« The beginnings of the management of the international system: the European concert and the new internationalism » : différence entre les versions

De Baripedia
Aucun résumé des modifications
Aucun résumé des modifications
 
(17 versions intermédiaires par le même utilisateur non affichées)
Ligne 2 : Ligne 2 :
  |image=
  |image=
  |image_caption=
  |image_caption=
  |cours= [[Diplomatie multilatérale et organisations internationales]]
  |cours= [[Multilateral diplomacy and international organizations]]
  |faculté=
  |faculté=
  |département=
  |département=
  |professeurs=[[Sacha Zala]]<ref>[https://www.dodis.ch/fr/portrait/groupe-de-recherche/sacha-zala Profil de Sacha Zala sur Documents Diplomatiques Suisses]</ref><ref>[http://www.zala.ch/cv/CV_Zala.pdf CV de Sacha Zala]</ref><ref>[https://de.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Sacha_Zala&oldid=189708391 Profil wikipedia de Sacha Zala]</ref><ref>[http://www.hist.unibe.ch/ueber_uns/personen/zala_sacha/index_ger.html Profil de Sacha Zala sur le site de l'Université de Berne]</ref><ref>[https://www.zala.ch/ Site personnel de Sacha Zala]</ref>
  |professeurs=[[Sacha Zala]]<ref>[https://www.dodis.ch/fr/portrait/groupe-de-recherche/sacha-zala Profil de Sacha Zala sur Documents Diplomatiques Suisses]</ref><ref>[http://www.zala.ch/cv/CV_Zala.pdf CV de Sacha Zala]</ref><ref>[https://de.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Sacha_Zala&oldid=189708391 Profil wikipedia de Sacha Zala]</ref><ref>[http://www.hist.unibe.ch/ueber_uns/personen/zala_sacha/index_ger.html Profil de Sacha Zala sur le site de l’Université de Berne]</ref><ref>[https://www.zala.ch/ Site personnel de Sacha Zala]</ref>
  |enregistrement=
  |enregistrement=
  |lectures=
  |lectures=
*[[Introduction au cours de diplomatie multilatérale et organisations internationales]]
*[[Introduction to the Multilateral Diplomacy and International Organizations Course]]
*[[Les débuts de la gestion du système internationale : le concert européen et le nouvel internationalisme]]
*[[The beginnings of the management of the international system: the European concert and the new internationalism]]
*[[Aux origines de la Société des Nations]]
*[[The origins of the League of Nations]]
*[[La paix de Paris et la Société des Nations]]
*[[The Peace of Paris and the League of Nations]]
*[[La Société des Nations comme organisation pour la coopération technique, économique, sociale et humanitaire]]
*[[The League of Nations as an organization for technical, economic, social and humanitarian cooperation]]
*[[La Société des Nations et la sécurité internationales : 1920 1939]]
*[[The League of Nations and International Security: 1920 - 1939]]
*[[La naissance de l’Organisation des Nations Unies]]
*[[The birth of the United Nations]]
*[[L’ONU et la Guerre froide de 1945 à 1973 : crises et coopérations]]
*[[The United Nations and the Cold War from 1945 to 1973: crises and cooperation]]
*[[L’ONU et la sécurité internationale : 1945 2013]]
*[[The United Nations and international security: 1945 - 2013]]
}}
}}


Ligne 27 : Ligne 27 :
{{Translations
{{Translations
| fr = Les débuts de la gestion du système internationale : le concert européen et le nouvel internationalisme
| fr = Les débuts de la gestion du système internationale : le concert européen et le nouvel internationalisme
| es =  
| es = Los inicios de la gestión del sistema internacional: el concierto europeo y el nuevo internacionalismo
}}
}}


= Le concert des puissances européennes =
= The concert of European powers =
Craig Murphy and Madeleine Herren show how the community of states evolved in the 19th century through the process of modernization that will influence multilateral diplomacy. This change is extremely important to understand what will happen after the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and the establishment of a new world order with the peace treaties and the creation of the League of Nations.


Craig Murphy comme Madeleine Herren montre comment la communauté des États a évoluée au XIXème siècle à travers le processus de modernisation qui va influencer la diplomatie multilatérale. Ce changement est extrêmement important pour comprendre ce qui va se mettre en mouvement après la conférence de la paix à Paris en 1919 et l’établissement d’un nouvel ordre mondial avec les traités de paix et avec la création de la Société des Nations.
After the French Revolution, Napoleon's accession led to the leadership of a French Empire with a destabilizing impact on the European monarchical order. This is a period when there are many monarchies with the exception of the United States and Switzerland. Europe, the continent then experienced a series of wars and unprecedented devastation, with the Napoleonic wars.


Après la Révolution française, l’accession de Napoléon va mener à la conduite d’un Empire français avec un impact déstabilisateur pour l’ordre monarchique européen. C’est une période où il y a de nombreuses monarchies avec comme exception les États-Unis et la Suisse. L’Europe, le continent connaît alors une série de guerres et une dévastation sans précédent, avec les guerres napoléoniennes.
[[File:Pentarchie Moderne.png|thumb|The five major European powers in 1840 :<br />
 
[[File:Pentarchie Moderne.png|thumb|Les cinq grandes puissances européennes en 1840 :<br />
{{Légende/Début}}
{{Légende/Début}}
{{Légende|#FF0000| [[Royaume-Uni de Grande-Bretagne et d’Irlande]]}}
{{Légende|#FF0000| [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland]]}}
{{Légende|#B200FF| [[Monarchie de Juillet|Royaume de France]]}}
{{Légende|#B200FF| [[Monarchie de Juillet|Kingdom of France]]}}
{{Légende|#000000| [[Royaume de Prusse]]}}
{{Légende|#000000| [[Kingdom of Prussia]]}}
{{Légende|#DBCA12| [[Empire d’Autriche]]}}
{{Légende|#DBCA12| [[Austrian Empire]]}}
{{Légende|#007F0E| [[Empire de Russie]]}}
{{Légende|#007F0E| [[Russian Empire]]}}
{{Légende/Fin}}]]
{{Légende/Fin}}]]


