The origins of the League of Nations

De Baripedia


The 19th century is called the "long 19th century". This century is marked by many elements that can characterize it in the following way. There was an ideological clash between liberalism, conservatism and socialism leading to the October Revolution in 1917, which would play an important role in the League of Nations regarding the Soviet Union. There is the adoption of the idea of the rule of law and the establishment of a state duty based on increasingly developed laws and constitutions that are also beginning to protect privacy. The 19th century was a century strongly marked by the process of industrialization. The emergence of new structures at the economic level will lead to the emergence of class struggle, consumption and social mobility. The 19th century was also marked by a process of democratisation and parliamentarisation as in Great Britain. There is a strong movement towards democratization, which is a grassroots process affecting only men in this period. School education becomes compulsory and new social strata are integrated into the political system. The 19th century was also marked by a globalization of communications with the invention of telegraphy and the construction of a world telegraph network. This leads to a European dominance over this world marked by colonialism. Rivalry between states is growing, which is not necessarily conceived as war. The 19th century is the century of science also with the invention of the gross national product which allows comparisons to be made in the context of a competition.

These are new elements because the State that conceives itself as a nation-state has more legitimacy no longer through the grace of God, it is a new conception of the nation. The great empires such as Austria-Hungary, but also the German Empire had many minorities, the Ottoman Empire, but also the Russian Empire contained many different peoples. The awakening of nationalism and nations leads to a huge explosion on development that will be found in the second half of the First World War with an implosion of the great empires challenged by the disruptive force of the awakening of these small nations. The researchers speak of the awakening of small peoples, in particular Miroslav Hroch, who sees three separate phases for the creation of a nation in the context of 19th century nationalism: the creation of a nation from the point of view of culture, which is the phase of the intellectual awakening of nations, namely historians who invent an often imaginary past in order to create an identity for a cultural and linguistic group [1], a phase of political unrest [2] and the creation of a nation as a political entity [3]. The people will internationalize the notion of nation through schools, but also through institutions such as the army. Today we could add the media that lead to a homogenization of languages. The notion of nationalism in this dual vision of creating the very concept of a nation based on the idea of the national state as a homogeneous state within and in competition with the outside world, leading to a race for colonies and trade. Historical sciences speak for this 19th century of a century of modernization.

Major changes are taking place in society, but also in the community of states. In addition to the European concert that is being established as a global governance, there are other elements that are being established. The phase from 1815 to 1923 is a repressive phase in which the great powers concisely restore the regimes overthrown at the end of the French Revolution, from 1823 to 1848 there is a pragmatic phase and from 1848 to 1914 there are liberal revolutions. The concept of the "terra nullius" is a European doctrine that will open the door to the European powers for the establishment of a European government in practically all the world.

In the second half of the 19th century a new governmental institutionalism was created. This parallel movement establishes cooperation between States. It is a paradigm alongside the traditional one. In most cases, these are semi-official grey areas between official and private activities. There is also interference in these different sectors. Madeleine Herren's research shows that the typical separation for science-politics does not work for the 19th century.

The new internationalism has created a modern foreign policy. Until then, foreign policy was the policy of kings who fought wars to make their empire bigger. This new internationalism reflects a new modern process that will be clearly established in the 20th century with the creation of the League of Nations. This movement was not only linked to the liberal movement, but it was also linked to all other political fields, not only to liberalism, but also to conservatism and socialism. The assertion that internationalism is not only linked to liberal force is very important because there will be an internationalist movement between the two wars under the control of fascism and the socialist international. These countries will try to establish networks in direct competition with the League of Nations network. For the period between the two wars, there is an international system marked by at least three different galaxies. In 1946, the United Nations will be able to attract all these different worlds and put them at the centre of the United Nations network of specialized organizations. In the inter-war period, there will be an old system of international relations that will remain outside the League of Nations, particularly because the United States will not join it.

In the 19th century, there was a new development, but at the same time the idea of nationhood and nationalism remained very strong in determining the development of international relations with the First World War. It must be understood that the ideas of internationalism were not just peaceful and cosmopolitan intellectual ideas. There is often a tendency to interpret these ideas as philosophers' ideas contrary to nationalism, for example with the idea of universal peace. It is true that there is a very strong and strong discourse, but it is also the expression of very powerful interests such as capitalism, which needed to create new rules and standards. There are different roots for a phenomenon that depending on the perspective used, but in the foreground different elements.

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Precursors of the League of Nations

It is possible to distinguish more or less four lines of development: there are federative ideas, the European concert, the development of international conferences and congresses, technical cooperation and what will be launched as the peace movement.

The federative ideas

There are several intellectual roots that have developed for a peaceful organization of the world. There is a long philosophical tradition linked to the idea of peace. One of the most famous examples is Montesquieu with his book "De l'esprit des lois" published in Geneva in 1748, develops the idea of universal peace.

John Bellers was a Quaker, a religious pacifist of Protestant profession who developed several interesting and progressive ideas during the 18th century. Among all these plans that he launched in his activism, he also launched in 1710 the idea of dividing Europe into 100 cantons. The idea is to keep the state borders of the time, namely to keep the great empires with the concept of legitimacy, but to seek to share these great empires in cantons in order to create the New Europe to be conceived in a "fair" and "correct" way based on objective criteria. This raises many issues, as the reality on the ground is more complex.

