The structural foundations of political behaviour - Historique des versions

Arthur le 14 avril 2021 à 06:58

2021-04-14T06:58:39Z

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	*economic prosperity: it would influence the class vote by decreasing it. This is also called the theory of modernization with the rise of the middle classes with the loss of importance between class cleavages. This is an effect that can be rather negative on the class vote.		*economic prosperity: it would influence the class vote by decreasing it. This is also called the theory of modernization with the rise of the middle classes with the loss of importance between class cleavages. This is an effect that can be rather negative on the class vote.
	*unemployment: it would tend to increase the class vote linked to job insecurity in particular. These are theories that are in line with the idea of modernization theories.		*unemployment: it would tend to increase the class vote linked to job insecurity in particular. These are theories that are in line with the idea of modernization theories.
	*employment in industry: the decrease in the industrial sector and the increase in the service sector that characterizes post-industrial societies would tend to make the class vote decline, if only because there would be a decrease in the working class. There would also be the emergence of new classes through the emergence of new conflicts and new dividing lines, i.e. new cleavages that would diminish the class divide and the explanatory power of the class divide. The explanatory power of cleavages in general, i.e. the role of cleavages in explaining political behaviour, should not be confused with the role and explanatory power of the class divide.		*employment in the industry: the decrease in the industrial sector and the increase in the service sector that characterizes post-industrial societies would tend to make the class vote decline, if only because there would be a decrease in the working class. There would also be the emergence of new classes through the emergence of new conflicts and new dividing lines, i.e. new cleavages that would diminish the class divide and the explanatory power of the class divide. The explanatory power of cleavages in general, i.e. the role of cleavages in explaining political behaviour, should not be confused with the role and explanatory power of the class divide.
	*size of the working class: there is a decrease in the size of the working class that would lead to a decrease in class voting.		*size of the working class: there is a decrease in the size of the working class that would lead to a decrease in class voting.
	*union density: the class vote increases with union density but there is some ambiguity in this relationship. There is not always a consensus in the social sciences. This ambiguity is linked to the fact that there can be a strong unionization of non-manual workers which implies that non-manual workers go to work for the left and by doing so, they diminish the role or the traditional left-right opposition and thus the role of the class divide in explaining the vote.		*union density: the class vote increases with union density but there is some ambiguity in this relationship. There is not always a consensus in the social sciences. This ambiguity is linked to the fact that there can be a strong unionization of non-manual workers which implies that non-manual workers go to work for the left and by doing so, they diminish the role or the traditional left-right opposition and thus the role of the class divide in explaining the vote.

Arthur le 11 mai 2020 à 11:52

2020-05-11T11:52:11Z

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	\| fr = Les bases structurelles du comportement politique		\| fr = Les bases structurelles du comportement politique
	\| es = Los fundamentos estructurales del comportamiento político		\| es = Los fundamentos estructurales del comportamiento político
			\| it = Le basi strutturali del comportamento politico
	}}		}}

Arthur le 8 mai 2020 à 15:21

2020-05-08T15:21:11Z

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	{{Translations		{{Translations
	\| fr = Les bases structurelles du comportement politique		\| fr = Les bases structurelles du comportement politique
	\| es =		\| es = Los fundamentos estructurales del comportamiento político
	}}		}}

Arthur le 4 mai 2020 à 08:51

2020-05-04T08:51:36Z

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	* [[Political Behaviour: Historical and methodological benchmarks]]		* [[Political Behaviour: Historical and methodological benchmarks]]
	* [[The structural foundations of political behaviour]]		* [[The structural foundations of political behaviour]]
	* [[The ~~Cultural Basis~~ of ~~Political Behaviour~~]]		* [[The cultural basis of political behaviour]]
	* [[Political socialization]]		* [[Political socialization]]
	* [[The rational actor]]		* [[The rational actor]]

Arthur : /* Facteurs explicatifs du vote de classe */

2020-05-03T21:28:34Z

Facteurs explicatifs du vote de classe

← Version précédente		Version du 3 mai 2020 à 23:28
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	Depending on the definition we take of the classes and the class vote, the result can change drastically. There are those who rely on a traditional distinction with a binary distinction and the Alford index and find a decline, while those who rely on the Thomson and Kappa index reach different conclusions with a transformation rather than a decline.		Depending on the definition we take of the classes and the class vote, the result can change drastically. There are those who rely on a traditional distinction with a binary distinction and the Alford index and find a decline, while those who rely on the Thomson and Kappa index reach different conclusions with a transformation rather than a decline.