À la suite de la défaite de Napoléon, la paix et l’ancien ordre monarchique ont été réinstaurés. Cette restauration est un élément nouveau avec une série de congrès et de conférences multilatérales dont le plus connu est le congrès de Vienne de 1815. Les traités de Westphalie de 1648 ont été négociés pendant plusieurs années dans un contexte multilatéral. La dimension et la fréquence des congrès diplomatiques des puissances et quelque chose de nouveau après les guerres napoléoniennes. À travers le nouveau système de congrès internationaux, la paix a été restaurée de même que l’ordre interimpérial. C’est un mécanisme flexible qui s’est développé de manière naturelle dans le cadre de la coalition de guerre contre napoléon. Les pays membres de ce concert sont le Royaume-Uni, la Russie, l’Autriche et la Prusse. C’est la continuation de la quadruple alliance durant la guerre contre la France et Napoléon qui se développe dans la période de paix. Même si le pouvoir de ces quatre puissances était bien différent, elles se définissent comme grandes puissances. Afin de garder l’ordre international et européen, ces grandes puissances se déclarent autorisées à gérer et résoudre les questions de politiques européennes. Ce sont à ce moment principalement des questions territoriales. Du point de vue du droit international contemporain, il s’agit d’une usurpation et d’une ingérence dans les affaires des autres États qui sont des États souverains, mais qui ne peuvent participer à ce concert des grandes puissances. Cette pratique d’ingérence est appelée aussi « politique directoriale » basé sur la force militaire réelle des grandes puissances et n’était pas vraiment mise en discussion avec les autres États. Même l’envoyé suisse Kern pendant la grave crise de Neuchâtel en 1858 où le roi de Prusse fait valoir des droits dynastiques sur le canton de Neuchâtel. Kern ne remet pas en cause que seul une conférence des grandes puissances était jugée compétente pour remettre en cause une décision prise par les grandes puissances. Kern se réfère au protocole de Londres de 1853. Le concept d’État national se met en place au XIXme siècle même s’il n’est pas encore bien établi.
Following Napoleon's defeat, peace and the former monarchical order were restored. This restoration is a new element with a series of multilateral congresses and conferences, the most famous of which is the Congress of Vienna in 1815. The 1648 Westphalian Treaties were negotiated for several years in a multilateral context. The size and frequency of the diplomatic congresses of the powers and something new after the Napoleonic Wars. Through the new system of international congresses, peace has been restored as well as the interim imperial order. It is a flexible mechanism that developed naturally within the framework of the war coalition against Napoleon. The member countries of this concert are the United Kingdom, Russia, Austria and Prussia. It is the continuation of the quadruple alliance during the war against France and Napoleon that develops in the period of peace. Even if the power of these four powers was quite different, they define themselves as great powers. In order to maintain international and European order, these major powers declare themselves authorized to manage and resolve European policy issues. At that time, these are mainly territorial issues. From the point of view of contemporary international law, this is usurpation and interference in the affairs of other States that are sovereign States, but cannot participate in this concert of great powers. This practice of interference is also called "directorial policy" based on the real military strength of the major powers and was not really discussed with other states. Even the Swiss envoy Kern during the serious crisis in Neuchâtel in 1858 when the King of Prussia claimed dynastic rights over the canton of Neuchâtel. Kern does not question that only a conference of the great powers was considered competent to question a decision taken by the great powers. Kern refers to the London Protocol of 1853. The concept of the national state was introduced in the 19th century, although it is not yet well established.
 
On destine trois phases :
*une phase répressive allant de 1815 à 1823 suivant les guerres napoléoniennes est marquée par un cataclysme naturel avec l’explosion d’un volcan sur l’île de Java qui provoque un changement climatique au niveau global en 1816 qui entre dans l’histoire comme une année sans été. Le résultat fut la perte de beaucoup de récoltes et une crise alimentaire suivit par une rébellion dans les États restaurés. Il y a une répression de la monarchie envers les mouvements populaires.
*une phase pragmatique de 1823 à 1848 : cette phase est marquée par une politique pragmatique du concert européen. Parallèlement à la révolution industrielle, surtout en premier lieu pour la Grande-Bretagne, il y a une dynamique économique très forte qui amène à une politique libérale de non-intervention. Selon cette politique pragmatique, le concert européen ne devrait se mettre en place que dans le cadre d’une menace contre la paix. Cette situation de calme relatif amène au début des années 1830 à une nouvelle situation historique. Les puissances européennes fondent deux nouveaux États souverains et indépendants qui sont la Grèce et la Belgique. Sont fondés des États nouveaux, mais on installe un monarque à leur tête. Le directoire des grandes puissances règle les destins des États européens même des États qui ne sont pas des États voisins. On commence à touche toute la carte européenne.
*la phase du déclin de concert européen de 1848 à 1914 est en parallèle à la phase coloniale européenne. En 1848, l’Europe est touchée par des révolutions radicales, l’ordre international monarchique mis en place après la chute de Napoléon est déstabilisé par l’éveil de la société civile. Les guerres de réunification nationale en Italie entre 1860 et 1861 sont le risorgimento, et en Allemagne après la guerre franco-prussienne de 1870 et 1871, il y a un bouleversement complet de la situation en Europe et du concert européen. La guerre entre de grandes puissances du concert européen amène à une redéfinition de son rôle. Les conférences servent à régler les conflits impériaux et coloniaux entre les grandes puissances. Va être défini le droit international du XIXème siècle qui divise l’humanité en trois groupes très inégaux à savoir les nations civilisées qui sont les nations européennes, les nations barbares orientales et les nations sauvages. Cette subdivision des peuples va jouer un rôle important dans la paix de Paris en 1919 menant à l’établissement du système des mandats qui va s’établir dans le cadre de la Société des Nations. La mentalité d’une subdivision du monde amène à la en 1884 lors de la conférence de Berlin afin de se partager l’Afrique selon la doctrine de la terra nullius. Cette doctrine dit que chaque terre découverte et où aucune administration n’est menée, un État européen peut se l’approprier. Cette politique a mené à la colonisation brutale de l’Afrique et de l’Asie contre les populations indigènes. Les participants de cette conférence sont les puissances européennes avec les États-Unis et l’Italie.