At Bellers, there would also be a European Parliament where each canton would send a delegate to this European Parliament. Bellers is also the first thinker whose written sources call for the creation of an international military troop.

In his texts, Kant called on humanity to create a world confederation based on the three principles of democracy, the rule of law and free trade in 1795 in his book Towards Perpetual Peace. Kant defines principles designed to create the conditions for perpetual peace. It seeks to create something more stable than a simple cessation of hostilities. Perpetual peace is linked to the idea of a state of nature that must prevail between states. Kant distinguishes six conditions:

  • No peace treaty can be considered as such if it secretly reserves something to start a new war.
  • No independent state (small or large, it doesn't matter here) can be acquired by another, by inheritance, exchange, purchase or donation.
  • Standing armies (miles perpetuus) must completely disappear over time.
  • National debts should not be contracted for the external interests of the State.
  • No State shall forcibly interfere in the constitution and government of another State.
  • No State shall allow itself, in a war with another State, to engage in hostilities which would make it impossible, upon the return of peace, to build mutual trust, such as, for example, the use of assassins (percussores), poisoners (venefici), the violation of a surrender, the arousal of treason (per-duellio) in the State in which it is at war, etc.

The war continues to be a legitimate element, but this war must be resolved. Kant also defines the term "cosmopolitical juice" which is a cosmopolitan law designed as a principle to protect peoples against war. This idea of cosmopolitan law is based on the moral principle of universal hospitality. The surface of the Earth, in Kant's vision, belongs in common to the human race. In this context, there is a universal cosmopolitan constitution that is a universal right. This is important because the law at that time was still shared among very few entities. There were several authorities that could exercise their power, so that there was no homogeneity between political and royal spaces. There is the concept that is verbalized, which is that of cosmopolitan internationalism, which is a universal cosmopolitan vision of a peaceful humanity. It is interesting to note that the research of Craig Murphy and Madeleine Herren takes up the discourse related to cosmopolitan internationalism but for other reasons. At Kant, the term "Völkerbund" is used in his book Towards Perpetual Peace. This is the first pillar and the first perspective.

The European concert

The national boundaries within Europe as set by the Congress of Vienna, 1815.

The European concert is an idea of a pacification of international relations. It is true that the idea, plans and motivations for the pacification of international relations have been present in philosophical thought since the Middle Ages. What will start as a European concert is already conceived as an assembly of heads of state and kings who meet regularly to settle international politics between different nations and kingdoms. In the Holy Roman Empire, there was the concept of the elector prince. It was the idea that seven German princes who had the privilege of electing the king of the Holy Roman Empire to become emperor were tolerated. From an embryonic point of view, there was something that sought to regulate and fix international relations. This system is regulated in the Golden Bull of 1356 which establishes a system where the emperor was elected by a majority of the prince electors. In the very idea of the concert of nations, there is an idea that is interpreted as a factor in the race for colonialism and a factor in the First World War, while providing elements that make it possible to conceive a potential League of Nations or to bring about multilateral diplomacy.

International conferences and congresses and technical cooperation

Conferences and congresses bring a new dimension to technical cooperation. In the 19th century, a governmental internationalism was established, settling new issues and establishing new forms of cooperation in new thematic fields. Even if there are grey areas between the governmental and non-governmental sectors, it should be noted that this development leads to a broadening of the very concept of what needs to be addressed from the point of view of international society. There is a real explosion in international meetings.

Between 1815 and 1833, the Association for Navigation on the Rhine will regulate navigation on the Rhine. From the 1860s onwards, international unions with the International Telegraph Union in 1864, the Universal Postal Union in 1879, the International Health Bureau in 1890 and the International Health Bureau in 1904 appeared. The field of health is an interesting field to see the establishment of a parallel international network since there will be a development in this office with long-term activities within the League of Nations, but also outside. In 1870, the metric system was established, which raised the question of establishing standards as essential for the economy and industry that wanted to export their products.

The Peace Movement

After the Napoleonic wars, there were wars with new dimensions, notably through the idea of mass levée and leading to the fall of Napoleon, resulting in the creation of peaceful European associations. It is at the level of the bourgeois strata that pacifist thinking will emerge, which puts human rights first, but also social development and the question of the abolition of slavery. This movement is always linked to religious and ethical motivations. It is a Christian morality of Anglo-Saxon continental Europe rather than the ideas of the French Revolution. In 1815 the American Peace Society was founded as an association against military service, in 1816 the London Peace Society was founded in the United Kingdom, in 1830 the Geneva Peace Society was founded in Geneva.

Jean-Jacques de Sellon.

In Switzerland, pacifism has a long tradition and for tradition that can be distinguished in three currents:

  • Jean-Jacques de Sellon created the Société de la Paix de Genève in 1830. A link is created between citizen education and fundamental human rights without compromising national integrity;
  • The 1867 Peace Congress saw the creation of the League of Peace and Freedom. This branch sees the Pacific as less religious and more linked to the law.
  • The International Association of Workers is a socialist organization that aims to be pacifist and internationalist. This pacifism also has anarchist tendencies, but this tendency.

