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{{Infobox Lecture
| image =
| image_caption =
| faculté = [[Faculté des sciences de la société]]
| département = [[Département de science politique et relations internationales]]
| professeurs =
* [[Stephan Davidshofer]]<ref>[http://unige.academia.edu/StephanDavidshofer Page de Stephan Davidshofer sur Academia.edu]</ref><ref>[https://www.gcsp.ch/News-Knowledge/Experts/Guest-Experts/Davidshofer-Dr-Stephan-Davidshofer Page personnelle de Stephan Davidshofer sur le site du Geneva Centre for Security Policy]</ref><ref>[https://twitter.com/stedavids Compte Twitter de Stephan Davidshofer]</ref>
* [[Xavier Guillaume]]<ref>[http://edinburgh.academia.edu/XavierGuillaume Page de Xavier Guillaume sur Academia.edu]</ref><ref>[http://www.pol.ed.ac.uk/people/academic_staff/xavier_guillaume Page personnelle de Xavier Guillaume sur le site de l'Université de Édimbourg]</ref><ref>[http://www.sciencespo.fr/psia/users/xavierguillaume Page personnelle de Xavier Guillaume sur le site de Science Po Paris PSIA]</ref><ref>[http://edinburgh.academia.edu/XavierGuillaume Page de Xavier Guillaume sur Academia.edu]</ref><ref>[https://www.rug.nl/staff/x.guillaume/research Page personnelle de Xavier Guillaume sur le site de l'Université de Groningen]</ref> 
| enregistrement =
| assistants =
| cours = [[Critical approaches to international relations]]
| lectures =
*[[Introduction to critical approaches to international relations]]
*[[Sociology of the discipline of international relations]]
*[[Norms in international relations]]
*[[Globalizations: definition and situation]]
*[[Globalization: circulation between imperialism and cosmopolitan strategies]]
*[[Otherness in international relations]]
*[[The concept of domination in international relations]]
*[[Humanitarian action: between action and intervention]]
*[[The concept of development in international relations]]
*[[Security and international relations]]
*[[Surveillance and international relations]]
*[[War and international relations]]
*[[War, peace and politics in Africa since the end of the Cold War]]
*[[Borders in international politics]]
*[[The borders of Europe]]   
*[[Mobility and international relations]]
*[[To conclude the course of critical approaches to international relations]]
}}
We will approach two perspectives, namely gender perspectives and postcolonial perspectives.  
We will approach two perspectives, namely gender perspectives and postcolonial perspectives.  
{{Translations
| es = El concepto de dominación en las relaciones internacionales
| fr = Dominations
| it = Il concetto di dominio nelle relazioni internazionali
}}


= Gender perspectives =
= Gender perspectives =
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The intervention in Afghanistan is justified because a wrong is being done. Vladimir Putin in the Crimea can be analysed as a righting agent. In Afghanistan, there is the idea of redressing a wrong by empowering women. When the "post-" perspectives think in terms of borders, understanding how the attack in Afghanistan was justified through a "gender" prism allows us to see how the other was built, how the other is multiple, but also, one of the functions of construction is the constitution of boundaries on who is the self and who is the other.
The intervention in Afghanistan is justified because a wrong is being done. Vladimir Putin in the Crimea can be analysed as a righting agent. In Afghanistan, there is the idea of redressing a wrong by empowering women. When the "post-" perspectives think in terms of borders, understanding how the attack in Afghanistan was justified through a "gender" prism allows us to see how the other was built, how the other is multiple, but also, one of the functions of construction is the constitution of boundaries on who is the self and who is the other.


== Il faut sauver le soldat Lynch... ==
== We must save Private Lynch.... ==


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Le soldat Jessica Lynch fut capturée en mars 2003 en Irak. Son convoi de ravitaillement serait tombé en embuscade et elle fut faite prisonnière.  
Private Jessica Lynch was captured in March 2003 in Iraq. Her supply convoy was reportedly ambushed and she was taken prisoner.
 
Spike Peterson relates in Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices in the Context of War and Militarism published in 2012 that "Although the initial reports praised his soldiering courage under enemy fire, they were quickly drowned by the feminization of his critical situation: a white woman allegedly subjected to rape by Arab men was to be dramatically saved. The story reproduced the virtues and vulnerability of (white) femininity, the demonization of Iraqi men, and the heroic efforts of U.S. special forces to "save" it from these alleged abuses.
 
Covering this story from the time of capture to the time it was saved, there is an important transition from active to passive discourse. Very quickly, her abilities were taken away, she was rebuilt not as a soldier with values linked to masculinity and she was made a passive victim. There is a form of representation where we must save this woman. The dimensions of hypermasculinity are related to American special forces. What is fascinating is to see how much this woman has taken away her ability to be someone, she has been given a narrative that enters a gender perspective.


Spike Peterson relate dans ''Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices in the Context of War and Militarism'' publié en 2012 que « Bien que les reportages initiaux saluèrent son courage de soldat [soldiering] sous le feu de l'ennemi, ceux-ci furent rapidement noyés par la féminisation de sa situation critique: une femme blanche soumise supposément au viol par des hommes arabes devait être sauvée de façon spectaculaire. L'histoire [story] reproduisait les vertus et la vulnérabilité de la féminité (blanche), la démonisation des hommes irakiens, et les efforts héroïques des forces spéciales U.S. pour la 'sauver' de ces abus présumés ».
== Private Lynndie England must be convicted ==


La couverture de cette histoire du moment de la capture au moment où elle a été sauvée, il y a une transition importe passant d’un discours actif à un discours de passivité. Très rapidement, on lui enlève ses capacités, on la reconstruit non pas comme un soldat avec des valeurs liées à la masculinité et on la rend comme victime passive. Il y a une forme de représentation où il faut sauver cette femme. Les dimensions d’hypermasculinité sont liées aux forces spéciales américaines. Ce qui est fascinant est de voir à quel point a enlevé à cette femme sa capacité à être quelqu’un, on lui a apposé un narratif qui entre dans une perspective genrée.
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== Il faut condamner le soldat Lynndie England ==
There is a contrast with Abu Ghraib where American soldiers torture Arab men. On the one hand, Private Lynch represents positive values both in his action and in his own. Private England has committed atrocious acts, acts that are unfortunately common in any prison system, but what is interesting is that soldier England has been stripped of her ability to have her own history, imposed on her what she is not. We didn't try to put her in a system of normality.
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Il y a un contraste avec Abu Ghraib où des soldates américaines torturent des hommes arabes. D’un côté, le soldat Lynch représente des valeurs positives soit dans son action. Le soldat England a commis des actes atroces, des actes qui au demeurant dans n’importe quel système carcéral sont malheureusement habituel ce qui est intéressant est qu’on a enlevé au soldat England d’avoir sa capacité à avoir une histoire propre, on lui a imposé ce qu’elle n’est pas. On n’a pas essayé de la mettre dans un système de normalité.


Pour Spike Peterson, « Les détails de la vie personnelle d'England (divorce précoce, grossesse hors mariage, histoire d'amour avec un homme accusé de battre son épouse) la construisirent comme une femme 'inconvenante' semblant se complaire à faire des choses 'inconvenantes' [...] l'histoire d'England détourna complètement l'attention de la violence cultivée parmi les militaires au travers de normes hypermasculines–une violence pratiquée non seulement contre des ennemis externes, mais contre tous ceux qui sont féminisés, ce qui inclut les femmes soldats elles-mêmes ».
For Spike Peterson, "The details of England's personal life (early divorce, pregnancy out of wedlock, love affair with a man accused of beating his wife) built her as an'unseemly' woman who seemed to enjoy doing'unseemly' things [....... England's history completely diverted attention from cultivated violence among the military through hypermasculine norms-a violence practiced not only against external enemies, but against all those who are feminised, including female soldiers themselves.


Le soldat England n’est pas ce qu’elle devrait être, être une femme, elle est hors normes faisant des choix négatifs en faisant le choix de la violence, elle ne fait pas le choix du « care ». On se retrouve dans une institution spécifique qui est celle de l’armée. L’institution militaire est une institution masculine qui reproduit des formes de domination, qui est hypermasculine. Les femmes dans l’institution militaire sont minoritaires et le réceptacle de multiples formes de harcèlement sexuel et de harcèlement plus classique en termes de relation de travail.
The England soldier is not what she should be, being a woman, she is out of the ordinary making negative choices by choosing violence, she does not choose care. We find ourselves in a specific institution, the army. The military institution is a male institution that reproduces forms of domination, which is hypermasculine. Women in military institutions are in the minority and are the recipients of multiple forms of sexual harassment and more traditional harassment in terms of employment relationships.