L’interprétation des historiens sur le concert des grandes puissances est essentiellement négative, le système directorial est souvent antidémocratique, la Première guerre mondiale est la preuve de l’échec du concert européen qui était incapable de l’éviter. Néanmoins, on peut se demander si les Nations Unies aujourd’hui ne sont pas une continuation du principe directorial dans le cadre du Conseil de sécurité. Les historiens voient aussi dans le concert européen toute une série d’éléments innovateurs. Ces éléments ont contribué à développer la diplomatie multilatérale. Dans ''« Defenders of the Right » ? Diplomatic Practice and International Law in the 19th Century: An Historian’s Perspective », Schulz voit une ligne directe entre le concert européen et la création de la Société des Nations. Va se développer une diplomatie plurilatérale qui se distingue de la diplomatie multilatérale des grandes puissances. Schulz identifie qu’entre les conférences d’ambassadeurs qui ont lieu à Paris en 1814 et 1818 et les conférences de Londres sur les Balkan entre 1812 et 1813, on dénombre 42 conférences internationales formelles ce qui est un nombre conséquent. Ces conférences ont produit des centaines de cessions fixées dans les protocoles et les comptes rendus. Ce processus de fixer des normes mène à la production de textes qui ont formé le droit international. Le concert n’est pas simplement un lieu de rencontre entre les grandes puissances, mais intègre désormais des experts que l’on retrouve dans les théories de Madeleine Herren.''
Three phases are intended:
*a repressive phase from 1815 to 1823 following the Napoleonic wars is marked by a natural cataclysm with the explosion of a volcano on the island of Java which causes a global climate change in 1816 that enters history as a year without summer. The result was the loss of many crops and a food crisis followed by a rebellion in the restored states. There is a repression of the monarchy against popular movements.
*a pragmatic phase from 1823 to 1848: this phase is marked by a pragmatic policy of the European concert. In parallel with the industrial revolution, especially in the first place for Great Britain, there is a very strong economic dynamic that leads to a liberal policy of non-intervention. According to this pragmatic policy, the European concert should only be set up in the context of a threat to peace. This situation of relative calm led to a new historical situation in the early 1830s. The European powers founded two new sovereign and independent states, Greece and Belgium. New states are founded, but a monarch is installed at their head. The directorate of the major powers regulates the destinies of European states, even those that are not neighbouring states. We start touching the whole European card.
*the phase of the decline of European concert from 1848 to 1914 is parallel to the European colonial phase. In 1848, Europe was affected by radical revolutions, the international monarchical order set up after Napoleon's fall was destabilized by the awakening of civil society. The wars of national reunification in Italy between 1860 and 1861 are the risorgimento, and in Germany after the Franco-Prussian war of 1870 and 1871, there is a complete disruption of the situation in Europe and the European concert. The war between major powers in the European concert is leading to a redefinition of its role. Conferences are used to resolve imperial and colonial conflicts between the major powers. The international law of the 19th century will be defined, which divides humanity into three very unequal groups, namely the civilized nations, which are the European nations, the eastern barbaric nations and the savage nations. This subdivision of peoples would play an important role in the peace of Paris in 1919, leading to the establishment of the system of mandates that would be established within the framework of the League of Nations. The mentality of a subdivision of the world leads to the 1884 Berlin Conference to share Africa according to the doctrine of terra nullius. This doctrine says that every land discovered and where no administration is led, a European State can appropriate it. This policy led to the brutal colonization of Africa and Asia against indigenous populations. The participants in this conference are the European powers with the United States and Italy.


= La gouvernance mondiale au sein des organisations internationales =
Historians' interpretation of the concert of the great powers is essentially negative, the management system is often undemocratic, the First World War is proof of the failure of the European concert which was unable to avoid it. Nevertheless, one may wonder whether the United Nations today is not a continuation of the guiding principle within the framework of the Security Council. Historians also see in the European concert a whole series of innovative elements. These elements have contributed to the development of multilateral diplomacy. In "''Defenders of the Right"? Diplomatic Practice and International Law in the 19th Century: An Historian's Perspective''", Schulz sees a direct line between the European concert and the creation of the League of Nations. A plurilateral diplomacy will develop that differs from the multilateral diplomacy of the major powers. Schulz identifies that between the ambassadors' conferences held in Paris in 1814 and 1818 and the London conferences on the Balkans between 1812 and 1813, there are 42 formal international conferences, which is a significant number. These conferences have produced hundreds of sessions set out in protocols and minutes. This process of setting standards leads to the production of texts that have formed international law. The concert is not simply a meeting place for the great powers, but now includes experts found in Madeleine Herren's theories.


Craig Murphy est un professeur de relations internationales et politologue travaillant étroitement avec des sources historiques. Il a cherché à analyser le développement des organisations internationales dans la deuxième moitié du XIXème siècle dans le cadre de la globalisation dans son ouvrage intitulé « ’International Organization and Industrial Change. Global Governance since 1850 'publié en 1994. Murphy analyse le phénomène de la gouvernance mondiale au sein des organisations internationales. Il identifie des agences mondiales intergouvernementales ouvertes à tout État souverain. Le travail de Murphy et l’interprétation des organisations internationales en tant que résultante des forces sociales s’appuyant sur la théorie du bloc historique de Antonio Gramsci étant une théorie marxiste s’appuyant sur l’analyse des classes.
= Global governance in international organizations =
Craig Murphy is a professor of international relations and political scientist working closely with historical sources. He sought to analyse the development of international organisations in the second half of the 19th century in the context of globalisation in his book entitled "''International Organization and Industrial Change. Global Governance since 1850''" published in 1994. Murphy analyses the phenomenon of global governance within international organizations. It identifies global intergovernmental agencies open to any sovereign state. Murphy's work and the interpretation of international organizations as a result of social forces based on Antonio Gramsci's historical block theory being a Marxist theory based on class analysis.


Murphy a une analyse septique quant à la gouvernance mondiale. Il y a certaines organisations mondiales qui ont eu différents degrés de pouvoir interne, mais l’élément principal est les changements qu’il y a eu à travers le changement industriel. Murphy argumente que les organisations internationales ont favorisé le changement industriel capitalisme facilitant les infrastructures de transport et de communication en protégeant la propriété intellectuelle et réduisant les entraves au commerce mondial et économique. Ce sont des activités qui ont menée à l’idée d’internationalisme libérale. C’est une internationalisation du monde qui se développe parce qu’il y a des intérêts à créer du commerce. C’est une théorie qui s’appuie sur le processus d’industrialisation. C’est la raison pour laquelle les organisations internationales ont joué un rôle important dans le remplaçant périodique des innovations technologiques. À chaque fois qu’il y a eu un saut technologique, Murphy établit que de nouvelles organisations internationales ont émergées pour réguler ce nouvel acquis. Une des premières organisations est l’Union internationale de la télégraphie, c’est ce que Murphy appelle les Unions internationales.
Murphy has a septic analysis of global governance. There are some global organizations that have had different degrees of internal power, but the main element is the changes that have occurred through industrial change. Murphy argues that international organizations have promoted industrial capitalist change that facilitates transport and communication infrastructure by protecting intellectual property and reducing barriers to global and economic trade. These are activities that have led to the idea of liberal internationalism. It is an internationalization of the world that is developing because there are interests in creating trade. It is a theory based on the process of industrialization. This is why international organizations have played an important role in the periodic replacement of technological innovations. Every time there has been a technological leap, Murphy states that new international organizations have emerged to regulate this new acquis. One of the first organizations was the International Telegraph Union, which Murphy called the International Unions.