It is rather in the bourgeois milieu that an elite is formed by professors, journalists, lawyers or even freemasons. It is these men who will give institutions to pacifism. In 1891, the International Peace Bureau was created with its headquarters in Berne. From 1924, the International Peace Office was established in Geneva. In 1892, the Inter-Parliamentary Union was founded, an institution that sought contact between the various parliamentarians of the various countries created within the framework of Bernese internationalism, but which was established in 1921 in Geneva, emphasizing the importance of choosing Geneva as a venue for the League of Nations. Pastors originally see Christian pacifism as the theologian Ragazze with a Christian socialist orientation who develops this context from social pacifism to Christian pacifism.

This led to the establishment of international congresses linked to the establishment of pacifism, such as in 1843 in London, 1848 in Brussels, 1849 in Paris and 1860 in Frankfurt. These congresses are beginning to make links between the different movements in the different countries, putting issues on the agenda that had not previously been discussed from an international point of view. The purpose of these pacifist congresses is to codify international law, a right of peoples and the creation of new instruments linked to international arbitration in order to avoid war even if war continues to remain a legitimate means as the continuation of politics by other means. The purpose of these peace organizations is to establish rules to prevent armed conflict. In 1891, there was the Third World Congress for Peace, which led to the creation of the International Peace Bureau, whose mission was to create and organize future peace congresses. It is a process that seeks to create institutions so that it can continue at the international level to keep an agenda to address these issues. Henri Dunant was one of the prominent members of this congress, which would later found the Red Cross.

The First International Peace Conference in 1899

The 1892 Hague Conference, also known as the International Peace Conference, was organised at the initiative of Tsar Nicolaï II. These are developments initiated by civil society, but to find a certain legitimacy, one must try to engage a higher authority. This conference advanced international humanitarian law leading to the creation of the Permanent Court of the Hague Court of Arbitration. Among the various treaties adopted is the Convention concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land. A second international peace conference was held in The Hague in 1907. The two peace conferences of 1892 and 1907 in The Hague are very important for the history of international relations because this is the first time that plans for international peacekeeping have been put in place and implemented. One of the central points is the issue of arms reduction. In 1907, most of the world's states took part in this conference. The main point is to settle the land war and in particular the protection of the civilian and armed forces that have laid down their arms. There was a convention banning the use of toxic poisons and weapons that was not respected during the First World War. These conferences address the issue of neutrality in wartime.

Art. 1

With a view to preventing as far as possible the use of force in relations between States, the Contracting Powers agree to use all their efforts to ensure the peaceful settlement of international disputes.

Art. 2

In the event of serious dissent or conflict, before calling upon arms, the Contracting Powers agree to have recourse, as circumstances permit, to the good offices or mediation of one or more friendly Powers.

Art. 9 In international disputes involving neither honour nor essential interests and arising from a difference of assessment on points of fact, the Contracting Powers consider it useful and desirable that Parties which could not have reached agreement through diplomatic channels should, as circumstances permit, set up an International Commission of Inquiry to facilitate the settlement of such disputes by clarifying, through an impartial and conscientious examination, questions of fact.

There is a desire to avoid wars through good offices, but we also see that this convention does not prohibit the use of war. Strong principles are established, but these will be followed by compromises.

Art. 10

International Commissions of Inquiry are constituted by special agreement between the Parties in dispute. The inquiry agreement specifies the facts to be examined, it determines the method and time frame for the formation of the Commission and the scope of the Commissioners' powers.

Art. 37

The purpose of international arbitration is to settle disputes between States by judges of their choice and on the basis of respect for the law. The use of arbitration implies a commitment to submit in good faith to the award.

Art. 38

In legal matters, and in the first place, in matters of interpretation or application of international conventions, arbitration is recognized by the Contracting Powers as the most effective and at the same time the most equitable way to settle disputes that have not been resolved through diplomatic channels. Consequently, it would be desirable that, in disputes on the above-mentioned matters, the Contracting Powers should, where appropriate, have recourse to arbitration, as circumstances permit.

There is an attempt to set up mechanisms to avoid war.

Art. 41

In order to facilitate the immediate recourse to arbitration for international disputes which have not been settled through diplomatic channels, the Contracting Powers undertake to maintain, as established by the First Peace Conference, the Permanent Court of Arbitration, accessible at all times and functioning, unless otherwise provided

contrary to the Parties, in accordance with the rules of procedure inserted in this Convention.

Art. 42

The Permanent Court shall have jurisdiction in all cases of arbitration, unless there is an agreement between the Parties to establish a special jurisdiction.


Article 41 establishes a Court of Arbitration and Article 24 completes the institution of arbitration.

The First World War as the mother of the League of Nations

The First World War, which was a prelude to the fall of multi-ethnic empires, showed the world that it was impossible to maintain a system of rivalry and domination without laws. The horrors of war have shown the need to establish a new international world order based on international law, the sovereign equality of States and the right of peoples to self-determination. Nevertheless, imperialism has not entirely left the mentality and reality of international relations and is manifested in the new order of the League of Nations and even in the United Nations after the Second World War. This shows the compromise between abstract ideas and reality. The First World War is the inaugural event of the 20th century, a concept found in the historical sciences.

The Western empires as they were in 1910.

The causes of the First World War are based on structural issues of the 19th century. The main elements for the outbreak of the First World War are surely nationalism, which operates in multi-ethnic states in a disruptive manner. On the one hand, national states are falling from nationalism to homogeneity by excluding minorities. The national state is a new concept based on criteria such as language and culture wants and tends to be homogeneous, systematically excluding minorities. National minorities remain conscious of their value and seek to obtain their State.

