comme, par exemple, le « Oil-for-food program » avec Iraq. Cela passe aussi par le contrôle des armements, l’inspection d’armes et désarmement, le commerce, l’aviation, les voyages, comptes gelés.
For there to be a sanction, a resolution of the Security Council or the General Assembly under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter is required. In the 1950s, sanctions were mainly targeted at countries that practiced apartheid, such as Southern Rhodesia in 1966 and South Africa in 1976. After the Cold War, sanctions were applied in different ways, including through the concept of "smart sanctions".


= Mesures préventives =
The question of the effectiveness of sanctions refers to the fact that they are traditionally seen as a weak instrument, but it is only recently that they have been seen as a relatively effective instrument. Nevertheless, the criticism is that sanctions affect populations more than governments, which is why targeted sanctions are put in place, known as "smart sanctions" such as, for example, the "Oil-for-food program" with Iraq. This also includes arms control, weapons inspection and disarmament, trade, aviation, travel, frozen accounts.
Le système d’analyse et d’avertissement (early warning, Frühwarnsystem) est une nouvelle évolution dans les instruments de l’ONU. Cet instrument fut introduit par Kofi Annan consistant en des mesures préventives afin d’éviter des conflits cherchant à se baser sur un système de surveillance de manière préventive. Il y a des actions humaines qui augmentent la confiance. Ces mesures préventives consistent en l’amélioration des conditions de vie dans les pays concernés à travers une aide humanitaire pour prévenir des crises ou l’escalade des conflits.


Les mesures structurelles sont l’aide au développement comme, par exemple, la réforme terrienne ou de l’éducation pour la paix, mais aussi l’assistance au « state-building » et à la démocratisation comme, par exemple, les « dialogues démocratiques » sous Kofi Annan, l’entrainement des forces de police pour le respect des droits humains. Un ensemble de mesures systématiques visent par exemple à la régulation du trafic d’armes, la production et du trafic des narcotiques, à lutter contre la prolifération, contre la pauvreté et des famines ou encore contre la dégradation de l’environnement.
= Preventive measures =


Un concept souligne l’importance croissante des mesures préventives. Il s’agit de la conceptualisation de la guerre au XXIème siècle et ce qu’on appelle la « nouvelle guerre ». Herfried Münkler a beaucoup publié sur ce sujet. Münkler différentie trois catégories XXIème siècle :
The analysis and warning system (early warning, Frühwarnsystem) is a new development in UN instruments. This instrument was introduced by Kofi Annan consisting of preventive measures to avoid conflicts seeking to rely on a monitoring system in a preventive way. There are human actions that increase trust. These preventive measures consist in improving living conditions in the countries concerned through humanitarian aid to prevent crises or escalating conflicts.
*guerres de pacification : les guerres de pacification ont toujours eu lieu dans les sociétés d’abondance. Ce type de guerre est mené du centre vers la périphérie et ce sont des guerres asymétriques, c’est-à-dire que plus une puissance est grande et possédant une supériorité technologique attaque un adversaire plus faible. Ces guerres de pacification sont généralement relativement courtes et sans effusion de sang. Les acteurs cherchent à les justifier leurs actions par l’usage du droit international.
*guerre de destruction : la logique est que ces guerres fonctionnent à l’opposé des guerres de pacification. Ce sont des régions périphériques ou des groupes qui amènent la guerre dans des sociétés d’abondance. Le cas classique de ce type de guerre de ce celui du terrorisme en international. Ce sont des guerres asymétriques cherchant à toucher les États dans ce que Winston Churchill appelait le « bas ventre mou » des États. Dans ce type de conflit, les terroristes compensent leur nette infériorité technique par une disposition au sacrifice croissante.
*guerre pour la maîtrise des ressources : il qualifie les guerres civiles et les guerres transnationales de « guerre de ressources ». Dans ce type de guerre, il s’agit principalement de réaliser des gains économiques. Ce qui caractérise ces guerres est leur durée interminable et une privatisation de la violence. Officiellement, cette guerre pour la maîtrise des ressources n’a aucun but politique. S’il arrive que les parties en guerre aient nomment des buts politiques, ceci reste toutefois vague et ne sert souvent que de prétexte. La cible première n’est pas l’armée régulière, mais la population civile.