== Madame est servie... ==
== Madam is served... ==
Des milliers d’hommes et de femmes quittent leur milieu familial pour aller à l’étranger ; il faut comprendre l’économie politique derrière ces migrations. Dans ''The gendering of Philippines international labor migration'', Tyner décrit les modèles de migration genrés comme, par exemple, les domestiques des expatriés ou de familles bourgeoises en Europe, au Liban, à Hong Kong ou dans le golfe persique mettant en exergue l’existence d’une économie politique internationale du service.
Thousands of men and women leave their families to go abroad; it is necessary to understand the political economy behind these migrations. In The gendering of Philippines international labor migration, Tyner describes gendered migration patterns as, for example, the domestic workers of expatriates or bourgeois families in Europe, Lebanon, Hong Kong or the Persian Gulf highlighting the existence of an international political service economy.


Comme le souligne Pettman dans ''Women on the move: globalisation and labour migration from South and Southeast Asian states'', la première idée est que travail féminin est représenté comme « bon marché ». L’économie internationale du service est soutenue par des instituts publics et privés révélant une institutionnalisation gouvernementale et privée de ce modèle genré comme aux Philippines.
As Pettman points out in Women on the move: globalization and labour migration from South and Southeast Asian states, the first idea is that female labour is represented as "cheap". The international service economy is supported by public and private institutes revealing a governmental and private institutionalization of this gendered model as in the Philippines.


Ainsi, apparaît une sociologie politique internationale des migrations et pour Tyner, « [...] les motifs et actions de participants non-migrants, comprenant les recruteurs, les employeurs étrangers, et les administrateurs étrangers, sont fondamentaux dans la production de modèles de migration genrés. Se basant sur une multitude de représentations–des gens, des lieux et des occupations–ces individus et institutions commercialisent et recrutent des travailleurs en usant du genre comme principe organisateur ».
Thus, an international political sociology of migration emerges and for Tyner,"[...] the motives and actions of non-migrant participants, including recruiters, foreign employers, and foreign administrators, are fundamental in the production of gendered migration models. Based on a multitude of representations-of people, places and occupations-these individuals and institutions market and recruit workers using gender as an organizing principle.


Il faut comprendre la façon dont sont interprétés les flux migratoires, pour comprendre la place des femmes dans la société. Ainsi, Pettman dit souligne que « La demande croissante pour le travail des femmes reflète leur commodification comme travail bon marché [...] Rendre le travail bon marché dépend, en partie, des idéologies sur la féminité ».
It is necessary to understand how migration flows are interpreted in order to understand the place of women in society. Thus, Pettman points out that "The growing demand for women's work reflects their commodification as cheap work... Making work cheap depends, in part, on ideologies on femininity".


Le travail des femmes est construit comme temporaire en tant que intermédiaire avant le mariage, de plus il y a la complémentaire au vrai pilier financier de la famille par des transferts d’argent. Pour les femmes il y a l’idée que leur travail n’est qu’un appui à la personne qui va amener l’argent pour nourrir la famille qui est l’homme. On va limiter la fonction des femmes dans l’économie politique en construisant l’idée que les femmes sont naturellement patientes, persévérantes, habiles de leurs mains afin de les disqualifier de certaines fonctions.
Women's work is built as temporary as an intermediary before marriage, in addition to complementing the real financial pillar of the family through money transfers. For women there is the idea that their work is only a support to the person who will bring the money to feed the family who is the man. We will limit the function of women in the political economy by constructing the idea that women are naturally patient, persevering and skilled with their hands in order to disqualify them from certain functions.


Il y a d’autres formes de prédispositions au travail en usines d’assemblage globalisées avec une homologie construit entre la domesticité́ et le travail comme, par exemple, la couture. Ce sont des schémas utilisés à la fois par le recruteur, mais aussi par la façon dont les gens eux-mêmes se perçoivent. C’est créer les conditions de la possibilité. Ce qui est fascinant est que le travail non qualifié peut être qualifié comme travail spécialisé pour un homme.
There are other forms of predispositions to work in globalized assembly plants with a homology built between domesticité́ and work such as, for example, sewing. These are patterns used both by the recruiter and by the way people perceive themselves. It means creating the conditions for the possibility. What is fascinating is that unskilled work can be qualified as specialized work for a man.


Pour Pettman, « La commodification du corps des femmes au sein de l'espace multinational et pour le travail multinational dans des usines d'assemblage globalisées n'est pas détachée des circuits transnationaux offrant des corps de femmes à travers les frontières étatiques pour du travail domestique ou sexuel. Dans les deux cas, ce n'est pas seulement les marqueurs de genre qui identifient les corps des femmes pour certains travaux, mais aussi des processus nationalisant et racialisant ces corps genrés [...] »
For Pettman, "The commodification of women's bodies within the multinational space and for multinational work in globalized assembly plants is not detached from transnational circuits offering women's bodies across state borders for domestic or sex work. In both cases, it is not only gender markers that identify women's bodies for certain works, but also processes that nationalize and racialize these gendered bodies [...]"


== Bilan ==
== Summary ==
Le discours qui produit la féminisation est synonyme de dépolitisation tentant d’identifier certaines catégories. Réfléchir aux genres permet de réfléchir à une économie politique internationale à travers le flux de migrants [invisibles], desquels de plus en plus de femmes font partie. L’économie politique internationale reflète des relations de pouvoir (domination) entre nord/sud, hommes/femmes.
The discourse that produces feminization is synonymous with depoliticization trying to identify certain categories. Thinking about gender makes it possible to reflect on an international political economy through the flow of[invisible] migrants, of whom more and more women are part. International political economy reflects power relations (domination) between North/South, men/women.


Ces relations de pouvoir ne sont pas limitées à une dichotomie genre, par exemple, les femmes du nord et du sud 'bourgeoises' ou expatriées y participent également. Il faut déconstruire des représentations genrées et souligner leur centralité pour dépasser une conception fondationnaliste du monde et des sujets afin de concilier la performativité avec la possibilité du changement.
These power relations are not limited to a gender dichotomy, for example, "bourgeois" or expatriate women from the north and south also participate. It is necessary to deconstruct gendered representations and underline their centrality in order to go beyond a foundationist conception of the world and subjects in order to reconcile performativity with the possibility of change.


= Perspectives postcoloniales =
= Post-colonial perspectives =
La postcolonialité est la continuité d’un modèle développementaliste sur le monde. Il y aurait certains niveaux où l’on devrait être et cela est présenté comme naturel ou nécessaire. La pensée postcoloniale est une distinction entre une problématisation et une chronologie. Certains qui vont parler de néocoloniale vont dire qu’il y aurait toujours de pratiques qui persisteraient au-delà du colonialisme. Une problématisation postcoloniale est réfléchir dans une complexité de production et de subjectivité ayant des effets sur le colonisateur.  
Postcoloniality is the continuity of a developmentist model of the world. There would be certain levels where we should be and this is presented as natural or necessary. Postcolonial thinking is a distinction between problematization and chronology. Some who will talk about neo-colonialism will say that there are still practices that would persist beyond colonialism. A postcolonial problematization is thinking in a complexity of production and subjectivity that has effects on the colonizer.  


== Entre chronologie et problématisation ==
== Between chronology and problematization ==
L’idée de post-colonialisme fait référence à une période historique précise dans le contexte d'États, de régions. Cela sous-entend un marqueur chronologique d’un avant et d’un après. La décolonisation est un vieux processus que l’on peut dater du XIXème siècle notamment avec Haïti allant jusqu’à l’après-Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Désormais, les États seraient plus égaux, mais certains auteurs analysent les anciennes colonies comme étant dans une situation de domination avec une marge interventionniste et de manipulation des anciennes métropoles. Mais dans ce cas on se limite à des relations de pouvoir.  
The idea of post-colonialism refers to a specific historical period in the context of States, regions. This implies a chronological marker of a before and after. Decolonization is an old process that can be dated back to the 19th century, particularly with Haiti up to the post-World War II period. From now on, the states would be more equal, but some authors analyse the former colonies as being in a situation of domination with an interventionist margin and manipulation of the former metropolises. But in this case we limit ourselves to power relations.