Imperialism is the competition between European states with the rush to Africa. The construction of the combat fleets allowed this conquest. Once the world has been shared, it becomes difficult to have the potential for expansion. The fact that there is no longer any place for the race for colonies makes the crisis return to Europe.

Industrialization generates tensions between workers and the bourgeoisie, which are growing. The workers will found their own socialist party, which will gradually assert itself with the acquisition of the right to vote. New social classes can gain influence in politics. In 1912, the German Social Democratic Party was the strongest in the Reichstag. The international orientation of socialism was considered by the bourgeoisie as a threat.

Alongside the military plan already prepared and the alliance system, there is an extreme tension being created. The trigger was the Sarajevo bombing and the inability of the major powers to control the July Crisis. The situation in 1914 is that Europe's tragedy was due to Europe's technical development. This technical development has led to the fact that this European war can destroy the continent with weapons never seen before. The only way out of this situation was to find political answers. This is where the ideas for the League of Nations are found, but war remains a legitimate instrument for politics. Another disruptive element is the ethnic situation in Europe which was extremely complex before the war. The great empires are ethnically and linguistically mixed. For example, in Germany, there are many Slavic and Polish minorities. The concept of self-determination of peoples is an explosive concept that will have serious consequences for Europe.

Stormtroopers Advancing Under Gas, etching and aquatint by Otto Dix, 1924.

The cataclysm of the First World War began in 1914 with a certain lightness. There was a great enthusiasm for the war. The perception was that war was a way to solve the crisis that had been going on since 1900. In August 1914, they were volunteers thinking of going to a short war. The war will be a still war, of trenches and exhaustion different from what could have been imagined. The gas will be used as a new deadly weapon. The strategy of the blockade is an economic war aimed at exhausting civilians. New technologies such as the submarine will expand the battlefields. To understand this mentality that will weigh on Europe and the world, it is possible to try to understand it through art history. In 1914, the artist Otto Dix joined the German artillery. The following year, he became a machine gunner and participated in many military campaigns from which he emerged alive. From his horror images, he will make paintings of them. The war will eclipse everything that has been known until now in history and which is a total break with the development of the 19th century.

Total war is practiced not only by military means, but also with the weapons of the economy, but also of society. The whole society was turned towards war. This war is truly global with battlefields on all continents. This is a war of the industrial era with enormous efficiency of industry and research completely at the disposal of this war. The home front is a legitimate goal. The armies are not only in the traditional context, with civil society becoming a legitimate goal. The boundary between the military and civilian spheres as set out in the 1907 Hague Convention will almost completely disappear. It was a trench warfare for which generals and officers were not prepared leading to massacres. It is possible to speak of a war of attrition. With the new weapons, it was possible to kill industrially. The war has had devastating effects on the societies concerned with 10 million soldiers dead, the fertile generation will practically disappear with a strong birth deficit that causes structural distortion. Many of the repatriated soldiers were wounded or traumatized. This war led to enormous economic costs and destruction that would significantly impact the negotiations during the Paris peace process.

The birth of the League of Nations

In the United States, the League to Enforce Peace is being established, an organization founded in 1915 to explicitly promote the creation of an international organization for world peace. The League to Enforce Peace is founded by American citizens concerned about the war in Europe. The first president was William Taft who was the former president of the United States. The founding congress proposes an international treaty for participants to use their economic and military strength together for each member entering war or perpetuating acts of hostility. There is the concrete idea of having strong instruments to prevent wars, either an alliance between countries to forcefully prevent it from being possible to start wars. This principle was applied with the peacekeepers after the Second World War. In Great Britain, there is the League of Nations Association, which aims to create a League of Nations.

Dickinson was a British historian and political activist. After the beginning of the war, Dickinson had sketched a project for a League of Nations developing the ideas that would found this institution, playing a leading role with pacifist intellectuals. This association will play a key role in the creation of the League of Nations. The means at disposal was propaganda through the publication of brochures, in particular with the magazine "The International Anarchy". Hobson was a British journalist and essayist and a fervent critic of British imperialism. With Dickinson, Hobson will develop the first idea of the League of Nations with concrete concepts in "Towards International government". Soon, we will also see that it will be impossible to create a perpetual war and international peace if we do not address economic inequalities between countries. The peace that will begin after the First World War must also address social and economic issues.

The scale of the war was such that its peaceful settlement had to be of such a size. Hundreds of diplomats and experts will meet in Paris to propose a peace. The following general conditions can be identified:

  • the experience of war has made European populations worldwide nostalgic for peace. It is a different situation from 1914 when there were poets and philosophers who wanted war with war, which was conceived as an opportunity to change things and bring order to the old construction of imperialist Europe. The war was seen as a regenerative force that was completely lost in 1919.
  • the number of actors reflects a drastic increase in the number of actors. There are a number of nation-states in Central Europe and in addition to non-European powers with the United States that make the largest contribution to winning against the central powers, but also Japan which is a power that is not "white" becoming an important factor in international relations, but also China and dominions like India. We are beginning to see a world that is completely different from the one we knew when we had the concert of European powers.
  • With the October Revolution, the Russian Bolshevik Revolution, but also the November Revolution in Germany, there is an alternative to the liberal system.
  • The entry of the United States into the war has radically changed relations between powers in the liberal field. Wilson will devote himself to the mission of democracy, which cannot be fought in a discursive way by European nations, but which lays down the principle of the self-determination of peoples. The beginnings of decolonization already began at that time with the concept of self-determination and Wilson's Fourteen Points.
  • the United States and the Soviet Union have a strong ideological dimension. This is no longer the old question of political hegemony, but it is increasingly becoming a question of ideological dimension. It will mark the period between the two world wars and the post-World War II period with the Cold War.
  • with the end of the war, there is a process of democratization in many states. There is an expansion of male suffrage and the beginning of female suffrage as in Germany. During the war, politicians made all kinds of promises, especially to the working class. To obtain the support of certain social classes, it was necessary to promise certain concessions during the war.