En créant ce paysage de guerre, Münkler résume que les guerres d’États traditionnels qui opposent de manière idéale deux adversaires symétriques sont dépassées. Les règles du droit international qui étaient conçues pour gérer précisément la manière traditionnelle de faire la guerre pèsent de plus en plus d’importance. Donc, les guerres futures ne sont plus entrent des États nationaux avec une composante asymétrique. Les mesures préventives pour éviter ces guerres vont prendre de plus en plus une grande importance. Il y a une transformation du droit international et du fonctionnement de l’ONU et de ses instruments.
Structural measures are development aid such as, for example, land reform or peace education, but also assistance for state-building and democratisation such as, for example, the "democratic dialogues" under Kofi Annan, training police forces to respect human rights. A set of systematic measures are aimed, for instance, at regulating arms trafficking, the production and trafficking of narcotics, combating proliferation, poverty and famine and environmental degradation.


= Grands échecs =
One concept underlines the growing importance of preventive measures. This is the conceptualization of war in the 21st century and what is called the "new war". Herfried Münkler has published extensively on this subject. Münkler differentiates three categories 21st century:
Malgré tous les efforts de l’ONU, il faut quand même dire qu’il y a eu de grands échecs. D’un côté, l’ONU n’a pas réussi à mettre fin aux guerres et de l’autre côté, l’ONU n’a pas réussi à empêcher des génocides.
*Peace wars: Peace wars have always taken place in societies of plenty. This type of warfare is conducted from the centre to the periphery and is asymmetric, i.e. the larger a power is and the more technologically superior it attacks a weaker adversary. These wars of pacification are generally relatively short and bloodless. Actors seek to justify their actions by the use of international law.
*War of destruction: the logic is that these wars operate in the opposite way to wars of pacification. These are peripheral regions or groups that bring war into affluent societies. The classic case of this type of war and international terrorism. These are asymmetric wars seeking to affect states in what Winston Churchill called the "soft underbelly" of states. In this type of conflict, terrorists compensate for their clear technical inferiority with a willingness to make increasing sacrifices.
*War for the control of resources: he describes civil wars and transnational wars as "war of resources". In this type of war, the main aim is to achieve economic gains. What characterizes these wars is their endless duration and a privatization of violence. Officially, this war for control of resources has no political purpose. While the warring parties may sometimes name political goals, this remains vague and often serves only as a pretext. The primary target is not the regular army, but the civilian population.


La guerre d’Algérie qui dura de 1955 à 1961 toucha une colonie française qui l’était depuis 1830. La France a utilisé l’Algérie comme colonie même quand elle devenue un département français avec une distinction entre les citoyens et les sujets. Suite à la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, les tensions se sont fait sentir des plus en plus et la France a réagi avec une grande violence contre le mouvement d’indépendance national. La France pour finir de se retirer et de nombreuses violations de droits de l’homme ont données une image très négative à la France. L’un des problèmes typiques qui était dans le Conseil de sécurité des l’ONU était que la France en faisait partie et donc pouvait bloquer de la manière systématique toute tentative de médiation avec l’utilisation du véto.
In creating this war landscape, Münkler summarizes that traditional state wars that ideally oppose two symmetrical opponents are over. The rules of international law that were designed to precisely manage the traditional way of waging war are becoming increasingly important. Therefore, future wars are no longer entering national states with an asymmetric component. Preventive measures to avoid these wars will become increasingly important. There is a transformation of international law and the functioning of the United Nations and its instruments.


Au Vietnam de 1962 à 1974 se trame la même logique avec les États-Unis qui peuvent bloquer avec leurs vétos toute activité. En tout, et c’est une grande différence par rapport à la Société des Nations, même si l’ONU était bloquée et ne pouvait pas développer sa propre activité dans la guerre de Vietnam, la figure du secrétaire général a eu une grande importance étant donné qu’elle a pu mettre en place des médiations.
= Major failures =


Un autre cas assez grave est la situation en Ouganda qui dura de 1973 1977 avec la dictature de Amine Dada où il y a eu d’innombrables violations de droits de l’homme. Ce fut une grave situation l’ONU n’a pas su réagir. Une autre situation est celle du Cambodge de 1975 à 1978 où il y a eu lieu le génocide perpétré par les Khmers rouges. L’ONU n’a pas été active. En 1994, a eu lieu le au Rwanda avec le génocide d’environ 500000 êtres humains qui en très peu de temps ont été assassinés.
Despite all the efforts of the United Nations, it must be said that there have been major failures. On the one hand, the UN has failed to stop wars and on the other hand, the UN has failed to prevent genocide.
En ce qui concerne la situation en Afrique centrale encore aujourd’hui, sont mis en exergue des échecs et même au Moyen-Orient, il faut noter le rôle important des Nations Unies pour la création de deux États indépendants en Palestine, mais qui, confronté à la réalité, a forcé l’ONU à accepter les résultats qui se sont mis en route.
 