Le post-colonialisme fait référence à une condition est dans The Intimate Enemy. Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism, Nandy fait référence à un « état d'esprit » : « le colonialisme est un processus indigène libéré par des forces externes ». Les forces externes sont produites par un phénomène spécifique à savoir le colonialisme qui a pris plusieurs formes. Pendant la modernité, essentiellement au XIXème siècle, né l’idée coloniale avec une réflexion morale, mais aussi religieuse sur l’ordre du monde. Ces processus sont ces forces externes dont parle Nansi, ce sont des courants de pratiques, d’idées et de discours qui ont des effets sur le colonisateur et le colonisé.
Post-colonialism refers to a condition in The Intimate Enemy. Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism, Nandy refers to a "state of mind": "Colonialism is an indigenous process liberated by external forces". External forces are produced by a specific phenomenon, namely colonialism, which has taken many forms. During modernity, essentially in the 19th century, the colonial idea was born with a moral, but also religious reflection on the world order. These processes are the external forces that Nansi talks about, they are currents of practice, ideas and discourse that have an impact on the colonizer and the colonized.


Ainsi, les Post-colonialisme regroupe des approches problématisant une condition historique particulière et postcoloniale. Dans Postcolonial Theory. A Critical Introduction, Leela Gandhi parle de « postcoloniality ».
Thus, Post-colonialism groups together approaches problematizing a particular historical and postcolonial condition. In Postcolonial Theory. In Critical Introduction, Leela Gandhi speaks of "postcoloniality".


== La condition postcoloniale ==
== The postcolonial condition ==
Les approches postcoloniales s’intéressent à la continuité. Il ne s’agit pas comme les approches néocoloniales que les pratiques sont évidemment continues, mais on est dans l’idée qu’il y a une « discontinuité dans la continuité » comme le dit Foucault. On va voir comment des formes, des schémas de pensée permettent d’étudier, d’interroger et de dévoiler la continuité (post-)coloniale. Pour Nandy, « le colonialisme est un processus indigène libéré par des forces externes ». Nandy se pose la question dans quelle mesure l’ordre a été renversé, mais en reproduisant des cadres de penser. Il y a des cadres de pensée qui survivent à la dimension chronologique.  
Post-colonial approaches focus on continuity. It is not a question of neo-colonial approaches that the practices are obviously continuous, but we are in the idea that there is a "discontinuity in continuity" as Foucault says. We will see how forms, patterns of thought make it possible to study, question and reveal (post-)colonial continuity. For Nandy, "colonialism is an indigenous process liberated by external forces". Nandy wonders to what extent the order has been reversed, but by reproducing frames of thought. There are frameworks of thought that survive the chronological dimension.


Il y a une dimension de la production de savoir comme, par exemple, l'anthropologie qui né aux Pays-Bas avec la production d’experts qui s’intéressaient aux indes néerlandaises dans un besoin de dominer l’autre. C’est aussi la production de cadre et de termes afin de faire sens d’une réalité différente. L’idée de « tribut » est un concept anthropologique développé afin de faire sens d’une réalité qui ne se reconnaît pas nécessairement dans ce terme. Lorsqu’on parle de reproduction de la continuité est qu’à terme, les colonisés eux-mêmes sont venus à utiliser ces termes afin de faire sens de cette réalité.  
There is a dimension of knowledge production such as, for example, anthropology that was born in the Netherlands with the production of experts who were interested in the Dutch Indies in a need to dominate the other. It is also the production of frameworks and terms to make sense of a different reality. The idea of "tribute" is an anthropological concept developed in order to make sense of a reality that is not necessarily recognized in this term. When we talk about reproducing continuity is that in the long run, the colonized themselves have come to use these terms in order to make sense of this reality.


Pour Thomas, le sens des autres est une perte d’autonomie. Dans ''Colonialism's Culture Anthropology, Travel and Government'' publié en 1994, le savoir colonial est « pris souvent la forme d'une appropriation panoptique et encyclopédique des coutumes, histoires, reliques et statistiques indigènes ».
For Thomas, the meaning of others is a loss of autonomy. In Colonialism's Culture Anthropology, Travel and Government published in 1994, colonial knowledge is "often in the form of a panoptic and encyclopedic appropriation of indigenous customs, histories, relics and statistics".


La production de subjectivité, notamment par les nationalismes, peuvent être des subjectivités coloniales tant chez le colonisateur que chez le colonisé. Dans ''The Other question...'', Homi K. Bhabha reconsiders the stereotype and colonial discourse, Bhabha postule que « pour comprendre la productivité du pouvoir colonial, il est crucial de le construire comme un régime de ‘vérité' ». Il va y avoir des pratiques à travers les personnes qui vont faire remonter les choses dans l’espace colonial.  
The production of subjectivity, especially by nationalisms, can be colonial subjectivities for both the colonizer and the colonized. In The Other Question..., Homi K. Bhabha reconsiders the stereotype and colonial discourse, Bhabha postulates that "to understand the productivity of colonial power, it is crucial to build it as a regime of'truth'". There will be practices through the people who will bring things up in the colonial space.


== La relation symbiotique colonisateur-colonisé ==
== The symbiotic colonizer-colonized relationship ==
Il faut penser le colonialisme dans sa complexité. Selon Nandy, il y a deux formes de colonialisme :
Colonialism in its complexity must be considered. According to Nandy, there are two forms of colonialism:
*celui des bandits, des rapaces et du profit : forme d’exploitation qui renvoie aux premières formes de colonialisme ;
*that of bandits, raptors and profit: a form of exploitation that refers to the first forms of colonialism;
*celui des libéraux, des rationalistes et des modernistes renvoyant à celui de la civilisation : le colonialisme a parfois été pensé de façon positive afin d’amener les gens quelque part étant donné qu’ils ne seraient pas prêts à se gouverner. Par rapport à des populations, il va y avoir des justifications. Il ne faut pas voir le colonialisme simplement.
*that of the liberals, rationalists and modernists referring to that of civilization: colonialism has sometimes been thought of in a positive way in order to get people somewhere because they would not be ready to govern themselves. In relation to populations, there will be justifications. Colonialism should not be seen simply as something to be seen.
For Nandy, "This colonialism colonizes minds in addition to bodies and liberates forces within colonized societies to change their cultural priorities once and for all. At the same time, it helps to generalize the concept of the modern West from a geographical and temporal entité́ to a psychological category. The West is now everywhere, inside and outside the West; in structures and in people's minds.


Pour Nandy, « Ce colonialisme colonise les esprits en plus des corps et il libère des forces au sein des sociétés colonisées pour modifier leurs priorités culturelles une fois pour toutes. Dans le même temps, il aide à généraliser le concept de l'Ouest moderne d'une entité́ géographique et temporelle à une catégorie psychologique. L'Ouest est maintenant partout, au sein de l'Ouest et en dehors; dans les structures et dans les esprits ».  
There is a dimension that is sometimes found in independence movements, but also in movements that react to certain situations. Part of postcolonial thinking shows that this is an illusion, one cannot escape the ways of thinking that have had an effect for hundreds of years. Danger is the thought of the authentic by returning to something that has not been "corrupted". Postcolonial thinking is always relevant because we are in a situation where everything has been changed.


Il y a une dimension que l’on retrouve parfois dans les mouvements d’indépendances, mais aussi dans des mouvements réagissant à certaines situations. Une partie de la pensée postcoloniale montre que cela est une illusion, on ne peut échapper aux modes de pensée qui ont eu un effet depuis des centaines d’années. Le danger est la pensée de l’authentique en revenant à quelque chose qui n’a pas été « corrompu ». La pensée postcoloniale est toujours pertinente parce que nous sommes dans une situation où tout a été changé.
At one point in history, the West takes many forms. Colonialism makes it a universal category. In social science, when we think in comparative terms, the categories that come first, such as the State and citizenship, are Western ways of thinking presented as universal modes. Colonialism has had an effect on how we think. It is a specific production that has become dominant in Western countries, but it has had an effect on ways of thinking.