Associations and intellectuals had begun to develop ideas leading to organization and a new way of thinking about international relations. Wilson's role is central in this context. Wilson knew at the right time how to take the ideas that were on the way. Thanks to his enormous weight and his face, he condensed them into a concrete project. For Wilson, the creation of the League of Nations was fundamental.

Bushnell cartoon about Kaiser Wilhelm considering Wilson's 14-point plan

Nicolson, at the peace conference, said that Wilson was convinced that the League of Nations was his own revelation and his remedies for all the problems of humanity. In order to settle conflicts peacefully, Wilson had created the fourteen points. The Fourteen points are formulated at a time when the war is not yet over:

  • "just peace and without annexations, but with rectified borders"
  • The "end of secret diplomacy": it is a break with diplomatic traditions and practices set in motion by the concert of European powers. Lenin also declared the end of secret diplomacy.
  • "freedom of the seas": creating the opportunity for trade.
  • "open door", "commercial equality".
  • "general disarmament".
  • "self-determination of peoples".
  • "creation of a League of Nations to guarantee the independence and borders of States".

The precise points:

  • "Arrangement of the colonial question taking into account the wishes of the peoples concerned".
  • "evacuation of all territories occupied by the central powers".
  • "return of Alsace-Lorraine".
  • "free access to the sea for Poland, free Polish state".
  • "autonomy of the non-Turkish peoples of the Ottoman Empire".
  • "Free access to the sea for Serbia".
  • "rectification of the Italian borders".
  • "restoration of free Belgium".
  • "free choice of government for the Russian people".
  • "Autonomy of the peoples of Austria-Hungary".

The Fourteen Points are developed at a time when the Allies have not won the war, while Lenin also advances a number of proclaimed points. Wilson will become a hero in all the peoples of Central Europe who want self-determination. With such expectations, the results will create frustration. In addition, France and Great Britain will remain on more traditional positions, particularly with regard to Germany.

Wilson brings an ideological dimension that takes up Lenin's radical program, but manages to integrate it into the American concept of New Diplomacy. In this concept, the creation of the League of Nations is central. Wilson quickly realized that it was impossible to solve the complexity of the issues raised by Europe. Wilson sees the right to self-determination more as an autocratic reform of authoritarian multi-ethnic empires and as a response to national and ethnic criteria. On the other hand, in the creation of a League of Nations, there is the idea of equality of States, which implies a democratic idea between States that deviates from the idea of a European concert. The right to self-determination meant democratic decision-making power. This is a fundamental difference from Lenin and the Bolsheviks, who had a conception of self-determination of peoples linked to a delimited territorial and national concept that allowed the Soviet conception the right of secession.

During the negotiations, Wilson had to deviate significantly from the abstract demands. With the dissolution of the Habsburg monarchy, he was confronted with a new and unexpected situation. The proposed rules can no longer be applied.

Aux origines était Versailles

Detail from William Orpen's painting The Signing of Peace in the Hall of Mirrors, Versailles, 28th June 1919, showing the signing of the peace treaty by the German Minister of Transport Dr Johannes Bell, opposite to the representatives of the winning powers.

La Conférence de la paix de Paris à durée du 18 janvier 1919, assez tôt après la fin des hostilités, jusqu’au 10 août 1920. L’assemblée plénière de tous les États membres ne siégea que huit fois. Tout le reste des discussions était fait soit dans les comités, le Conseil des dix et plus tard dans le cadre du Conseil des quatre entre la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis et l’Italie. Les États vaincus mais aussi l’Union soviétique sont exclus de la conférence participant à la création du Diktat de la paix de Versailles. Plus de soixante commissions sont rassemblées selon le vœu des grandes puissances qui définissent les thèmes à discuter. C’est l’âge d’or des experts. À Paris, il y a une véritable invasion des experts. La délégation britannique est composée de plus de 200 experts, de même pour les États qui vont arriver avec un énorme staff. Il se montre une différence avec les petits États qui ne peuvent pas arriver à Paris avec de nombreux experts. Se pose un problème pratique qui confère aux grandes puissances un avantage.

Les grandes puissances décident quels thèmes seront abordés dans les conférences plénières qui se prennent après avoir obtenu un consensus en elles. Il y a une continuation de la pensée du concert des puissances. Les sujets qui vont être touchés sont les responsabilités de la guerre, la question des indemnisations, mais également la question des ports, des voies d’eaux et des chemins de fer. Il y a aussi des discussions sur les lois internationales, le travail avec le moment des réactions contre les révolutions d’octobre, mais aussi un intérêt à avoir les mêmes règles afin d’éviter qu’il y ait une concurrence déloyale surtout pour la Grande-Bretagne. Il y aussi une discussion plénière pour la création de la Société des Nations. Les questions de grande politique, des frontières, concernant la création de nouveaux États restent centrales. Il y a aussi une persistance des questions classiques territoriales.