The Algerian war that lasted from 1955 to 1961 affected a French colony that had been so since 1830. France used Algeria as a colony even when it became a French department with a distinction between citizens and subjects. Following the Second World War, tensions became increasingly acute and France reacted with great violence against the national independence movement. France finally withdrew and many human rights violations have given a very negative image to France. One of the typical problems that was in the UN Security Council was that France was a member of it and could therefore systematically block any attempt at mediation with the use of the veto.
 
In Vietnam from 1962 to 1974, the same logic was applied to the United States, which could block any activity with its bicycles. In all, and this is a great difference compared to the League of Nations, even if the UN was blocked and could not develop its own activity in the Vietnam War, the figure of the Secretary General was of great importance since it was able to set up mediation.
 
Another rather serious case is the situation in Uganda, which lasted from 1973 to 1977 with the dictatorship of Amine Dada, where there were countless human rights violations. It was a serious situation - the UN failed to respond. Another situation is that of Cambodia from 1975 to 1978, where the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge took place. The UN has not been active. In 1994, took place in Rwanda with the genocide of about 500,000 human beings who were murdered in a very short period of time.
 
With regard to the situation in Central Africa still today, failures are highlighted and even in the Middle East, it is worth noting the important role of the United Nations in the creation of two independent States in Palestine, but which, faced with reality, has forced the United Nations to accept the results that have been achieved.


= Conclusion =
= Conclusion =
Après soixante années d’existence de l’ONU après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, il y a eu une définition de plus en plus large de ce qu’est la paix et de ce qu’est la sécurité internationale. C’est un concept qui, dans l’entre-deux-guerres, était vraiment lié à une paix conçue de manière militaire avec la paix comme absence de guerre alors qu’aujourd’hui on arrive à conceptualiser la sécurité internationale de manière beaucoup plus proactive dans le sens où il faut donner les conditions humaines de vie au gens afin qu’ils puissent vivre décemment.


La grande différence entre 1945 et aujourd’hui est l’accroissement du nombre d’États-nations suite au processus de décolonisation. Cet élargissement des acteurs au niveau des relations internationales a aussi amené à une conceptualisation plus large des activités de l’ONU en termes de développement des politiques d’aide au développement et en termes d’environnement. Le développement de la Société des Nations a montré qu’il faut une culture de la paix pour garantir la stabilité internationale. Il ne faut pas oublier que lorsque les faiseurs de paix en 1919 à Paris ont réalisé les traités de paix, la guerre était encore un instrument légitime de la conduite de la guerre. Ce n’est seulement qu’en 1929 avec le pacte Briand-Kellog qu’il y a la condamnation de la guerre. Cette première décennie de la Société des Nations est encore conçue dans l’esprit que les États souverains peuvent conduire des guerres.
After sixty years of the UN's existence after the Second World War, there has been an increasingly broad definition of what peace is and what international security is. It is a concept that, in the inter-war period, was really linked to a peace conceived in a military way with peace as the absence of war, whereas today we are able to conceptualize international security in a much more proactive way in the sense that we must give people human living conditions so that they can live decently.
 
The major difference between 1945 and today is the increase in the number of nation-states as a result of the decolonization process. This expansion of actors in international relations has also led to a broader conceptualization of United Nations activities in terms of development of development aid policies and in terms of the environment. The development of the League of Nations has shown that a culture of peace is needed to ensure international stability. It should not be forgotten that when the peacemakers in Paris in 1919 achieved peace treaties, war was still a legitimate instrument for the conduct of war. It was only in 1929, with the Briand-Kellog pact, that the war was condemned. This first decade of the League of Nations is still conceived in the spirit that sovereign States can wage wars.