À un moment de l’histoire, l’ouest prend plusieurs formes. Le colonialisme en fait une catégorie universelle. En science sociale, lorsqu’on pense en terme comparatif, les catégories qui viennent en tête comme l’État et la citoyenneté, sont des modes de penser occidentaux présentés comme des modes universaux. Le colonialisme a eu un effet sur comment pensons-nous. C’est une production spécifique qui est devenue dominante dans les pays occidentaux, mais elle a eu un effet sur les manières de penser.  
In Colonialism's Culture. Anthropology, Travel and Government, Thomas writes: "Although we are generally sympathetic to the suffering of the colonized, this view frequently exaggerates colonial power, thus reducing the degree and extent of indigenous resistance and accommodation in the formation of colonial histories. In many cases what may appear to be the exercise of colonial hegemony - the imposition of Christianity, for example - is in fact better understood as the appropriation of introduced institutions, material objects or speech for strategic reasons by colonized peoples or by particular groups within them.


Dans ''Colonialism's Culture. Anthropology, Travel and Government'', Thomas écrit : {{citation|Bien que nous soyons généralement sympathiques à la souffrance du colonisé, cette vision fréquemment exagère le pouvoir colonial, diminuant ainsi le degré et l'étendue de la résistance et de l'accommodation indigènes dans la formation des histoires coloniales. Dans de multiples cas ce qui peut apparaître comme l'exercice de l'hégémonie coloniale – l'imposition de la chrétienté par exemple – est en fait mieux compris comme l'appropriation d'institutions introduites, d'objets matériaux ou de discours pour des raisons stratégiques par les peuples colonisés ou par des groupes particuliers en leur sein}}.  
When we think about colonialism, it is not necessarily an imposition, it can be an instrumentalisation, especially of elites who wish to improve or take power. Often we tend to think that the colonizer arrives and everything submits. Romain Bertrand shows that historiography in the Javanese language only mentions the Dutch from the 19th century onwards, whereas formally the Dutch Indies only existed since the 18th century.


Lorsqu’on réfléchit au colonialisme, ce n’est pas forcément une imposition, cela peut être une instrumentalisation notamment des élites qui souhaitent améliorer ou prendre le pouvoir. Souvent on a tendance à penser que le colonisateur arrive et que tout se soumet. Romain Bertrand montre que l’historiographie en langue javanaise ne fait mention des Néerlandais qu’à partir du XIXème siècle alors que formellement les Indes néerlandaises n’existent que depuis le XVIIIème siècle.  
How to explain a disjunction between knowledge production and reality? Naivety comes from giving too much power to one and rejecting the power capacity of the other. The Javanese elites used the Dutch in their quest for power.


Comment expliquer une disjonction entre productions de savoir et une réalité ? La naïveté vient du fait que l’on donne trop de puissance à l’un et qu’on rejette la capacité de puissance de l’autre. Les élites javanaises ont utilisé les Néerlandais dans leur recherche de pouvoir.  
In The Intimate Enemy. Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism, Nandy shows that there are also effects on the colonizer, in particular the production of hypermasculinity, which leads to the delegitimization of "female" constructions in the public sphere. This is part of a construction that is not necessarily specific to the West.


Dans ''The Intimate Enemy. Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism'', Nandy montre qu’il y a aussi des effets sur le colonisateur notamment la production d’une hypermasculinité qui engage une délégitimation des constructions « féminine » dans la sphère publique. Ceci participe d’une construction qui n’est pas nécessairement propre à l’occident.  
The second effect is that there is a false sense of cultural homogeneity, that is, believing oneself to be a homogeneous whole. In Gândhî's mind, one of the first acts was to reach out to the English working classes, some of which were linked to cotton production to show them that they are also among those exploited by the colonial system. The British working classes thought they were part of this empire when they were part of those exploited by this system.


Le deuxième effet est qu’il y a faux sens d'homogénéité culturelle, c’est-à-dire se croire comme un ensemble homogène. Dans la pensée de Gândhî, l’un des premiers actes fut d’aller vers les classes ouvrières anglaises dont certaines étaient liées à la production de coton pour leur montrer qu’ils font aussi partie de ceux qui sont exploités par le système colonial. Les classes ouvrières britanniques se sont pensée comme faisant partie de cet empire alors qu’elles faisaient partie de ceux exploités par ce système.  
Nandy underlines the omnipresence of colonial ideology in spheres other than politics such as religion and morality. In morality, we can show very strong links on how to conceive the poor. The notion of development is mainly thought of at the domestic level and has been brought to the colonial populations, but there is a discourse around the function of development.


Nandy souligne l’omniprésence de l'idéologie coloniale dans des sphères autres que politiques comme la religion et la morale. Dans la morale, on peut montrer des liens très forts sur la manière de concevoir les pauvres. La notion de développement est surtout pensée au niveau domestique et qui a été amené dans les populations coloniales, mais il y a un discours autour de la fonction du développement.
Thucydides underlines the Athenians' taste for risk, Nandy highlights the false sense of omnipotence and permanence. It is a dimension where there is a before and an after and the thought that we are in the right.


Thucydide souligne le goût du risque des Athéniens, Nandy met en exergue les faux sens d'omnipotence et de permanence. C’est une dimension où il y a un avant et un après et de pensée qu’on est dans le juste.
== The persistence of colonial reference and understanding frameworks ==
Postcolonial thinking highlights the persistent idea of colonial hierarchies of value and knowledge. Chakrabarty published Provincializing Europe in 2000. Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference showing how in historiographic thought, Europe is the centre of everything: "It would seem that only'Europe' is theoretically (i.e. at the level of the fundamental categories forming historical thought) knowable; all the other stories are objects of empirical research giving substance to the theoretical skeleton that is substantially'Europe'".


== La persistance des cadres de référence et de compréhension coloniaux ==
Most postcolonial thinkers widely question most of the concepts and categories we use. Beyond the specific modes of exploitation as such, or when we talk about the colonization of minds, it is the way we think and as researchers, our thinking is linked to colonialism.
La pensée postcoloniale met en avant l’idée persistante des hiérarchies coloniales de valeur et de savoir. Chakrabarty a publié en 2000 ''Provincializing Europe. Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference'' montrant comment dans la pensée historiographique, l’Europe est le centre de tout : « Il semblerait que seule '''Europe' est théoriquement (c'est-à-dire au niveau des catégories fondamentales formant la pensée historique) connaissable; toutes les autres histoires sont des objets de recherche empirique donnant corps au squelette théorique qu'est substantiellement ‘Europe' ». ''


La plupart des penseurs postcoloniaux remettent en cause très largement la plupart des concepts et des catégories que nous utilisons. Au-delà des modes spécifiques d’exploitation en tant que tel, ou lorsqu’on parle de colonisation des esprits, c’est la façon dont nous pensons et en tant que chercheur, notre pensée est liée au colonialisme.
==The Orientalism==
==L’orientalisme==


[[Fichier:Jean-Paul_Flandrin_-_Odalisque_with_Slave_-_Walters_37887.jpg|thumb|350px|esclave''.<br />Peinture orientaliste du XIXe siècle de Dominique Ingres.'']]
[[Fichier:Jean-Paul_Flandrin_-_Odalisque_with_Slave_-_Walters_37887.jpg|thumb|350px|slave.


L’orientalisme est réfléchir à comment on conçoit l’orient dans le cadre d’un effet miroir. L’orientalisme est une entreprise académique de recherche, une production de savoir, une production d’histoire. L’orientalisme a été un courant de pensée académique, mais aussi un courant littéraire.  
19th century orientalist painting by Dominique Ingres.]]Orientalism is about thinking about how we conceive the orient in the context of a mirror effect. Orientalism is an academic research enterprise, a production of knowledge, a production of history. Orientalism has been a current of academic thought, but also a literary current.


Pour Said dans ''The Orientalism'', « L'Orientalisme est un style de pensée basé sur la distinction ontologique et épistémologique faite entre 'l'Orient' et (pour la plupart du temps) ‘l'Occident' [] une institution collective pour s'occuper de l'Orient–s'en occuper en faisant des affirmations, des vues autorisées, des descriptions, des enseignements, des mises en ordre, des règles sur l'Orient: l'Orientalisme, en d'autres termes, est un style Occidental de domination, de restructuration, et d'autorité sur l’Orient ».  
For Said in The Orientalism, "Orientalism is a style of thought based on the ontological and epistemological distinction made between the "East" and (for the most part) the "West" [...] a collective institution to deal with the East - to deal with it by making statements, authoritative views, descriptions, teachings, ordering, rules about the East: Orientalism, in other words, is a Western style of domination, restructuring, and authority over the East.