= Définition des organisations internationales =
= Definition of international organizations =


Pour Madeleine Herren, les organisations internationales sont des structures transfrontalières mondialisées qui fonctionnent comme acteur dans la société internationale civile et des États. Ces organisations internationales font parties des organisions mondiales. C’est un élément nouveau qui diffère du concert des nations. Des organisations internationales garantissent l’échange d’informations étant un des éléments principaux pour l’intérêt des États au développement international.
For Madeleine Herren, international organizations are globalized cross-border structures that function as actors in international civil society and states. These international organizations are part of global organizations. This is a new element that differs from the concert of nations. International organizations ensure the exchange of information as one of the main elements for the interest of States in international development.


= Les unions administratives internationales =
= Les unions administratives internationales =


[[File:International_Telecommunication_Union_11c_1965_issue_U.S._stamp.jpg|right|thumb|International Telecommunication Union – 100th anniversary. U.S. stamp, 1965.]]
[[File:International_Telecommunication_Union_11c_1965_issue_U.S._stamp.jpg|right|thumb|International Telecommunication Union – 100th anniversary. U.S. stamp, 1965.]]Public international unions were established in the 19th century and are the predecessors of international governmental organizations. These organizations were founded through intergovernmental treaties. There are governments that sign treaties with each other. Member countries meet at conferences and will finance an international administrative service that serves as their executive body. Unlike current non-governmental organizations, services are placed under the supervision of the State in which they are based. The International Telegraph Union based in Berne is controlled administratively by the Swiss Federal Council. These administrative unions, until the founding of the League of Nations, subsequently became specialized agencies of the United Nations. The most important institutions are the Telegraphic Union and the Postal Union. It is a different system from that of the League of Nations where there are internal networks, with the UN, these organizations will become specialized organizations of the UN.
 
Les public international unions s’établissent au XIXème siècle et sont les prédécesseurs des organisations internationales gouvernementales. Ces organisations furent fondées à travers des traités intergouvernementaux. Il y a des gouvernements qui signent des traités entre eux. Les pays membres se rencontrent lors de conférences et vont financer un service administratif international qui leur sert comme organe exécutif. Contrairement aux organisations non-gouvernementales actuelles, les services sont placés sous la supervision de l’État où se trouve leur siège. L’Union internationale de la télégraphie établie à Berne est contrôlée de manière administrative par le Conseil fédéral suisse. Ces unions administratives, jusqu’à la fondation de la Société des Nations, sont consécutivement devenues des institutions spécialisées de l’ONU. Les plus importantes institutions sont l’Union télégraphique et l’Union postale. C’est un système différent de celui de la Société de Nations où il y a l’existence de réseaux intérieurs, avec l’ONU, ces organisations vont devenir des organisations spécialisées de l’ONU.
 
La différence aujourd’hui entre organisation gouvernementale et organisation non-gouvernementale reflète une situation de l’après-Deuxième Guerre mondiale qui ne marche absolument pas pour la période du XIXème siècle. Il y a une zone d’ambiguïté dans ce secteur caractérisant le réseau international du XIXème siècle. Murphy établit des théories complexes sur les différentes phases. Il se base sur les analyses de Antonio Gramsci qui élabore la théorie du bloc historique construisant le concept de l’internationalisme libéral qui est basé sur les idées que :
*l’économie capitaliste tend à dépasser les frontières étatiques ;
*l’interdépendance entre capitalisme, industrialisme et l’économie politique républicaine est nécessaire pour le bien être commun ;
*les intérêts immanents des États nationaux freinent l’industrie.


Les nouvelles couches sociales qui se développent à partir de cette industrialisation ont des intérêts à créer des règles. Pour Murphy, ce n’est pas une vision idéaliste qui se base sur des penseurs comme Kant, mais ce sont des intérêts financiers et économiques qui vont pousser à ce développement. Avec le concert des puissances, il y a sept puissances au centre de l’analyse, avec l’approche de Murphy, l’objet d’analyse s’ouvre avec les organisations administratives parlant de conglomérats d’États européens et des États-Unis qui se réfèrent à une douzaine d’États. L’analyse des congrès internationaux amène à beaucoup plus de participants pour arriver même à des États non-souverains comme l’Égypte. Il y a quelque chose de nouveau et qui se met en place dans la deuxième moitié du XIXème siècle. Selon Murphy, à partir des années 1860, les unions administratives internationales se sont développées jusqu’à la Première guerre mondiale.
The difference today between governmental and non-governmental organisations reflects a post-World War II situation that does not work at all for the 19th century period. There is an area of ambiguity in this sector characterizing the international network of the 19th century. Murphy establishes complex theories about the different phases. It is based on the analyses of Antonio Gramsci who elaborates the theory of the historical block building the concept of liberal internationalism which is based on the ideas that:


Entre ce demi-siècle, il y a eu un phénomène qu’il n’y avait pas avant avec trente-quatre expositions internationales. Ces expositions internationales étaient l’émanation de ce qui caractérise ce XIXème siècle à savoir des lieux pour montrer l’avancement technologique et les nouvelles inventions tout en mettant les États en concurrence pacifique. Il y a un mouvement de quelque chose de nouveau cherchant à montrer les progrès qu’il y a surtout dans le champ technique. En même temps que les expositions internationales, il y avait des conférences internationales sur toute sorte de sujets et de thèmes. Madeleine Herren a publié en 2000 “Hintertüren zur Macht. Internationalismus und modernisierungsorientierte Außenpolitik in Belgien, der Schweiz und den USA 1865-1914''.''
*the capitalist economy tends to cross state borders;
*the interdependence between capitalism, industrialism and the republican political economy is necessary for the common good;
*the immanent interests of the national states are holding back the industry.
The new social strata that are developing from this industrialization have an interest in creating rules. For Murphy, it is not an idealistic vision based on thinkers like Kant, but financial and economic interests will drive this development. With the concert of powers, there are seven powers at the centre of the analysis, with Murphy's approach, the object of analysis opens up with administrative organisations talking about conglomerates of European states and the United States, which refer to a dozen states. The analysis of international congresses leads to many more participants to reach even non-sovereign states like Egypt. There is something new and that was introduced in the second half of the 19th century. According to Murphy, from the 1860s onwards, international administrative unions developed until the First World War.