La conceptualisation amène à une analyse beaucoup plus approfondie de ce que sont les conflits, c’est-à-dire les conflits non pas conçus seulement de manière militaire, mais aussi d’intégrer des éléments liés à la politique, à l’économie, à la pauvreté, à la question par exemple de la traite des armes ou encore des diamants. Il y a une tentative de la part de l’ONU de traiter de manière préventive ces questions et de pouvoir bloquer de manière préventive les guerres et les conflits.
Conceptualization leads to a much more in-depth analysis of what conflicts are, i.e. conflicts not only conceived in a military way, but also to integrate elements related to politics, economics, poverty, the issue of, for example, the arms trade or diamonds. There is an attempt on the part of the United Nations to deal with these issues in a preventive manner and to be able to block wars and conflicts in a preventive manner.


La question est désormais de savoir comment les acteurs de l’ONU peuvent trouver une bonne combinaison des instruments pour résoudre ces questions. Dans une trentaine d’années, cette période sera analysée mettant en exergue l’activité de l’ONU actuelle différenciée de celle de la Guerre froide. Les instruments classiques conçus dans le cadre du droit international étaient des instruments conçus pour des guerres conventionnelles entre les États et on se retrouve désormais dans une situation où il n’y a plus beaucoup de clarté. Nous sommes dans une phase assez dynamique qui va voir des changements assez importants de ce que peuvent être des instruments efficaces du droit international.
The question now is how UN actors can find a good mix of instruments to address these issues. In about thirty years' time, this period will be analysed, highlighting the current UN activity, which is different from that of the Cold War. The classical instruments developed under international law were instruments designed for conventional wars between States and now we find ourselves in a situation where there is no longer much clarity. We are in a fairly dynamic phase that will see fairly significant changes in what can be effective instruments of international law.


= Annexes =
= Annexes =
Ligne 151 : Ligne 160 :
*W.S. Lucas. ‘The missing link? Patrick Dean, Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee.’ Contemporary British History. Vol.13 No. 2. 1999, pp. 117-125.
*W.S. Lucas. ‘The missing link? Patrick Dean, Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee.’ Contemporary British History. Vol.13 No. 2. 1999, pp. 117-125.
*P. Cradock. 2002. Know Your Enemy: How the JIC Saw the World. ‘Ch 18. Intelligence and Policy.
*P. Cradock. 2002. Know Your Enemy: How the JIC Saw the World. ‘Ch 18. Intelligence and Policy.
*“Security Council.” International Organization, vol. 1, no. 1, 1947, pp. 74–98. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2703520.


= Références =
= References =
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Version actuelle datée du 1 septembre 2020 à 08:43


Languages

Essential powers of the UN for dispute resolution[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Panorama of the UNGA

We must mention Article 99, which was added in San Francisco, allowing the UN Secretary General to bring to the Security Council any situation he considers delicate for the maintenance of international peace. A serving Secretary-General gains significant influence over what happens and can play an active role that can also offer good offices, as in the case of Vietnam, where the UN does not play a formal role. The Secretary-General may send special intermediaries.

Chapter VI provides for the peaceful settlement of disputes. Chapter VII deals with measures in the event of a breach of the peace or aggression. Peacekeeping is not provided for in the charter itself. We have seen that peacekeepers have become a central instrument of the United Nations in safeguarding armistice lines as an interesting example of international law. Something not planned will develop. Chapter VIII provides for cooperation with regional organizations.

The General Assembly has a subsidiary function, which is that if the Security Council cannot resolve a matter, it is possible for the General Assembly to deal with it. The resolution of 3 November 1950 "Unified for Peace" granted this competence to the General Assembly, which could convene an extraordinary meeting. This is another example of the development of international law that is not provided for in the original Charter. It is a tribute to Wilson's belief that it was better to create an organization in a dynamic way than a peace.

Limitations on the power of the UN[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The issue of State sovereignty is raised by the UN Charter, which provides for intervention only in the case of inter-State conflicts. It was not binding on States to sign the Charter as the Charter is intended for cases where there would be a situation of conflict or war between States.

A second limitation to the effectiveness of its work is the question of the speed of its decisions. UN multilateral commissions do not always function effectively. There is also the fact that the States members of the Security Council do not always have an interest in acting quickly and have an interest in delaying a decision as a problem for the effectiveness of the United Nations. There is also the veto of great powers. In all conflicts that directly affect the interests of the major powers of the Security Council, the organization can be blocked through the veto of the major powers. There is also the issue of nuclear proliferation with a kind of "bomb veto". With the proliferation of atomic bombs or nitrogen bombs, States can exercise a factual veto through the threat of the atomic bomb reducing the possibilities of the UN, particularly with the example of North Korea.