L’Orient n’existe pas en elle-même, c’est une production occidentale qui regroupe des réalités diverses, contradictoires, mais aussi en tension et on en parle comme ce qui est à l’Est de nous. Ceci est produit à travers des effets d’experts. C’est penser l’autre, mais aussi amener l’autre à se penser comme on le conçoit.
The East does not exist in itself, it is a Western production that brings together diverse, contradictory realities, but also in tension and we talk about it as what is in the East of us. This is produced through expert effects. It means thinking of the other, but also bringing the other to think of himself as we understand him.


Pour Said, « [...] l'Orient n'est pas un fait inerte de la nature. Il n'est pas là, tout comme l'Occident lui-même n'est pas juste là également ». Il faut montrer comment il y a une constitution d’imaginaires et de représentations. Dans l’imaginaire, l’oriental est l’irrationnel, le sensuel.
For Said,"[...] the East is not an inert fact of nature. It is not there, just as the West itself is not just there too. It is necessary to show how there is a constitution of imaginaries and representations. In the imagination, the oriental is the irrational, the sensual.


L’Orient est regroupé autour d’un multiple. Toutefois, il ne s'agit pas de nier l'existence d'un ou plutôt d'une multitude de référents à l'Est. La problématisation qui intéresse Said « n'est pas celle de la correspondance entre l'Orientalisme et l'Orient, mais celle de la cohérence interne de l'Orientalisme et de ses idées à propos de l'Orient [...] malgré́ et au-delà̀ d'aucune correspondance avec un 'vrai' Orient ». Ce qui est intéressant est de chercher ce qui est derrière le comportement notamment de certains États ou bien dans le cadre du postcolonialisme comment l’orientalisme a été instrumentalisé. Pour comprendre certaines pratiques, il faut comprendre qu’elles participent d’un certain discours.
The East is grouped around a multiple. However, it is not a question of denying the existence of one or rather a multitude of references in the East. The problematization that interests Said "is not that of the correspondence between Orientalism and the East, but that of the internal coherence of Orientalism and its ideas about the East [...] malgré́ and au-delà̀ of any correspondence with a "true" Orient". What is interesting is to look for what is behind the behaviour of certain States in particular or in the context of postcolonialism how orientalism has been instrumentalized. To understand certain practices, it is necessary to understand that they are part of a certain discourse.


Ainsi, Said écrit que « [L'Orientalisme] est plutôt une distribution d'une attention géopolitique dans des textes esthétiques, académiques, économiques, sociologiques, historiques et philologiques; [...]. [L'Orientalisme] est, plus qu'il n'exprime, une certaine volonté́ ou intention de comprendre, dans certains cas de contrôler, manipuler, et même incorporer, ce qui est manifestement diffèrent (ou alternatif et nouveau); il s'agit par-dessus tout d'un discours qui n'est aucunement direct, une relation correspondante avec un pouvoir politique brut, mais plutôt d'un discours qui est produit et existe au travers d'un échange inégal au sein de différents pouvoirs [...] »
Thus, Said writes that"[Orientalism] is rather a distribution of geopolitical attention in aesthetic, academic, economic, sociological, historical and philological texts;[...]. Orientalism] is, more than it expresses, a certain volonté́ or intention to understand, in some cases to control, manipulate, and even incorporate, what is clearly different (or alternative and new); it is above all a discourse that is in no way direct, a corresponding relationship with a raw political power, but rather a discourse that is produced and exists through an unequal exchange within different powers [...]"


Souvent on va créer des catégories pour servir son pouvoir. Le discours de Said part d’une attention bégnine qui est celle de comprendre l’autre en essayant de comprendre leur langue, leur société, leur mode économique. Il ne faut pas tomber dans l’idée d’instrumentalisation de l’autre et de croire qu’un rapport de domination relève d’une instrumentalisation. La domination peut naître d’une volonté de comprendre l’autre et de le connaître. Il n’y a pas d’élément vraiment neutre, c’est l’idée d’une production de savoir. Il y a une inégalité dans la production des savoirs.  
Often we will create categories to serve our power. Said's speech starts from a beggar's attention which is to understand the other by trying to understand their language, their society, their economic mode. We must not fall into the idea of instrumentalizing the other and believe that a relationship of domination is an instrumentalization. Domination can arise from a desire to understand and know the other. There is no such thing as a truly neutral element, it is the idea of a production of knowledge. There is an inequality in the production of knowledge.


La production d’un savoir développementaliste relève d’une production inégale. Les développementaliste se rendent compte qu’ils sont dans un système inégal où ils viennent avec leur savoir. La perspective postcoloniale met en avant une contradiction qui nécessite de comprendre la subjectivité de l‘autre.  
The production of developmentalist knowledge is part of an unequal production. Developmentalists realize that they are in an unequal system where they come with their knowledge. The postcolonial perspective highlights a contradiction that requires an understanding of the subjectivity of the other.


Dans une certaine mesure, il y a une contradiction postcoloniale qui met en exergue une tension entre d'un côté des phénomènes, structures, pratiques, discours qui dérivent politiquement et chronologiquement du colonialisme et de l'autre l'obligation culturelle d'être inventif et créatif comme le soutien Gandhi dans Postcolonial Theory. A Critical Introduction. La réflexion postcoloniale s’interroge sur la manière de pouvoir aller au-delà de cette continuité. D’un côté, la production postcoloniale met essentiellement l’accent sur la domination, pourtant, le discours normatif et positif va remettre en cause et aller au-delà des dominations.
To some extent, there is a postcolonial contradiction that highlights a tension between phenomena, structures, practices, discourse that derive politically and chronologically from colonialism on the one hand and the cultural obligation to be inventive and creative on the other, such as the Gandhi support in Postcolonial Theory. A Critical Introduction. Post-colonial reflection questions how to go beyond this continuity. On the one hand, postcolonial production essentially emphasizes domination, yet the normative and positive discourse will challenge and go beyond domination.


Gilroy s’intéresse à l’Atlantique et au rapport avec l’Atlantique, dans ''The Black Atlantic. Modernity and Double Consciousness'', il postule que « quelque soit leur affiliation à la droite, la gauche ou au centre, des groupes sont re-tombés dans l'idée d'un nationalisme culturel, dans celle de conceptions sur-intégrées de la culture présentant les différences ethniques immuables comme une cassure absolue dans les histoires et expériences entre 'blancs' et 'noirs'. Un autre choix est possible, une option plus difficile est possible: la pensée de la créolisation, du métissage, du mestizaje, de l’hybridité ».  
Gilroy is interested in the Atlantic and the relationship with the Atlantic in The Black Atlantic. Modernity and Double Consciousness, he postulates that "whatever their affiliation to the right, left or centre, groups have fallen back into the idea of cultural nationalism, into that of over-integrated conceptions of culture presenting immutable ethnic differences as an absolute break in the histories and experiences between'white' and'black'. Another choice is possible, a more difficult option is possible: the thought of creolization, mixing, mestizaje, hybridity.


Gilroy repense le commerce triangulaire à travers les échanges culturels. Lorsqu’on pense domination, il y a des effets plus émancipateurs qui permettent des façons de se repenser. Dans une certaine mesure, si on reste dans un schéma, on reste dans une critique superficielle. Lorsqu’on produit un soi, on a tendance à ne pas se regarder dans sa propre complexité et ses propres tensions. Le message positif de l’approche postcoloniale est de s’interroger dans quelle mesure on peut produire de l’hybridité. L’enjeu est d’être créatif par rapport à où nous sommes et vers où devons-nous aller.
Gilroy rethinks triangular trade through cultural exchanges. When we think of domination, there are more emancipatory effects that allow ways of rethinking. To a certain extent, if we remain in a pattern, we remain in a superficial criticism. When we produce a self, we tend not to look at ourselves in our own complexity and tensions. The positive message of the postcolonial approach is to question the extent to which hybridity can be produced. The challenge is to be creative about where we are and where we need to go.