La structure de la paix : le remaniement de la carte européenne (1919 - 1920)

Carte de l’Europe, selon les clauses du Traité de Versailles (source : http://bv.alloprof.qc.ca/h1097.aspx)

Le système de la paix de Paris a essayé de trouver des solutions pour essayer de remédier aux causes de la Première Guerre mondiale, mais a aussi essayé de proposer des solutions à la dissolution de l’Empire austro-hongrois et de l’Empire ottoman. Dans le premier cas, il y a la création d’États-nations. Les pays qui sortent de l’Empire ottoman ne peuvent pas obtenir leur indépendance, mais sont placés sous un système des mandats sous contrôle de la Société des Nations.

Les questions territoriales ont posé des négociations extrêmement dures même entre les puissances victorieuses. Cette discussion était véritablement controversée parce qu’elle touchait d’une manière fondamentalement différente la manière de voir l’ordre d’après la guerre en Europe. Les plus importants différends qu’il y avait entre les grandes puissances étaient notamment la création d’un État polonais, la question de Dantzig qui va être définie comme ville libre sous contrôle de la Société des Nations. La rectification des frontières concerne aussi la France avec l’Alsace-Lorraine et l’Italie avec le Tyrol méridional, Estrie et l’Istrie avec la ville de Fiume. Va également être créée la Yougoslavie. Toute une série de questions autour des frontières se pose. C’est une situation explosive.

Il y a le problème des minorités nationales. Cette nouvelle définition des frontières européennes est conçue à la base comme un essaie de faire une paix juste se basant sur des critères objectifs amenés à une situation qu’il y a 10 millions d’Allemands qui parlent allemand et qui vivent en dehors de l’État national allemand et il y a 3 millions de Hongrois qui ne font plus partie de la partie hongroise du royaume. La Hongrie subit les plus fortes pertes territoriales à la suite de la paix de Paris. En dehors de l’Europe, il y a la question des anciennes colonies allemandes. Le Togo et le Cameron vont à la France, la Tanzanie à la Grande-Bretagne, la Tanzanie à l’Afrique du Sud et les iles pacifiques au Japon.

Il y a la tendance à voir le 11 novembre 1918 comme la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, mais aussi comme la fin de tous les conflits. Dans l’imaginaire collectif, il y a l’idée d’un armistice de la fin des hostilités qui s’ouvre sur une période de paix. C’est une vision fausse qui se concentre sur l’Europe orientale.

Toute une série de conflits continue après novembre 1918 comme la guerre gréco-turque de 1919 à 1922. Dans les années 1924, le concert européen établit un État de Grèce indépendant dans le cadre du processus d’émancipation de l’Empire ottoman. Entre 1912 et 1913, la Grèce conquit des territoires supplémentaires qui appartenaient à l’Empire ottoman. En 1917, la Grèce joint l’Entente et le traité de Sèvres lui permet d’obtenir le droit d’administrer certains territoires de l’Empire ottoman comme c’est le cas d’Izmir. Dans la paix de Paris, il y a la conception que toute une série de territoires peut décider dans le futur à travers un vote populaire à quel État il souhaite appartenir. Il y a une forte opposition de la part des Turcs, et sous la conduite de Mustapha Kemal, se développe une guerre de 1919 à 1922 qui va voir les forces turques comme vainqueur et la Turquie va pouvoir en 1923 obtenir avec le traité de Lausanne une révision du traité de Sèvres. Dans le pacte de la Société des Nations étaient stipulées qu’il était possible de réviser la paix décidée. Il y a également un conflit serbo-bulgare. Depuis 1875, il y a une controverse sur les frontières afin d’obtenir un accès direct à la mer. Entre 1919 et 1921, il y a la guerre anglo-irlandaise. Dans ce contexte, il y a aussi la Révolution russe suite à une situation sociale explosive qui court le long du XIXème siècle. La Grande-Bretagne, la France les États-Unis et le Japon font des interventions en Russie afin de sauvegarder la propriété de ses propres citoyens expropriés par la révolution. Il y a toute série d’interventions étrangères pendant la guerre russo-polonaise, un conflit entre la Pologne et la Lituanie. La paix de Riga met fin à la guerre entre la Pologne et la Russie.

À côté de cette guerre qui continue après la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, il y a toute sorte de tensions dans le cadre de la population intérieure avec la question sociale, celle de la classe ouvrière. Il y a la grande peur des pays occidentaux de la possibilité d’une révolution. Du point de vue de la politique interne, il y a la question du droit des femmes. Pendant les guerres, les femmes avaient repris beaucoup de tâches laissées par les hommes partis en guerre et la promesse de l’émancipation, mais il n’y aura pas de grandes avancées mêmes si l’introduction du droit de vote aux femmes se ferra dans la République de Weimar et dans toute une autre série de pays comme l’Autriche, l’URSS et l’Espagne. Aux États-Unis est soulevé la question du droit des afros- Américains qui va aboutir en 1964 avec le Civil Right.