Herren analyse trois pays, à savoir la Belgique, la Suisse et les États-Unis. En se penchant sur l’exemple de la Suisse et en faisant une comparaison avec les États-Unis et la Belgique, Herren a analysé comment des formes de nationalismes ont pris forme au XIXème siècle. Ces trois pays sont, à ce moment de l’histoire, des États neutres. Les États-Unis se déclarent indépendants en 1776 et en 1787, la Belgique s’établit en 1830 et la Suisse se donne une structure d’État en 1848. Ces pays étaient considérés comme libéraux formant assez vite des États de droit. Ces pays avaient beaucoup de succès dans le domaine économique étant très intégré dans le commerce mondial. Ces trois pays avaient pour leur temps des systèmes démocratiques avec des libertés politiques. Leur conscience nationale était dirigée vers une cohabitation multinationale. La Suisse et la Belgique étaient en directe concurrence pour leur rôle de précurseur pour leur rôle internationaliste en Europe. Ces trois pays étaient au XIXème siècle à la périphérie de puissances en faisant partie du concert des grandes puissances européennes à l’exception des États-Unis qui s’établissent comme grande puissance en 1898 suite à la guerre contre l’Espagne. Il y a de nouvelles formes d’organisation des échanges internationaux.
Between this half-century, there was a phenomenon that had not existed before with thirty-four international exhibitions. These international exhibitions were the result of what characterized the 19th century, namely places to show technological progress and new inventions while putting States in peaceful competition. There is a movement of something new seeking to show the progress that there is especially in the technical field. At the same time as the international exhibitions, there were international conferences on all kinds of subjects and themes. Madeleine Herren published in 2000 "''Hintertüren zur Macht. Internationalismus und modernisierungsorientierte Außenpolitik in Belgien, der Schweiz und den USA 1865-1914''.


La structure du concert était une structure informelle et les contacts étaient instables, ponctuels et soumis au développement politique. Pour lutter contre cette contingence et cette situation assez faible, il y a dans la deuxième moitié du XIXème siècle des plateformes institutionnalisées de commerce entre États autour de nouveaux thèmes qui transcendaient les intérêts traditionnels de la diplomatie. Ces plateformes étaient établies de manière différente, mais marquées par une volonté de durabilité. Par exemple, l’établissement d’un bureau avec un siège et des rencontres plus ou moins régulières autour d’un sujet qui jusqu’à présent n’était pas l’objet de la politique internationale qui était seulement focalisé sur la grande politique et non sur des questions d’ordre technique. Ces nouvelles plateformes pouvaient être décrites comme de l’internationalisme gouvernemental. Ce sont de nouveaux thèmes et ce sont les États qui s’en chargent. Beaucoup de ces structures qui existent encore aujourd’hui prennent leur départ dans ce réseau. Un second changement important concerne la participation à ce réseau. Des États de petite et moyenne envergure prenaient part aussi à cet internationalisme. Des congrès et des conférences avaient aussi lieu hors de l’Europe. Ce que Herren appelle la périphérie du pouvoir pouvait aussi entrer dans ce réseau et surtout y participer activement.
Herren analyses three countries, namely Belgium, Switzerland and the United States. Looking at the example of Switzerland and making a comparison with the United States and Belgium, Herren analysed how forms of nationalism took shape in the 19th century. These three countries are, at this time in history, neutral states. The United States declared itself independent in 1776 and 1787, Belgium was established in 1830 and Switzerland established a state structure in 1848. These countries were considered to be liberal countries that formed rule of law relatively quickly. These countries were very successful in the economic field, being highly integrated in world trade. These three countries had for their time democratic systems with political freedoms. Their national consciousness was directed towards multinational cohabitation. Switzerland and Belgium were in direct competition for their role as precursors for their internationalist role in Europe. In the 19th century, these three countries were on the periphery of powers by being part of the concert of the great European powers, with the exception of the United States, which established itself as a major power in 1898 following the war against Spain. There are new forms of international trade organization.


= Un nouveau mode de pratique des relations internationales =
The structure of the concert was an informal structure and contacts were unstable, ad hoc and subject to political development. To combat this contingency and this rather weak situation, in the second half of the 19th century there were institutionalized platforms for trade between States around new themes that transcended the traditional interests of diplomacy. These platforms were established in a different way, but with a desire for sustainability. For example, the establishment of an office with a headquarters and more or less regular meetings around a subject that until now had not been the subject of international politics, which focused only on major politics and not on technical issues. These new platforms could be described as government internationalism. These are new themes and it is the States that are responsible for them. Many of these structures that still exist today are starting out in this network. A second important change concerns participation in this network. Small and medium-sized States were also involved in this internationalism. Congresses and conferences were also held outside Europe. What Herren called the periphery of power could also enter this network and, above all, participate actively in it.


La première conséquence de cette galaxie qui se met en route est que l’idée de l’État souverain fait face à un élargissement d’un principe qui et celui du droit international public. La modernisation qui est à la base de ce système afin de régler de nombreux aspects au niveau supranational veut que ce réglage se fasse aussi dans les petits pays et les régions où il n’y a pas d’État souverain. La standardisation n’est pas primordiale. Ces organisations internationales techniques ouvrent leurs portes pour des États non souverains du point de vue théorique. L’Égypte est membre et a le droit de vote au sein de l’Union postale universelle même si l’Égypte à ce moment-là n’est pas un État souverain. Il y a un intérêt de régulation du marché et du commerce mondial.
= A new way of practising international relations =
The first consequence of this galaxy that is being set in motion is that the idea of the sovereign state is facing an expansion of a principle that and that of public international law. The modernisation that underlies this system in order to regulate many aspects at supranational level means that this adjustment must also be made in small countries and regions where there is no sovereign state. Standardization is not essential. These international technical organizations open their doors for States that are not theoretically sovereign. Egypt is a member and has the right to vote within the Universal Postal Union even if Egypt at that time is not a sovereign State. There is an interest in regulating the market and world trade.


Le mode traditionnel de la politique externe des grandes puissances était la diplomatie secrète. Les décisions importantes étaient prises entre peu d’acteurs menés dans des lieux des rencontres non publics. Les accords étaient pris en secret, dans pratiquement tous les traités il y a des clauses secrètes qui ne sont pas publiques. Les réseaux de ce nouvel internationalisme vont devenir publics avec des rencontres publiques, les résultats des débats et des discussions sont publiés accessibles par tout le monde. Le domaine public s’établit dans le secteur des relations internationales. Même ce secteur public caractérise le nouvel internationalisme qui se met en route dans la deuxième moitié du XIXème siècle. L’intégration du domaine public était l’expression dans la politique extérieure de la deuxième moitié du XIXème siècle étant aussi un élément de démocratisation de la politique publique internationale. Les États ne sont plus seulement un gouvernement qui gère la politique étrangère, mais il y a de plus en plus d’ingérences à travers les parlements.
The traditional mode of the major powers' foreign policy was secret diplomacy. Important decisions were made between few actors in non-public meeting places. The agreements were made in secret, in almost all treaties there are secret clauses that are not public. The networks of this new internationalism will become public with public meetings, the results of the debates and discussions are published and accessible to everyone. The public domain is established in the field of international relations. Even this public sector characterizes the new internationalism that began in the second half of the 19th century. The integration of the public domain was the expression in the foreign policy of the second half of the 19th century and was also an element of democratization of international public policy. States are no longer just a government that manages foreign policy, but there is increasing interference through parliaments.