== Bilan ==
== Summary ==
La prédominance des cadres de référence est euro-centré. Cette prédominance fait ce que Fabian appelle dans ''Time and the Other. How Anthropology makes its Object'' une négation de la coprésence temporelle et une persistance du « pas encore ». Il est important de prendre en compte la positionalité du producteur de savoir. Said parle d’omniprésence du discours Orientaliste dans ''The Orient'' qui est une illusion du discours non-politique, car le discours sur l'Orient serait académique, scientifique et impartial. L’analyse postcoloniale est une manière de se penser dans le contexte d’un discours miroir. Il faut faire attention au danger de penser l’authenticité.  
The predominance of reference frameworks is Euro-centric. This predominance does what Fabian calls in Time and the Other. How Anthropology makes its Object a negation of temporal co-presence and a persistence of "not yet". It is important to take into account the positionality of the knowledge producer. Said speaks of the omnipresence of Orientalist discourse in The Orient which is an illusion of non-political discourse, because the discourse on the Orient would be academic, scientific and impartial. Postcolonial analysis is a way of thinking about oneself in the context of a mirror discourse. We must be careful about the danger of thinking about authenticity.  


= Annexes =
= Annexes =
== Bibliographie ==
== Bibliography ==
*Bhabha, H. K. (1983). The Other question... Homi K. Bhabha reconsiders the stereotype and colonial discourse. Screen, 24(6), 18–36.
*Bhabha, H. K. (1983). The Other question... Homi K. Bhabha reconsiders the stereotype and colonial discourse. Screen, 24(6), 18–36.
*Butler, J. (1999 [1990]). Gender Trouble. Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. London: Routledge.
*Butler, J. (1999 [1990]). Gender Trouble. Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. London: Routledge.

Version actuelle datée du 20 mai 2020 à 12:39


We will approach two perspectives, namely gender perspectives and postcolonial perspectives.

Gender perspectives[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Domination[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

A distinction must be made between oppression and domination. For Young in Justice and the Politics of Difference, "oppression consists of systematic institutional processes that prevent some people from learning and using skills[relational, e.g. self-esteem/relationship to others; translation of satisfying and expansive skills] in socially recognized environments, or in institutionalized social processes that hinder people's ability to interact and communicate with others or to express their feelings and perspectives about social life in contexts where others can hear".

Oppression induces a system where people are exploited. There is the idea of direct action against someone and preventing them from being what they want to be. There can be no oppression without some form of domination and even without oppression.

For Young, "domination consists of institutional conditions that hinder or prevent people from participating in the determination of their actions or the conditions of their actions. People live in structures of domination if other people or groups can determine the conditions of their actions without reciprocity, either directly or by virtue of the structural consequences of their actions. Full (thorough) social and political democracy is the opposite of domination.

There is a dimension where people cannot think of themselves as different, we will create conditions in which people think of themselves. We are out of domination if we can occur and think without constraint. Heteronormativity for gender perspectives is a form of domination because it leads us to think in a dichotomous system where there is a natural distinction between being a man and being a woman.

In De la critique. Précis de sociologie de l'émancipation published in 2009, for Boltanski, "domination is not directly observable and moreover, most often escapes the consciousness of the actors. The domination must be revealed. It does not speak for itself and hides itself in devices whose obvious forms of power constitute only the most superficial dimension.... Everything therefore happens as if the actors were under the domination that is exercised over them not only without their knowledge, but sometimes even by contributing to its exercise.

The purpose of critical approaches is to highlight forms of domination. From the point of view of heteronormativity, it is found in the reproduction of our daily practices. Colonial approaches show that the colonized person has appropriated the forms of domination of the colonizer. The report is complicated. When we talk about a system of oppression, we are following a logic that goes in one direction. When we start from the logic of domination, we realize that the dominated and the dominant are in a symbiotic logic where they reproduce both.

feminism|gender: more than a nominalist question[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Feminism focuses on male-dominated knowledge, on the place of women in society as objects of knowledge and on their invisibility. It is an apparent naturalism of gender relations.

Gender studies focus on the social construction of social roles and the social construction of hierarchies, but also on the deconstruction of representations and the social construction of identities (bodies, collective identities). Gender studies focus on the idea of masculinity.

From biological to social?[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Often, the question that is asked through this distinction between gender and feminism is the distinction between biological and social. It is the transition from the naturalness of the biological (sex) to the construction of the social (gender). It is often assumed that there is an obvious distinction between a man and a woman with social and political consequences. It is a dichotomy that is quite entrenched in our society:

  • natural - social
  • pre-cultural - cultural
  • pre-discursive - discursive

The problem highlighted by gender perspectives and the idea of whether this does not represent a dichotomy of the world around us. The challenge of gender perspectives is to see if there are fluidities in sex. Butler shows how the norm of heteronormativity is challenged when we talk about "trans" or "drag". The transvestite is the idea that anyone can play the game of being a man or a woman without being fooled. On the other hand, the "drag" is someone who completely challenges the distinction between biological and social. It is a man or a woman who, by transforming himself, challenges the norm. Butler questions the idea of drag because there is a fluidity. The idea is to show that we tend to live in a dichotomous relationship of one or the other.

For Butler in Gender Trouble. Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, "Gender must not simply be understood as the cultural inscription of meaning on an existing sex pré́-; gender must also refer to the production system by which the sexes themselves are established. In the end, gender is not to culture what sex is to nature; gender is also the discursive/cultural means by which the'sexual nature' or'natural sex' is produced and established as'pre-discursive', before culture, a politically neutral surface on which culture acts'.

The fundamental idea of the gender perspective is to show that there is always a political construction, there is always a hierarchical and hegemonic relationship that dictates how we should be. People on the margins of the norm are always reminded of this.

(hyper)masculinity[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

For Hutchings, in Cognitive short cuts published in 2008, the notion of masculinity refers to two things in feminist literature even if they are analytically distinct are generally:

  • linked to masculinity as an essence explaining what it does: causal or constitutive links are distinguished between masculinity-related qualities (aggression, instrumental rationality, objectivity) and dominant practices in international relations;
  • masculinity as a practice in order to determine what it is: how masculinity, apart from qualities that could be attributed to it a priori, is a rhetorical operator that values, denigrates or excludes an Other.

Heteronormativity[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

For Carver in Sex, gender and heteronormativity: Seeing "Some Like It Hot" as a heterosexual dystopia, heteronormativity is "the normative and normalizing power of heterosexuality in representations, subjectivity, legality and discipline". This is the idea that heteronormativity has consequences on the way the world is perceived and the role of men and women. It is the conception that the man will try to protect the woman, the woman is also a destabilizing element.

In Bananas, Beaches and Bases. Making Feminist Sense of International Politics published in 1989, Enloe says, "It is always good to ask,'Where are the women?' Answering this question reveals the dependence of most political and economic systems not only on women, but on certain types of relationships between men and women.

We must save the veiled woman....[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

In 2001, the United States attacked Afghanistan and one of the justifications is to change the Taliban government because the Taliban regime is an oppressive regime for women. It is a process of justifying the intervention and building the threat.

The victimization of Afghan women and girls is done by their character as passive victims since the Taliban imputed their desires and wills. The idea of removing burqa is to free women from evil is an old discourse, especially colonial. Modernization is a discourse that can be found in nationalist modeling discourse. There is a process consistent with the imperialist discourse on "foreign" women.

A discourse that took place in the 19th century is not necessarily in the same terms, but in the same logic. For Shepherd in Veiled references: Constructions of gender in the Bush administration discourse on the attacks on Afghanistan post-9/11 published in 2006, "Women abroad[abroad] are recognizable in this discourse as variations of what Mohanty (1991: 56) calls the "average woman of the Third World" who "pursues an essentially truncated life because of her feminine gender (i.e. sexually constrained) and her "Third World" being (i.e. ignorant, poor, uneducated, traditionally linked, domestic, family, victimized, etc.)) ».

There is a dimension that links femininity to sexuality. The discourse is to say that dominated women are not women who do not reveal themselves, but women who are forced day after day to follow a number of norms related to the desire of others. What is often presented as a form of emancipation would be linked to male desire. Non-western feminists show that the use of the full veil is one way to reject this change. Often the male-female relationship must be linked to considerations that go beyond gender. You should never think of these things in isolation. Often, sexuality is seen as the criterion in a Western progressive normativity as a criterion of freedom.

The other dimension is that we will make passive objects of a patriarchal structure and forget a certain number of realities or social practices in which women have power, will defend education or practical knowledge not taken into account in a Western vision. The construction of the other is already a form of representation of someone.

If we think about a construction of victimization of women, there is an oppressive and a protective dimension. For Shepherd, "The attacks in Afghanistan were articulated around a gendered discourse focusing on the notions of appropriate protection and care due to women [...] These constructions served two purposes. First, the construction of a female victim marked the foreign enemy as an Irrational Barbarian to be corrected by the Figure of Authority. Second, through reference to accepted gender references, this construction of the enemy has facilitated the conceptual division between'nation' and'enemy'.