Le démembrement de l’Empire ottoman en 1920 - atlas-historique.net

Pour comprendre la paix de Paris, il faut ternir compte de la réalité politique. Au Moyen-Orient, la révision du traité de Sèvres va amener au traité de Lausanne avec la dimension impérialiste des choses dans le sens où les anciennes colonies et les territoires vaincus sont mis sous mandat des puissances victorieuses. La Syrie va à la France, la Palestine à la Grande-Bretagne de même que la Jordanie et l’Irak. La question des frontières concerne aussi la Turquie et la Grèce. En 1923 est mis en place le concept et la politique d’échange de population entre la Grèce et la Turquie soit environ 1,5 million de chrétiens d’Anatolie et de la trace orientale qui sont expulsés et doivent aller en Grèce. 500000 musulmans doivent quitter la Grèce et s’installer en Turquie.

Buts et structure de la Société des Nations

Les buts de la Société des Nations

À partir de Wilson, est abolie la diplomatie secrète et est mise en place l’idée que les questions internationales soient discutées dans une arène publique avec plus de transparence. C’est de même ce que fait Lénine qui propose d’abolir la diplomatie secrète ouvrant les archives des tsars menant à une série de scandales parce qu’il y a toute sorte de traités secrets comme le traité de Londres de 1915 où les puissances de l’Entente achètent l’entrée de l’Italie à leur côté. Il y aussi l’idée du règlement pacifique des différends, mais cela s’était déjà mis en place avec les conférences de La Haye de 1898 et de 1907. Wilson retrouve des difficultés avec la France qui voulaient obtenir un désarmement partiel des États vaincus. Il y a une conception de la sécurité différente entre les États-Unis et la France. Le Premier ministre sud-africain Jan Smuts propose de pousser la coopération internationale étant un fort partisan de la Société des Nations afin de rééquilibrer les rapports avec l’Allemagne. Il y a toute sorte d’intérêts qui vont s’opposer, notamment avec le président Wilson qui veut pousser le libre-échangisme, mais qui va se confronter à un protectionnisme général. La question virulente de l’impérialisme européen se confronte à la conception anticoloniale des États-Unis qui avaient opté pour une forme de colonialisme informel. Les anciennes colonies se sont toujours considérées d’un point de vue discursif comme étant contre la colonie.

Il est important de retenir qu’à Paris se retrouvent des représentants de tout le monde avec de très grandes attentes, des intentions et des plans. Plusieurs de ces pays étaient bien préparés comme les États-Unis qui avaient préparé la conférence avec l’Inquiry.

Le 25 janvier 1919 est fait la proposition de créer la Société des Nations, en anglais la League of Nations et en allemand le Völkerbund. Le 28 avril 1919 est choisi Genève comme siège de la Société des Nations. Ce choix est fait en fonction du rayonnement de Genève au XIXème siècle et la Suisse était considérée comme un territoire neutre aussi d’un point de vue idéologique. Les Belges souhaitaient que ce soit Bruxelles qui devienne le siège de la Société des Nations, d’autre part, Bruxelles était une ville qui abritait de nombreuses organisations internationales. Les Belges voyaient aussi ce choix comme une forme de dédommagement pour la guerre, puisqu’envahie par l’Allemagne même si c’était un pays neutre. Le prédisent Wilson s’est prononcé en faveur de Genève. Au XIXème siècle, c’est à Berne que siègent les Unions internationales et avec la décision de placer le siège de la Société des Nations à Genève, cela change la donne, faisant que Berne joue désormais un rôle secondaire comme capitale internationale de la Suisse.

Structure de la Paix

Des consignes générales sont définies comme l’indivisibilité de la paix qui est générale. On ne veut plus faire de paix séparées comme cela était le cas avant, ne pas faire un système d’alliance qui remette en cause la sécurité. À la base de la construction, il y a l’idée d’une solidarité. Les articles 8 et 9 du traité de Versailles vont régler la question des armements, la garantie de l’intégrité territoriale est à l’article 10. À l’article 19 est réglée la possibilité des révisions des décisions prises renvoyant à l’élément démocratique dynamique différent fait des paix statiques faites par le concert des puissances. Dans plusieurs traités va être soulevée l’idée de faire voter la population concernée, de faire voter la population nationale sur leur futur. Le traité de Lausanne de 1923 est une révision négative pour l’Arménie qui n’est plus considérée comme État indépendant. Il y a également dans le pacte l’idée de résoudre les différends de façon pacifique aux articles 12, 15 et 17 qui rend obligatoire le règlement pacifique des différends. Le concept de la sécurité est de la défense collective contre une agression extérieure sont aux articles 10, 15 et 16 qui se veut différents de l’ancien système de pacte et de l’alliance. Le pacte prévoit des sanctions automatiques avec des sanctions économiques, des sanctions militaires avec la possibilité théorique de constitution de troupes de la Société des Nations, et il y a la possibilité d’exclusion de la Société de Nations comme se sera le cas pour l’Union soviétique après son agression contre la Finlande.

La Société des Nations avait pour but principal d’empêcher la guerre. Cette société était conçue comme universelle, plus seulement orientée vers l’Europe comme l’était l’ancien concert des puissances européennes. La résolution qui mit la Société des Nations en place obligeait que la société établie soit « ouverte à toute nation civilisée ». Il y a deux termes extrêmement ambigus. Autant le concept de « civilisation » que de « nation » sont ambigus. Un État doit au moins avoir un gouvernement propre afin d’entrer dans la Société des Nations. Par contre, une souveraineté complète n’était pas nécessaire afin d’être admis dans la Société des Nations comme c’est le cas des dominions britanniques. Être une nation européenne n’était pas une condition préalable à l’appartenance à la Société des Nations. Jusqu’en 1926 étaient exclus les empires centraux, mais aussi l’Union soviétique qui ne fut admise à la Société des Nations que jusqu’à 1934. Les États-Unis ne vont pas ratifier le pacte et donc ne vont pas participer à la Société des Nations se réfugiant sur leur neutralité. L’absence des États-Unis et de l’Union soviétique est décisive pour l’histoire de la Société des Nations ayant des répercussions également sur la création des Nations Unies.