L’interprétation normale qu’on fait passe d’une analyse que l’on fait entre États en concurrence à une analyse de nécessité de coopération. Le XIXème siècle est caractérisé par l’impérialisme et la course aux armements qui va de pair à une coopération technique qui semble apolitique. Les réseaux présents vont se mettre en place en 1919 avec la création de la Société des Nations qui reprend ce qui a été mis en route dans la deuxième moitié du XIXème siècle.
The normal interpretation is moving from an analysis between competing States to an analysis of the need for cooperation. The 19th century was characterised by imperialism and the arms race, which went hand in hand with technical cooperation that seemed apolitical. The networks present will be set up in 1919 with the creation of the League of Nations which takes over what was started in the second half of the 19th century.


Le quatrième élément évoqué par Madeleine Herren est le changement lié à une politique hégémonique à de nouveaux thèmes de politique étrangère. Cela est sans doute la caractéristique centrale du nouvel internationalisme qui est une vaste étendue thématique touchant la politique étrangère qui jusqu’à présent de l’était pas. Désormais, il y a une galaxie de conférences et d’organisations internationales qui n’était pas du domaine de la politique étrangère. Cette vaste étendue va se perpétuer dans le système de la Société de Nations et dans le système des Nations Unies. La diplomatie conventionnelle faisait partie de la nouvelle politique étrangère qui était du domaine des grandes puissances. Ce sont plutôt les États périphériques qui s’affirment dans ce domaine comme la Suisse et la Belgique qui trouvent dans ce nouveau phénomène une place afin de devenir actif et de s’assurer d’un certain pouvoir. Les organisations internationales au XIXème siècle étaient soumises au contrôle de l’État siège qui est un enjeu de pouvoir.
The fourth element mentioned by Madeleine Herren is the change linked to a hegemonic policy and new foreign policy themes. This is undoubtedly the central feature of the new internationalism, which is a broad thematic scope affecting foreign policy that until now has not been so. Now there is a galaxy of conferences and international organizations that was not in the realm of foreign policy. This vast expanse will continue in the League of Nations system and in the United Nations system. Conventional diplomacy was part of the new foreign policy that was in the domain of the great powers. It is rather the peripheral States that are asserting themselves in this field, such as Switzerland and Belgium, that are finding a place in this new phenomenon in order to become active and to ensure a certain level of power. International organizations in the 19th century were subject to the control of the headquarters State, which is a power issue.


Ce nouveau phénomène international, par la force de choses, exige aussi de nouvelles personnes. Ce sont principalement des questions techniques qui ne ressortent pas des diplomates, mais des experts. C’est l’émergence de la figure des experts au niveau international. Cela amène à une revalorisation du rôle des experts qui montre l’élargissement de la politique extérieure à des groupes dans l’administration de l’État et même aux marges de l’appareil étatique. C’est avec la conférence de la paix à Paris en 1919 que les experts notamment avec la délégation américaine qui envoie une commission appelée l’« Inquiry » qui cherche à comprendre la complexité de la situation en Europe après la Première Guerre mondiale selon des critères scientifiques afin de chercher une paix durable et stable.
This new international phenomenon, by necessity, also requires new people. These are mainly technical issues that do not emerge from diplomats, but from experts. This is the emergence of the figure of experts at the international level. This leads to a revalorization of the role of experts, which shows the expansion of foreign policy to groups in the administration of the State and even to the margins of the State apparatus. It was with the Peace Conference in Paris in 1919 that the experts, particularly the American delegation, sent a commission called the "Inquiry" which sought to understand the complexity of the situation in Europe after the First World War according to scientific criteria in order to seek a lasting and stable peace.


= Annexes =
= Annexes =


= Références =
= References =
<references />
<references />



Version actuelle datée du 20 juillet 2019 à 10:05


We will try to understand the development in the 19th century of the multilateral diplomacy sector. We will touch pre-war internationalism. The "long nineteenth century" is a concept of historical sciences that is defined with the break of the French Revolution in 1789 until the First World War. At the same time, we are talking about a 20th century from 1914 to the end of the Cold War in 1989. There is an ideological and political clash between liberalism and conservatism and later in the second half of the 19th century to socialism. The idea of the rule of law and the establishment of privacy protection will be adopted. With the industrial revolution, at the economic level, there are new structures with the class struggle, a huge expansion of consumption and the beginning of social mobility which will become much more important in the second half of the 19th century. Democratization means that an expansion of compulsory school education, the integration of new social strata at the political level with new male voters, the workforce becomes more important and there is the establishment and formation of public opinion. Globalisation is reflected in European dominance, which is complemented by the United States, Japan and the dominions. The adoption of this dominance means global trade. These are elements that developed significantly in the 19th century.

At the same time, there is the rivalry between states that show up in trade and the invention of the calculation of gross national product that and statistical data being created to compare the power of states in this rivalry. There is also a demographic rivalry, with the reintroduction of the Olympic Games in 1886, there is the idea of maintaining a peaceful rivalry between nation states. Nationalism is the adoption of the idea of the national state, which is something absolutely new with a state that wants to be homogeneous within and in external competition. In the middle of the 19th century, the awakening of small peoples will take place, leading to the cataclysm of the First World War. These are small peoples who are beginning to nationalize. The peacemakers in Paris in 1919 were faced with the problem of redrawing Europe's borders.

The 19th century was also a century dominated by science, technology and technology, in particular with the invention of electricity, the beginning of motorization as well as the establishment of norms and standards at the international level, the invention of telegraphy and the construction of train networks. These last two elements are really two developments that will create a global network, a world is created with networks. Positivist thinking believes that it is possible to solve problems with technology. This positivism in science is also evident in historical science, particularly with Ranke, who will establish a critique of the sources.

Languages

The concert of European powers[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Craig Murphy and Madeleine Herren show how the community of states evolved in the 19th century through the process of modernization that will influence multilateral diplomacy. This change is extremely important to understand what will happen after the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and the establishment of a new world order with the peace treaties and the creation of the League of Nations.