The intervention in Afghanistan is justified because a wrong is being done. Vladimir Putin in the Crimea can be analysed as a righting agent. In Afghanistan, there is the idea of redressing a wrong by empowering women. When the "post-" perspectives think in terms of borders, understanding how the attack in Afghanistan was justified through a "gender" prism allows us to see how the other was built, how the other is multiple, but also, one of the functions of construction is the constitution of boundaries on who is the self and who is the other.

We must save Private Lynch....[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Private Jessica Lynch was captured in March 2003 in Iraq. Her supply convoy was reportedly ambushed and she was taken prisoner.

Spike Peterson relates in Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices in the Context of War and Militarism published in 2012 that "Although the initial reports praised his soldiering courage under enemy fire, they were quickly drowned by the feminization of his critical situation: a white woman allegedly subjected to rape by Arab men was to be dramatically saved. The story reproduced the virtues and vulnerability of (white) femininity, the demonization of Iraqi men, and the heroic efforts of U.S. special forces to "save" it from these alleged abuses.

Covering this story from the time of capture to the time it was saved, there is an important transition from active to passive discourse. Very quickly, her abilities were taken away, she was rebuilt not as a soldier with values linked to masculinity and she was made a passive victim. There is a form of representation where we must save this woman. The dimensions of hypermasculinity are related to American special forces. What is fascinating is to see how much this woman has taken away her ability to be someone, she has been given a narrative that enters a gender perspective.

Private Lynndie England must be convicted[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

There is a contrast with Abu Ghraib where American soldiers torture Arab men. On the one hand, Private Lynch represents positive values both in his action and in his own. Private England has committed atrocious acts, acts that are unfortunately common in any prison system, but what is interesting is that soldier England has been stripped of her ability to have her own history, imposed on her what she is not. We didn't try to put her in a system of normality.

For Spike Peterson, "The details of England's personal life (early divorce, pregnancy out of wedlock, love affair with a man accused of beating his wife) built her as an'unseemly' woman who seemed to enjoy doing'unseemly' things [....... England's history completely diverted attention from cultivated violence among the military through hypermasculine norms-a violence practiced not only against external enemies, but against all those who are feminised, including female soldiers themselves.

The England soldier is not what she should be, being a woman, she is out of the ordinary making negative choices by choosing violence, she does not choose care. We find ourselves in a specific institution, the army. The military institution is a male institution that reproduces forms of domination, which is hypermasculine. Women in military institutions are in the minority and are the recipients of multiple forms of sexual harassment and more traditional harassment in terms of employment relationships.

Madam is served...[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Thousands of men and women leave their families to go abroad; it is necessary to understand the political economy behind these migrations. In The gendering of Philippines international labor migration, Tyner describes gendered migration patterns as, for example, the domestic workers of expatriates or bourgeois families in Europe, Lebanon, Hong Kong or the Persian Gulf highlighting the existence of an international political service economy.

As Pettman points out in Women on the move: globalization and labour migration from South and Southeast Asian states, the first idea is that female labour is represented as "cheap". The international service economy is supported by public and private institutes revealing a governmental and private institutionalization of this gendered model as in the Philippines.

Thus, an international political sociology of migration emerges and for Tyner,"[...] the motives and actions of non-migrant participants, including recruiters, foreign employers, and foreign administrators, are fundamental in the production of gendered migration models. Based on a multitude of representations-of people, places and occupations-these individuals and institutions market and recruit workers using gender as an organizing principle.

It is necessary to understand how migration flows are interpreted in order to understand the place of women in society. Thus, Pettman points out that "The growing demand for women's work reflects their commodification as cheap work... Making work cheap depends, in part, on ideologies on femininity".

Women's work is built as temporary as an intermediary before marriage, in addition to complementing the real financial pillar of the family through money transfers. For women there is the idea that their work is only a support to the person who will bring the money to feed the family who is the man. We will limit the function of women in the political economy by constructing the idea that women are naturally patient, persevering and skilled with their hands in order to disqualify them from certain functions.

There are other forms of predispositions to work in globalized assembly plants with a homology built between domesticité́ and work such as, for example, sewing. These are patterns used both by the recruiter and by the way people perceive themselves. It means creating the conditions for the possibility. What is fascinating is that unskilled work can be qualified as specialized work for a man.

For Pettman, "The commodification of women's bodies within the multinational space and for multinational work in globalized assembly plants is not detached from transnational circuits offering women's bodies across state borders for domestic or sex work. In both cases, it is not only gender markers that identify women's bodies for certain works, but also processes that nationalize and racialize these gendered bodies [...]"

Summary[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The discourse that produces feminization is synonymous with depoliticization trying to identify certain categories. Thinking about gender makes it possible to reflect on an international political economy through the flow of[invisible] migrants, of whom more and more women are part. International political economy reflects power relations (domination) between North/South, men/women.

These power relations are not limited to a gender dichotomy, for example, "bourgeois" or expatriate women from the north and south also participate. It is necessary to deconstruct gendered representations and underline their centrality in order to go beyond a foundationist conception of the world and subjects in order to reconcile performativity with the possibility of change.

Post-colonial perspectives[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Postcoloniality is the continuity of a developmentist model of the world. There would be certain levels where we should be and this is presented as natural or necessary. Postcolonial thinking is a distinction between problematization and chronology. Some who will talk about neo-colonialism will say that there are still practices that would persist beyond colonialism. A postcolonial problematization is thinking in a complexity of production and subjectivity that has effects on the colonizer.

Between chronology and problematization[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The idea of post-colonialism refers to a specific historical period in the context of States, regions. This implies a chronological marker of a before and after. Decolonization is an old process that can be dated back to the 19th century, particularly with Haiti up to the post-World War II period. From now on, the states would be more equal, but some authors analyse the former colonies as being in a situation of domination with an interventionist margin and manipulation of the former metropolises. But in this case we limit ourselves to power relations.

Post-colonialism refers to a condition in The Intimate Enemy. Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism, Nandy refers to a "state of mind": "Colonialism is an indigenous process liberated by external forces". External forces are produced by a specific phenomenon, namely colonialism, which has taken many forms. During modernity, essentially in the 19th century, the colonial idea was born with a moral, but also religious reflection on the world order. These processes are the external forces that Nansi talks about, they are currents of practice, ideas and discourse that have an impact on the colonizer and the colonized.

Thus, Post-colonialism groups together approaches problematizing a particular historical and postcolonial condition. In Postcolonial Theory. In Critical Introduction, Leela Gandhi speaks of "postcoloniality".

The postcolonial condition[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Post-colonial approaches focus on continuity. It is not a question of neo-colonial approaches that the practices are obviously continuous, but we are in the idea that there is a "discontinuity in continuity" as Foucault says. We will see how forms, patterns of thought make it possible to study, question and reveal (post-)colonial continuity. For Nandy, "colonialism is an indigenous process liberated by external forces". Nandy wonders to what extent the order has been reversed, but by reproducing frames of thought. There are frameworks of thought that survive the chronological dimension.

There is a dimension of knowledge production such as, for example, anthropology that was born in the Netherlands with the production of experts who were interested in the Dutch Indies in a need to dominate the other. It is also the production of frameworks and terms to make sense of a different reality. The idea of "tribute" is an anthropological concept developed in order to make sense of a reality that is not necessarily recognized in this term. When we talk about reproducing continuity is that in the long run, the colonized themselves have come to use these terms in order to make sense of this reality.

For Thomas, the meaning of others is a loss of autonomy. In Colonialism's Culture Anthropology, Travel and Government published in 1994, colonial knowledge is "often in the form of a panoptic and encyclopedic appropriation of indigenous customs, histories, relics and statistics".

The production of subjectivity, especially by nationalisms, can be colonial subjectivities for both the colonizer and the colonized. In The Other Question..., Homi K. Bhabha reconsiders the stereotype and colonial discourse, Bhabha postulates that "to understand the productivity of colonial power, it is crucial to build it as a regime of'truth'". There will be practices through the people who will bring things up in the colonial space.