Les principaux organes de la Société des Nations

Du point de vue structurel, la Société des Nations est assez comparable à l’ONU d’aujourd’hui avec un conseil avec des membres permanents qui étaient les grandes puissances et des membres non permanents. Il y a avait une assemblée générale, un secrétariat général et une cour de justice. La différence fondamentale est qu’il n’y avait pas de droit de véto au Conseil de la Société des Nations, autrement dit, le droit de véto était valable pour chaque État parce qu’un État valait une voix. Même des États qui n’étaient pas souverains possédaient le même droit de vote à long terme à la Société des Nations. Le principe de la souveraineté était déjà mis à un certain défi.

Le secrétariat général travaillait pour la Société des Nations dans différents secteurs et dans des secteurs politiques très larges. Jusqu’à la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, les secrétaires généraux étaient issus de la Grande-Bretagne et de la France. Les fonctionnaires étaient de tous les États- membres et avaient l’obligation d’être loyaux à la Société des Nations et non pas à leur État d’origine. Les fonctionnaires n’étaient pas autorisés à subir de pressions de la part de leur État membre et de faire de la propagande. Le système de la Société des Nations était beaucoup plus large qu’une organisation centrale. Il y avait de riches mouvements internationaux avant la guerre intégrée dans la Société des Nations en tant qu’organisation technique. Des organisations restent en dehors de l’univers de la Société des Nations surtout venant de la part des États-Unis. À côté du système de la Société des Nations s’organise un système parallèle. Le système fasciste de Mussolini et le national-socialisme vont essayer d’établir pendant les années 1930 et pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale des réseaux en concurrence au système de la Société des Nations. Même un pays comme la Suisse n’avait pas intérêt à ce que la Société des Nations devienne forte. Cela va être différent après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale où des organisations spécialisées sont intégrées à l’ONU.

Pour adhérer à la Société des Nations, la Suisse a procédé à un vote populaire. La Suisse selon la déclaration de Londres s’est réservé le droit de ne pas être contrainte à des sanctions de type militaire. La Suisse entre dans la Société des Nations en tant que pays neutre ne suivant pas les sanctions militaires, mais suivant les sanctions économiques. C’est le concept de neutralité différentielle. Suite à l’agression de l’Abyssinie, la Suisse va rompre avec sa promesse afin de continuer à commercer avec l’Italie ce qui va mener la Suisse à redéfinir sa neutralité comme étant une neutralité intégrale.

Une autre interprétation de la paix de Paris

On peut proposer la paix de Paris de 1919 comme la clef d’interprétation du XXème siècle. Le but est de proposer une alternative à l’histoire courante qui voit la paix de Versailles comme le début de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. On va essayer d’inverser la vision de l’échec qui entoure la paix de Versailles. À Paris, en 1919, le problème central des peace-makers se situait dans la réorganisation territoriale de l’actif de la faillite des empires multiculturels qui ont implosé durant la Première Guerre mondiale. Les acteurs principaux étaient fortement limités dans leur liberté d’action non seulement dans les accords impérialistes conclus pendant la guerre, mais il y avait deux concepts contradictoires avec le principe moral du droit des peuples à l’autodétermination et l’autre était la logique hégémonique des vainqueurs avec l’idée d’imposer la paix. En plus de cette situation contradictoire, il y avait les faits accomplis. Certains peuples s’étaient libérés deux même. De même, il y a la proclamation en 1918 de la République tchécoslovaque et de la République polonaise. La constitution de ces États faisait référence au principe d’autodétermination exprimé par Lénine et repris par Wilson.

Un principe veut être mis en place et ce principe n’est pas accordé aux pays vaincus. C’est la raison pour laquelle il y a la prohibition de l’Anschluss entre les deux États allemands. Si on avait reconnu aux peuples qui parlaient allemand le droit à l’autodétermination, alors il aurait fallu reconnaitre le révisionnisme frontalier de Hitler jusqu’au traité de Munich de 1938. Le révisionnisme allemand qui essaie de prendre les minorités allemandes des États-nationaux créés lors de la paix de Paris était légitime si on accepte le principe d’autodétermination des peuples. En plus de la grande complexité de ces principes, il y a avait la question de la stratification ethnique qui était intense en Europe centrale et en Europe de l’Est. Les Américains et les autres délégations avaient tenté de s’attaquer au problème de manière scientifique. La construction des « frontières justes » était un problème difficile à résoudre. En traçant ces lignes, les faiseurs de paix savaient qu’ils allaient créer une question des minorités importante. C’est la raison pour laquelle il va y avoir également des traités de protection des minorités pour les nouveaux États. Par exemple, la Pologne et la Tchécoslovaquie sont obligées de signer des traités de protection de minorités notamment en ce qui concerne les minorités de langue allemande.

Annexes

References