After the French Revolution, Napoleon's accession led to the leadership of a French Empire with a destabilizing impact on the European monarchical order. This is a period when there are many monarchies with the exception of the United States and Switzerland. Europe, the continent then experienced a series of wars and unprecedented devastation, with the Napoleonic wars.

The five major European powers in 1840 :

Following Napoleon's defeat, peace and the former monarchical order were restored. This restoration is a new element with a series of multilateral congresses and conferences, the most famous of which is the Congress of Vienna in 1815. The 1648 Westphalian Treaties were negotiated for several years in a multilateral context. The size and frequency of the diplomatic congresses of the powers and something new after the Napoleonic Wars. Through the new system of international congresses, peace has been restored as well as the interim imperial order. It is a flexible mechanism that developed naturally within the framework of the war coalition against Napoleon. The member countries of this concert are the United Kingdom, Russia, Austria and Prussia. It is the continuation of the quadruple alliance during the war against France and Napoleon that develops in the period of peace. Even if the power of these four powers was quite different, they define themselves as great powers. In order to maintain international and European order, these major powers declare themselves authorized to manage and resolve European policy issues. At that time, these are mainly territorial issues. From the point of view of contemporary international law, this is usurpation and interference in the affairs of other States that are sovereign States, but cannot participate in this concert of great powers. This practice of interference is also called "directorial policy" based on the real military strength of the major powers and was not really discussed with other states. Even the Swiss envoy Kern during the serious crisis in Neuchâtel in 1858 when the King of Prussia claimed dynastic rights over the canton of Neuchâtel. Kern does not question that only a conference of the great powers was considered competent to question a decision taken by the great powers. Kern refers to the London Protocol of 1853. The concept of the national state was introduced in the 19th century, although it is not yet well established.

Three phases are intended:

  • a repressive phase from 1815 to 1823 following the Napoleonic wars is marked by a natural cataclysm with the explosion of a volcano on the island of Java which causes a global climate change in 1816 that enters history as a year without summer. The result was the loss of many crops and a food crisis followed by a rebellion in the restored states. There is a repression of the monarchy against popular movements.
  • a pragmatic phase from 1823 to 1848: this phase is marked by a pragmatic policy of the European concert. In parallel with the industrial revolution, especially in the first place for Great Britain, there is a very strong economic dynamic that leads to a liberal policy of non-intervention. According to this pragmatic policy, the European concert should only be set up in the context of a threat to peace. This situation of relative calm led to a new historical situation in the early 1830s. The European powers founded two new sovereign and independent states, Greece and Belgium. New states are founded, but a monarch is installed at their head. The directorate of the major powers regulates the destinies of European states, even those that are not neighbouring states. We start touching the whole European card.
  • the phase of the decline of European concert from 1848 to 1914 is parallel to the European colonial phase. In 1848, Europe was affected by radical revolutions, the international monarchical order set up after Napoleon's fall was destabilized by the awakening of civil society. The wars of national reunification in Italy between 1860 and 1861 are the risorgimento, and in Germany after the Franco-Prussian war of 1870 and 1871, there is a complete disruption of the situation in Europe and the European concert. The war between major powers in the European concert is leading to a redefinition of its role. Conferences are used to resolve imperial and colonial conflicts between the major powers. The international law of the 19th century will be defined, which divides humanity into three very unequal groups, namely the civilized nations, which are the European nations, the eastern barbaric nations and the savage nations. This subdivision of peoples would play an important role in the peace of Paris in 1919, leading to the establishment of the system of mandates that would be established within the framework of the League of Nations. The mentality of a subdivision of the world leads to the 1884 Berlin Conference to share Africa according to the doctrine of terra nullius. This doctrine says that every land discovered and where no administration is led, a European State can appropriate it. This policy led to the brutal colonization of Africa and Asia against indigenous populations. The participants in this conference are the European powers with the United States and Italy.

Historians' interpretation of the concert of the great powers is essentially negative, the management system is often undemocratic, the First World War is proof of the failure of the European concert which was unable to avoid it. Nevertheless, one may wonder whether the United Nations today is not a continuation of the guiding principle within the framework of the Security Council. Historians also see in the European concert a whole series of innovative elements. These elements have contributed to the development of multilateral diplomacy. In "Defenders of the Right"? Diplomatic Practice and International Law in the 19th Century: An Historian's Perspective", Schulz sees a direct line between the European concert and the creation of the League of Nations. A plurilateral diplomacy will develop that differs from the multilateral diplomacy of the major powers. Schulz identifies that between the ambassadors' conferences held in Paris in 1814 and 1818 and the London conferences on the Balkans between 1812 and 1813, there are 42 formal international conferences, which is a significant number. These conferences have produced hundreds of sessions set out in protocols and minutes. This process of setting standards leads to the production of texts that have formed international law. The concert is not simply a meeting place for the great powers, but now includes experts found in Madeleine Herren's theories.

Global governance in international organizations[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

Craig Murphy is a professor of international relations and political scientist working closely with historical sources. He sought to analyse the development of international organisations in the second half of the 19th century in the context of globalisation in his book entitled "International Organization and Industrial Change. Global Governance since 1850" published in 1994. Murphy analyses the phenomenon of global governance within international organizations. It identifies global intergovernmental agencies open to any sovereign state. Murphy's work and the interpretation of international organizations as a result of social forces based on Antonio Gramsci's historical block theory being a Marxist theory based on class analysis.

Murphy has a septic analysis of global governance. There are some global organizations that have had different degrees of internal power, but the main element is the changes that have occurred through industrial change. Murphy argues that international organizations have promoted industrial capitalist change that facilitates transport and communication infrastructure by protecting intellectual property and reducing barriers to global and economic trade. These are activities that have led to the idea of liberal internationalism. It is an internationalization of the world that is developing because there are interests in creating trade. It is a theory based on the process of industrialization. This is why international organizations have played an important role in the periodic replacement of technological innovations. Every time there has been a technological leap, Murphy states that new international organizations have emerged to regulate this new acquis. One of the first organizations was the International Telegraph Union, which Murphy called the International Unions.

Definition of international organizations[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

For Madeleine Herren, international organizations are globalized cross-border structures that function as actors in international civil society and states. These international organizations are part of global organizations. This is a new element that differs from the concert of nations. International organizations ensure the exchange of information as one of the main elements for the interest of States in international development.

Les unions administratives internationales[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

International Telecommunication Union – 100th anniversary. U.S. stamp, 1965.