The symbiotic colonizer-colonized relationship[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Colonialism in its complexity must be considered. According to Nandy, there are two forms of colonialism:

  • that of bandits, raptors and profit: a form of exploitation that refers to the first forms of colonialism;
  • that of the liberals, rationalists and modernists referring to that of civilization: colonialism has sometimes been thought of in a positive way in order to get people somewhere because they would not be ready to govern themselves. In relation to populations, there will be justifications. Colonialism should not be seen simply as something to be seen.

For Nandy, "This colonialism colonizes minds in addition to bodies and liberates forces within colonized societies to change their cultural priorities once and for all. At the same time, it helps to generalize the concept of the modern West from a geographical and temporal entité́ to a psychological category. The West is now everywhere, inside and outside the West; in structures and in people's minds.

There is a dimension that is sometimes found in independence movements, but also in movements that react to certain situations. Part of postcolonial thinking shows that this is an illusion, one cannot escape the ways of thinking that have had an effect for hundreds of years. Danger is the thought of the authentic by returning to something that has not been "corrupted". Postcolonial thinking is always relevant because we are in a situation where everything has been changed.

At one point in history, the West takes many forms. Colonialism makes it a universal category. In social science, when we think in comparative terms, the categories that come first, such as the State and citizenship, are Western ways of thinking presented as universal modes. Colonialism has had an effect on how we think. It is a specific production that has become dominant in Western countries, but it has had an effect on ways of thinking.

In Colonialism's Culture. Anthropology, Travel and Government, Thomas writes: "Although we are generally sympathetic to the suffering of the colonized, this view frequently exaggerates colonial power, thus reducing the degree and extent of indigenous resistance and accommodation in the formation of colonial histories. In many cases what may appear to be the exercise of colonial hegemony - the imposition of Christianity, for example - is in fact better understood as the appropriation of introduced institutions, material objects or speech for strategic reasons by colonized peoples or by particular groups within them.

When we think about colonialism, it is not necessarily an imposition, it can be an instrumentalisation, especially of elites who wish to improve or take power. Often we tend to think that the colonizer arrives and everything submits. Romain Bertrand shows that historiography in the Javanese language only mentions the Dutch from the 19th century onwards, whereas formally the Dutch Indies only existed since the 18th century.

How to explain a disjunction between knowledge production and reality? Naivety comes from giving too much power to one and rejecting the power capacity of the other. The Javanese elites used the Dutch in their quest for power.

In The Intimate Enemy. Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism, Nandy shows that there are also effects on the colonizer, in particular the production of hypermasculinity, which leads to the delegitimization of "female" constructions in the public sphere. This is part of a construction that is not necessarily specific to the West.

The second effect is that there is a false sense of cultural homogeneity, that is, believing oneself to be a homogeneous whole. In Gândhî's mind, one of the first acts was to reach out to the English working classes, some of which were linked to cotton production to show them that they are also among those exploited by the colonial system. The British working classes thought they were part of this empire when they were part of those exploited by this system.

Nandy underlines the omnipresence of colonial ideology in spheres other than politics such as religion and morality. In morality, we can show very strong links on how to conceive the poor. The notion of development is mainly thought of at the domestic level and has been brought to the colonial populations, but there is a discourse around the function of development.

Thucydides underlines the Athenians' taste for risk, Nandy highlights the false sense of omnipotence and permanence. It is a dimension where there is a before and an after and the thought that we are in the right.

The persistence of colonial reference and understanding frameworks[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Postcolonial thinking highlights the persistent idea of colonial hierarchies of value and knowledge. Chakrabarty published Provincializing Europe in 2000. Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference showing how in historiographic thought, Europe is the centre of everything: "It would seem that only'Europe' is theoretically (i.e. at the level of the fundamental categories forming historical thought) knowable; all the other stories are objects of empirical research giving substance to the theoretical skeleton that is substantially'Europe'".

Most postcolonial thinkers widely question most of the concepts and categories we use. Beyond the specific modes of exploitation as such, or when we talk about the colonization of minds, it is the way we think and as researchers, our thinking is linked to colonialism.

The Orientalism[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

slave. 19th century orientalist painting by Dominique Ingres.

Orientalism is about thinking about how we conceive the orient in the context of a mirror effect. Orientalism is an academic research enterprise, a production of knowledge, a production of history. Orientalism has been a current of academic thought, but also a literary current.

For Said in The Orientalism, "Orientalism is a style of thought based on the ontological and epistemological distinction made between the "East" and (for the most part) the "West" [...] a collective institution to deal with the East - to deal with it by making statements, authoritative views, descriptions, teachings, ordering, rules about the East: Orientalism, in other words, is a Western style of domination, restructuring, and authority over the East.

The East does not exist in itself, it is a Western production that brings together diverse, contradictory realities, but also in tension and we talk about it as what is in the East of us. This is produced through expert effects. It means thinking of the other, but also bringing the other to think of himself as we understand him.

For Said,"[...] the East is not an inert fact of nature. It is not there, just as the West itself is not just there too. It is necessary to show how there is a constitution of imaginaries and representations. In the imagination, the oriental is the irrational, the sensual.

The East is grouped around a multiple. However, it is not a question of denying the existence of one or rather a multitude of references in the East. The problematization that interests Said "is not that of the correspondence between Orientalism and the East, but that of the internal coherence of Orientalism and its ideas about the East [...] malgré́ and au-delà̀ of any correspondence with a "true" Orient". What is interesting is to look for what is behind the behaviour of certain States in particular or in the context of postcolonialism how orientalism has been instrumentalized. To understand certain practices, it is necessary to understand that they are part of a certain discourse.

Thus, Said writes that"[Orientalism] is rather a distribution of geopolitical attention in aesthetic, academic, economic, sociological, historical and philological texts;[...]. Orientalism] is, more than it expresses, a certain volonté́ or intention to understand, in some cases to control, manipulate, and even incorporate, what is clearly different (or alternative and new); it is above all a discourse that is in no way direct, a corresponding relationship with a raw political power, but rather a discourse that is produced and exists through an unequal exchange within different powers [...]"

Often we will create categories to serve our power. Said's speech starts from a beggar's attention which is to understand the other by trying to understand their language, their society, their economic mode. We must not fall into the idea of instrumentalizing the other and believe that a relationship of domination is an instrumentalization. Domination can arise from a desire to understand and know the other. There is no such thing as a truly neutral element, it is the idea of a production of knowledge. There is an inequality in the production of knowledge.

The production of developmentalist knowledge is part of an unequal production. Developmentalists realize that they are in an unequal system where they come with their knowledge. The postcolonial perspective highlights a contradiction that requires an understanding of the subjectivity of the other.

To some extent, there is a postcolonial contradiction that highlights a tension between phenomena, structures, practices, discourse that derive politically and chronologically from colonialism on the one hand and the cultural obligation to be inventive and creative on the other, such as the Gandhi support in Postcolonial Theory. A Critical Introduction. Post-colonial reflection questions how to go beyond this continuity. On the one hand, postcolonial production essentially emphasizes domination, yet the normative and positive discourse will challenge and go beyond domination.

Gilroy is interested in the Atlantic and the relationship with the Atlantic in The Black Atlantic. Modernity and Double Consciousness, he postulates that "whatever their affiliation to the right, left or centre, groups have fallen back into the idea of cultural nationalism, into that of over-integrated conceptions of culture presenting immutable ethnic differences as an absolute break in the histories and experiences between'white' and'black'. Another choice is possible, a more difficult option is possible: the thought of creolization, mixing, mestizaje, hybridity.

Gilroy rethinks triangular trade through cultural exchanges. When we think of domination, there are more emancipatory effects that allow ways of rethinking. To a certain extent, if we remain in a pattern, we remain in a superficial criticism. When we produce a self, we tend not to look at ourselves in our own complexity and tensions. The positive message of the postcolonial approach is to question the extent to which hybridity can be produced. The challenge is to be creative about where we are and where we need to go.

Summary[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The predominance of reference frameworks is Euro-centric. This predominance does what Fabian calls in Time and the Other. How Anthropology makes its Object a negation of temporal co-presence and a persistence of "not yet". It is important to take into account the positionality of the knowledge producer. Said speaks of the omnipresence of Orientalist discourse in The Orient which is an illusion of non-political discourse, because the discourse on the Orient would be academic, scientific and impartial. Postcolonial analysis is a way of thinking about oneself in the context of a mirror discourse. We must be careful about the danger of thinking about authenticity.

Annexes[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Bibliography[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

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References[modifier | modifier le wikicode]