Intellectual evolution of the security policy of the Secretaries-General[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Each of the Secretaries-General has tried to give a face to his mandate through innovations.

Trygve Lie: 1946 – 1952[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Trygve Lie.

Lie was the first Secretary General who had no model to guide himself. He is the founder of the Force for Peace program. Lie has taken an open position in international conflicts that have acted without the prior agreement of permanent members of the read Security Council that were criticized during the Korean War and in particular by the Soviet camp. It has adopted a position in favour of the Republic of China's entry into the Security Council in place of Taiwan. Through his position in favour of South Korea, Lie exposed himself enormously in the Cold War leading to the Soviet Union's refusal to support his re-election. He gave a strong profile creating a strong image of the position of Secretary General of the United Nations giving a model for his successors.

Dag Hammarskjöld: 1953 – 1961[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Dag Hammarskjöld.

Lie's successor is the Swedish Dag Hammarskjöld, supported by France and Great Britain in the context of the Cold War. Hammarskjöld was a brilliant and discreet diplomat. By its reserved and diplomatic nature, it has succeeded in broadening the Secretary General's skills and enhancing the respect accorded to this function. Hammarskjöld took advantage of Stalin's death in 1953 and with the arrival of Khrushchev, who could offer a certain antagonistic openness in a Cold War context. There, he introduced the Blue Helmets into the Suez crisis of 1956, still being one of the most important instruments of the UN today. It has used conciliation diplomacy to achieve results and create dynamics within the UN. He was re-elected thanks to this conciliatory position without any opposition in 1958. In the Congolese crisis, he began to fall under criticism because he was accused of being at the service of the interests of Belgium and the United States. It was in this context that Khrushchev had drawn up a plan in a speech to replace the Secretary General with a troika. The figure of the Secretary General became so strong that states like the USSR sought to reduce its influence. Hammarskjöld died in a crash in Congo that still gives rise to speculation today.

U Thant: 1961 – 1971[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

U Thant.

U Thant is the first Secretary General who is not European. U Thant was Burma's ambassador to the United Nations and had a good reputation with African and Asian states. U Thant was a calm and experienced diplomat who could withstand great pressure, which he showed during the Cuban missile crisis. Thant will take over Hammarskjöld's doctrine. It has also succeeded in raising the issue of social tensions between the richer states and the third world states, and there is also a much broader expansion of the themes related to the work of the United Nations. It is thanks to U Thant that we see that the potential of social tensions between North and South are of great importance and that it is necessary to address them at the international level.

Kurt Waldheim: 1971 – 1981[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Kurt Waldheim was Austria's ambassador to the United Nations for many years. His record as Secretary General and President of the Austrian State is mixed. The 1970s were difficult years for the UN in the midst of the Cold War. Waldheim has distinguished herself for her commitment to human rights, advocating for an active UN in cases of human rights violations and for political prisoners engaging in important conferences to help boat people, but also to help refugees from Cambodia.

Kurt Waldheim (second from left) with Italian General Ercole Roncaglia, Colonel Hans Herbert Macholz, and SS-Gruppenführer Artur Phleps at the Podgorica airfield on May 22, 1943.

Pérez de Cuéllar: 1981 – 1991[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Perez de Cuellar.

Pérez de Cuéllar took office in 1981. He promoted quiet diplomacy and a better distribution of wealth. The United States under Reagan criticized the UN and its Secretary General. After the thaw with the Soviet Union, a new and more constructive phase began for the UN, but also for Pérez de Cuéllar. His mandate will be crowned by successful mediations in Afghanistan, Cambodia and Central America. Its withdrawal took place shortly after the end of the Cold War. It can be said that Pérez de Cuéllar was the last UN Secretary General in the Cold War. He also sought to modernize the Secretary General of the United Nations. It promotes the study "Perspectives for the 1990s" focusing on the secretariat's capacity to gather information to prevent the outbreak of conflict. There is the idea of the secretariat as a body for the "global supervision" of international centres of tension, known as the "Global Watch". The "Office for Research and Information Collection" is established. Nevertheless, the Cold War context means that many issues are resolved by the United States and the USSR.

Boutros Boutros-Ghali: 1992 – 1996[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Boutros Boutros-Ghali.