Public international unions were established in the 19th century and are the predecessors of international governmental organizations. These organizations were founded through intergovernmental treaties. There are governments that sign treaties with each other. Member countries meet at conferences and will finance an international administrative service that serves as their executive body. Unlike current non-governmental organizations, services are placed under the supervision of the State in which they are based. The International Telegraph Union based in Berne is controlled administratively by the Swiss Federal Council. These administrative unions, until the founding of the League of Nations, subsequently became specialized agencies of the United Nations. The most important institutions are the Telegraphic Union and the Postal Union. It is a different system from that of the League of Nations where there are internal networks, with the UN, these organizations will become specialized organizations of the UN.

The difference today between governmental and non-governmental organisations reflects a post-World War II situation that does not work at all for the 19th century period. There is an area of ambiguity in this sector characterizing the international network of the 19th century. Murphy establishes complex theories about the different phases. It is based on the analyses of Antonio Gramsci who elaborates the theory of the historical block building the concept of liberal internationalism which is based on the ideas that:

  • the capitalist economy tends to cross state borders;
  • the interdependence between capitalism, industrialism and the republican political economy is necessary for the common good;
  • the immanent interests of the national states are holding back the industry.

The new social strata that are developing from this industrialization have an interest in creating rules. For Murphy, it is not an idealistic vision based on thinkers like Kant, but financial and economic interests will drive this development. With the concert of powers, there are seven powers at the centre of the analysis, with Murphy's approach, the object of analysis opens up with administrative organisations talking about conglomerates of European states and the United States, which refer to a dozen states. The analysis of international congresses leads to many more participants to reach even non-sovereign states like Egypt. There is something new and that was introduced in the second half of the 19th century. According to Murphy, from the 1860s onwards, international administrative unions developed until the First World War.

Between this half-century, there was a phenomenon that had not existed before with thirty-four international exhibitions. These international exhibitions were the result of what characterized the 19th century, namely places to show technological progress and new inventions while putting States in peaceful competition. There is a movement of something new seeking to show the progress that there is especially in the technical field. At the same time as the international exhibitions, there were international conferences on all kinds of subjects and themes. Madeleine Herren published in 2000 "Hintertüren zur Macht. Internationalismus und modernisierungsorientierte Außenpolitik in Belgien, der Schweiz und den USA 1865-1914.

Herren analyses three countries, namely Belgium, Switzerland and the United States. Looking at the example of Switzerland and making a comparison with the United States and Belgium, Herren analysed how forms of nationalism took shape in the 19th century. These three countries are, at this time in history, neutral states. The United States declared itself independent in 1776 and 1787, Belgium was established in 1830 and Switzerland established a state structure in 1848. These countries were considered to be liberal countries that formed rule of law relatively quickly. These countries were very successful in the economic field, being highly integrated in world trade. These three countries had for their time democratic systems with political freedoms. Their national consciousness was directed towards multinational cohabitation. Switzerland and Belgium were in direct competition for their role as precursors for their internationalist role in Europe. In the 19th century, these three countries were on the periphery of powers by being part of the concert of the great European powers, with the exception of the United States, which established itself as a major power in 1898 following the war against Spain. There are new forms of international trade organization.

The structure of the concert was an informal structure and contacts were unstable, ad hoc and subject to political development. To combat this contingency and this rather weak situation, in the second half of the 19th century there were institutionalized platforms for trade between States around new themes that transcended the traditional interests of diplomacy. These platforms were established in a different way, but with a desire for sustainability. For example, the establishment of an office with a headquarters and more or less regular meetings around a subject that until now had not been the subject of international politics, which focused only on major politics and not on technical issues. These new platforms could be described as government internationalism. These are new themes and it is the States that are responsible for them. Many of these structures that still exist today are starting out in this network. A second important change concerns participation in this network. Small and medium-sized States were also involved in this internationalism. Congresses and conferences were also held outside Europe. What Herren called the periphery of power could also enter this network and, above all, participate actively in it.

A new way of practising international relations[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

The first consequence of this galaxy that is being set in motion is that the idea of the sovereign state is facing an expansion of a principle that and that of public international law. The modernisation that underlies this system in order to regulate many aspects at supranational level means that this adjustment must also be made in small countries and regions where there is no sovereign state. Standardization is not essential. These international technical organizations open their doors for States that are not theoretically sovereign. Egypt is a member and has the right to vote within the Universal Postal Union even if Egypt at that time is not a sovereign State. There is an interest in regulating the market and world trade.

The traditional mode of the major powers' foreign policy was secret diplomacy. Important decisions were made between few actors in non-public meeting places. The agreements were made in secret, in almost all treaties there are secret clauses that are not public. The networks of this new internationalism will become public with public meetings, the results of the debates and discussions are published and accessible to everyone. The public domain is established in the field of international relations. Even this public sector characterizes the new internationalism that began in the second half of the 19th century. The integration of the public domain was the expression in the foreign policy of the second half of the 19th century and was also an element of democratization of international public policy. States are no longer just a government that manages foreign policy, but there is increasing interference through parliaments.

The normal interpretation is moving from an analysis between competing States to an analysis of the need for cooperation. The 19th century was characterised by imperialism and the arms race, which went hand in hand with technical cooperation that seemed apolitical. The networks present will be set up in 1919 with the creation of the League of Nations which takes over what was started in the second half of the 19th century.

The fourth element mentioned by Madeleine Herren is the change linked to a hegemonic policy and new foreign policy themes. This is undoubtedly the central feature of the new internationalism, which is a broad thematic scope affecting foreign policy that until now has not been so. Now there is a galaxy of conferences and international organizations that was not in the realm of foreign policy. This vast expanse will continue in the League of Nations system and in the United Nations system. Conventional diplomacy was part of the new foreign policy that was in the domain of the great powers. It is rather the peripheral States that are asserting themselves in this field, such as Switzerland and Belgium, that are finding a place in this new phenomenon in order to become active and to ensure a certain level of power. International organizations in the 19th century were subject to the control of the headquarters State, which is a power issue.

This new international phenomenon, by necessity, also requires new people. These are mainly technical issues that do not emerge from diplomats, but from experts. This is the emergence of the figure of experts at the international level. This leads to a revalorization of the role of experts, which shows the expansion of foreign policy to groups in the administration of the State and even to the margins of the State apparatus. It was with the Peace Conference in Paris in 1919 that the experts, particularly the American delegation, sent a commission called the "Inquiry" which sought to understand the complexity of the situation in Europe after the First World War according to scientific criteria in order to seek a lasting and stable peace.

Annexes[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

References[modifier | modifier le wikicode]