Boutros Boutros-Ghali before being promoted was Deputy Minister of Egypt, having played an important role in the Camp David agreements and in the African Union. He wanted to lead the UN into a new era seeking to give a new main line of conduct to the UN. Its Agenda for Peace included important and achievable points for strengthening peacekeeping, including an emphasis on early warning, preventive parking with agreements between the parties (demilitarized zones, blue helmet parking not after, but before a conflict), secretariat field missions or Security Council fact-finding missions. This was not an easy period for the United Nations. Many States, at the end of the Cold War, sought to find their own path restricting the UN's room for manoeuvre in this context. The Development Agenda aimed to fight poverty, famine as a perceived cause of conflict. Thus, it will strengthen humanitarian aid in situations of distress. The Agenda for Democratisation highlights the absence of democratic structures as a source of conflict. Boutros-Ghali will provide assistance to restore or consolidate democratic structures, for the organization and supervision of elections, the drafting of constitutions, but also for governance capacity building, technical assistance to administrations and police training.

Kofi Annan: 1997 – 2006[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Kofi Annan.

Kofi Annan is a charismatic character who has marked the development of the United Nations in a very significant way, marking a fairly strong change following Boutros Boutros-Ghali's mandate from the prevention of inter-state wars to the prevention of armed conflicts, including civil wars, in particular through operational measures of mediation or rapid intervention during crises. Annan pushed the concept that in addition to being free of fear, we must also be free of violence, building the concept of "global human security" which is a security that is also defined with the freedom of need. There is an opening of the concept of security that is part of a humanitarian opening focusing on human dignity and well-being. The concept of military security is increasingly open where human security is linked to the concept of health, legal security, education, access to resources in a non-violent society. The fight against poverty and the reduction of poverty have become important tasks of the security policy, which is a substantial expansion of the concept of security. There is a set of structural and systematic measures. Structural measures are the strengthening of the capacities of societies to manage conflicts (capacity-building), the strengthening of the culture of peace with peace as a result of cultural values and practices or the organization of "democratic dialogues" within societies affected by internal conflicts. Systemic measures include, for example, the control of the diamond trade, the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons, measures to counter the proliferation of ABC weapons, fight poverty, prevent environmental degradation and its conflicting consequences on societies.

Ban Ki Moon: 2007 – 2016[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Ban Ki Moon was elected in 2007 and is in his second term, which will end in 2016. He is a diplomat from South Korea. We can see an intellectual evolution, but it is difficult to say what the personality itself has brought in relation to context and contingencies.

Ban Ki Moon.

Mediation[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The organisation can serve through its good offices, act as a mediator, observe and perform fact-finding. Both the Secretary-General and the Security Council play an important role in this area.

Three steps can be distinguished:

  • 1945 - 1969, during the "very cold" war and decolonization: this period was marked by the Berlin crisis in 1948, the Suez crisis in 1956 or the Cuban crisis in 1962. The Malaysian federation was created following the conflict in North Borneo between Indonesia, the Philippines and Malay-British in 1963. The fact-finding mission aims to establish the wishes of the population concerned. In Bahrain, a conflict between 1969 and 1970 involving Iran and the United Kingdom led to mediation by Ralph Bunche.
  • 1969 - 1986, crises during the period of détente: this period was marked by the Arab-Israeli conflict. With the hostage crisis in Tehran that lasted from 1979 to 1981, it should be noted that it is now Switzerland that manages American interests in Iran[6]. The peace plan proposed by Javier Pérez de Cuéllar before the Falkland Islands/Malvinas war was a failure due to time constraints.
  • 1987 - 2011, crises of the post-Cold War period: a conflict between Turkey and Bulgaria in 1989 took place concerning the eviction of women, children and elderly people from the Turkish minority. In South Africa, an observatory and mediation between the Mandela ANC and Mangosuthu Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party is being set up to limit and contain violence. Between 1995 there was the territorial conflict between Eritrea and Yemen over the islands Ḩānīsh subject to the dispute resolution model and an arbitration commission after mediation by the SG. There was also French mediation and good offices from other members of the Security Council, including Germany and the United States. A territorial conflict took place between Cameroon and Nigeria in 2002.

Maintien de la paix[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

French VAB UNPROFOR armoured personnel carriers during the Siege of Sarajevo

Peacekeeping is surely another very central element of the UN. However, it can only be established with the agreement of the parties concerned. A Security Council resolution is the basis for a peace-keeping operation. As a general rule, peace-keeping operations follow a process with an armistice, the application of which is ensured by the peacekeepers to be drawn from countries that are neutral with regard to this concept. The concept of peacekeeping was developed by Lester Pearson, who represented the United Nations during the Suez Canal crisis that won him the Nobel Peace Prize in 1957. Another person who developed peace-keeping is Hammarskjöld and Ralph Bunche who represented the UN in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Peacekeeping operations multiplied with the Suez crisis in 1956, the Congo crisis between 1960 and 1963, the Suez crisis from 1973 to 1979 following the Arab-Israeli war of Yom Kippur in 1973), but also the Cyprus crisis that began in 1976 and has lasted until now, the Lebanon conflict from 1982 to 1984. There is a multiplication of UN actions after the end of the Cold War, as with UNPROFOR in former Yugoslavia.

Peace enforcement[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The concept of peace-enforcemnt must be based on a Security Council resolution based on Chapter VII of the Charter. Powers holding vetoes have made little use of them, particularly because human costs, high risks and power issues are risky. Many cases have been resolved by the Security Council, such as the Korean War from 1950 to 1953, the Civil War in Congo which lasted from 1960 to 1963, but which was peace-keeping without peace, the Iraq War in 1991, the Somalia Civil War in 1992, which was also peace-keeping without peace, and the Bosnia conflict in 1995. Peace was also imposed without UN consent, as was the case for Kosovo in 1999 and Iraq in 2003.

Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies est un haut lieu de la diplomatie internationale

Sanctions, "smart sanctions"[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

For there to be a sanction, a resolution of the Security Council or the General Assembly under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter is required. In the 1950s, sanctions were mainly targeted at countries that practiced apartheid, such as Southern Rhodesia in 1966 and South Africa in 1976. After the Cold War, sanctions were applied in different ways, including through the concept of "smart sanctions".

The question of the effectiveness of sanctions refers to the fact that they are traditionally seen as a weak instrument, but it is only recently that they have been seen as a relatively effective instrument. Nevertheless, the criticism is that sanctions affect populations more than governments, which is why targeted sanctions are put in place, known as "smart sanctions" such as, for example, the "Oil-for-food program" with Iraq. This also includes arms control, weapons inspection and disarmament, trade, aviation, travel, frozen accounts.

Preventive measures[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The analysis and warning system (early warning, Frühwarnsystem) is a new development in UN instruments. This instrument was introduced by Kofi Annan consisting of preventive measures to avoid conflicts seeking to rely on a monitoring system in a preventive way. There are human actions that increase trust. These preventive measures consist in improving living conditions in the countries concerned through humanitarian aid to prevent crises or escalating conflicts.

Structural measures are development aid such as, for example, land reform or peace education, but also assistance for state-building and democratisation such as, for example, the "democratic dialogues" under Kofi Annan, training police forces to respect human rights. A set of systematic measures are aimed, for instance, at regulating arms trafficking, the production and trafficking of narcotics, combating proliferation, poverty and famine and environmental degradation.

One concept underlines the growing importance of preventive measures. This is the conceptualization of war in the 21st century and what is called the "new war". Herfried Münkler has published extensively on this subject. Münkler differentiates three categories 21st century:

  • Peace wars: Peace wars have always taken place in societies of plenty. This type of warfare is conducted from the centre to the periphery and is asymmetric, i.e. the larger a power is and the more technologically superior it attacks a weaker adversary. These wars of pacification are generally relatively short and bloodless. Actors seek to justify their actions by the use of international law.
  • War of destruction: the logic is that these wars operate in the opposite way to wars of pacification. These are peripheral regions or groups that bring war into affluent societies. The classic case of this type of war and international terrorism. These are asymmetric wars seeking to affect states in what Winston Churchill called the "soft underbelly" of states. In this type of conflict, terrorists compensate for their clear technical inferiority with a willingness to make increasing sacrifices.
  • War for the control of resources: he describes civil wars and transnational wars as "war of resources". In this type of war, the main aim is to achieve economic gains. What characterizes these wars is their endless duration and a privatization of violence. Officially, this war for control of resources has no political purpose. While the warring parties may sometimes name political goals, this remains vague and often serves only as a pretext. The primary target is not the regular army, but the civilian population.

In creating this war landscape, Münkler summarizes that traditional state wars that ideally oppose two symmetrical opponents are over. The rules of international law that were designed to precisely manage the traditional way of waging war are becoming increasingly important. Therefore, future wars are no longer entering national states with an asymmetric component. Preventive measures to avoid these wars will become increasingly important. There is a transformation of international law and the functioning of the United Nations and its instruments.

Major failures[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Despite all the efforts of the United Nations, it must be said that there have been major failures. On the one hand, the UN has failed to stop wars and on the other hand, the UN has failed to prevent genocide.

The Algerian war that lasted from 1955 to 1961 affected a French colony that had been so since 1830. France used Algeria as a colony even when it became a French department with a distinction between citizens and subjects. Following the Second World War, tensions became increasingly acute and France reacted with great violence against the national independence movement. France finally withdrew and many human rights violations have given a very negative image to France. One of the typical problems that was in the UN Security Council was that France was a member of it and could therefore systematically block any attempt at mediation with the use of the veto.

In Vietnam from 1962 to 1974, the same logic was applied to the United States, which could block any activity with its bicycles. In all, and this is a great difference compared to the League of Nations, even if the UN was blocked and could not develop its own activity in the Vietnam War, the figure of the Secretary General was of great importance since it was able to set up mediation.

Another rather serious case is the situation in Uganda, which lasted from 1973 to 1977 with the dictatorship of Amine Dada, where there were countless human rights violations. It was a serious situation - the UN failed to respond. Another situation is that of Cambodia from 1975 to 1978, where the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge took place. The UN has not been active. In 1994, took place in Rwanda with the genocide of about 500,000 human beings who were murdered in a very short period of time.

With regard to the situation in Central Africa still today, failures are highlighted and even in the Middle East, it is worth noting the important role of the United Nations in the creation of two independent States in Palestine, but which, faced with reality, has forced the United Nations to accept the results that have been achieved.

Conclusion[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

After sixty years of the UN's existence after the Second World War, there has been an increasingly broad definition of what peace is and what international security is. It is a concept that, in the inter-war period, was really linked to a peace conceived in a military way with peace as the absence of war, whereas today we are able to conceptualize international security in a much more proactive way in the sense that we must give people human living conditions so that they can live decently.

The major difference between 1945 and today is the increase in the number of nation-states as a result of the decolonization process. This expansion of actors in international relations has also led to a broader conceptualization of United Nations activities in terms of development of development aid policies and in terms of the environment. The development of the League of Nations has shown that a culture of peace is needed to ensure international stability. It should not be forgotten that when the peacemakers in Paris in 1919 achieved peace treaties, war was still a legitimate instrument for the conduct of war. It was only in 1929, with the Briand-Kellog pact, that the war was condemned. This first decade of the League of Nations is still conceived in the spirit that sovereign States can wage wars.

Conceptualization leads to a much more in-depth analysis of what conflicts are, i.e. conflicts not only conceived in a military way, but also to integrate elements related to politics, economics, poverty, the issue of, for example, the arms trade or diamonds. There is an attempt on the part of the United Nations to deal with these issues in a preventive manner and to be able to block wars and conflicts in a preventive manner.

The question now is how UN actors can find a good mix of instruments to address these issues. In about thirty years' time, this period will be analysed, highlighting the current UN activity, which is different from that of the Cold War. The classical instruments developed under international law were instruments designed for conventional wars between States and now we find ourselves in a situation where there is no longer much clarity. We are in a fairly dynamic phase that will see fairly significant changes in what can be effective instruments of international law.

Annexes[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

  • Foreign Policy,. (2015). The Untold Story of the U.S. and Cuba’s Middleman. Retrieved 4 August 2015 (Archive copy)
  • W.P. Deac. ‘Duel for the Suez Canal.’ Military History, Vol. 18 Issue 1. Apr2001, pp. 58- 64.
  • P.H.J. Davies. 2012. Intelligence and Government in Britain and the United States, Vol. 2. ‘Ch 7: The Great Centralization, 1957-66’, pp. 163-177.
  • R.J. Aldrich. 2001. The Hidden Hand. ‘Ch 21: Defeat in the Middle East: Iran and Suez’, pp. 464-494.
  • W.S. Lucas. ‘The missing link? Patrick Dean, Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee.’ Contemporary British History. Vol.13 No. 2. 1999, pp. 117-125.
  • P. Cradock. 2002. Know Your Enemy: How the JIC Saw the World. ‘Ch 18. Intelligence and Policy.
  • “Security Council.” International Organization, vol. 1, no. 1, 1947, pp. 74–98. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2703520.

References[modifier | modifier le wikicode]