	=~~Facteurs explicatifs du vote de classe~~=		=Explanatory factors for class voting=
	~~Il est~~ possible ~~de faire une énumération des facteurs explicatifs qui influenceraient le vote de classe~~. ~~Ces facteurs sont plutôt des facteurs structurels de~~ long ~~terme~~, ~~mais il peut y avoir des changements conjoncturels qui peuvent faire varier le vote de classe~~ :		It is possible to list the explanatory factors that would influence class voting. These factors are rather long-term structural factors, but there may be cyclical changes that can cause class voting to vary:

	*~~prospérité économique~~ : ~~elle influencerait le~~ vote ~~de classe en le faisant diminuer~~. ~~C’est ce qu’on appel aussi la théorie de la modernisation avec la monté des~~ classes ~~moyennes avec la perte d’une~~ importance ~~entre clivages de classes~~. ~~C’est un effet qui peut être plutôt négatif sur le~~ vote ~~de classe~~.		*economic prosperity: it would influence the class vote by decreasing it. This is also called the theory of modernization with the rise of the middle classes with the loss of importance between class cleavages. This is an effect that can be rather negative on the class vote.
	*~~chômage~~ : ~~il aurait tendance à faire augmenter le~~ vote ~~de classe lié à l’insécurité de l’emploi notamment~~. ~~Ce sont des théories qui s’inscrivent dans l’idée des théories de la modernisation~~.		*unemployment: it would tend to increase the class vote linked to job insecurity in particular. These are theories that are in line with the idea of modernization theories.
	*~~emploi dans l’industrie~~ : ~~la diminution du secteur industriel et l’augmentation du secteur des services qui caractérise les sociétés~~ post-~~industrielles aurait tendance à faire décliner le~~ vote ~~de classe~~, ~~ne serait-ce que parce qu’il y aurait une diminution de la classe ouvrière~~. ~~Il y aurait également l’émergence de nouvelles~~ classes ~~par l’émergence de nouveaux conflits et de nouvelles lignes de démarcation~~, ~~à savoir de nouveaux clivages qui ferraient diminuer le clivage de classe et le pouvoir explicatif du clivage de classes~~. ~~Il ne faut pas confondre la force explicative des clivages en général~~, ~~à savoir le rôle qu’ont les clivages dans l’explication dans les comportements politiques et le rôle et les forces explicatives de ce clivage~~.		*employment in industry: the decrease in the industrial sector and the increase in the service sector that characterizes post-industrial societies would tend to make the class vote decline, if only because there would be a decrease in the working class. There would also be the emergence of new classes through the emergence of new conflicts and new dividing lines, i.e. new cleavages that would diminish the class divide and the explanatory power of the class divide. The explanatory power of cleavages in general, i.e. the role of cleavages in explaining political behaviour, should not be confused with the role and explanatory power of the class divide.
	*~~taille de la classe ouvrière~~ : ~~il y~~ a ~~une diminution de la classe ouvrière qui amènerait à une diminution du vote de classe~~.		*size of the working class: there is a decrease in the size of the working class that would lead to a decrease in class voting.
	*~~densité syndicale~~ : le vote ~~de classe augmente avec la densité syndicale mais il y a une certaine ambiguïté dans cette relation~~. ~~Il n’y~~ a ~~pas toujours un~~ consensus en sciences ~~sociales~~. ~~Cette ambiguïté est liée au fait qu’il peut y avoir une forte syndicalisation des travailleurs~~ non-~~manuels qui implique une forte que les travailleurs~~ non-~~manuels vont travailler pour la gauche et ce faisant~~, ~~ils diminuent le rôle ou l’opposition gauche – droite traditionnelle et donc le rôle du clivage de classe dans l’explication du~~ vote.		*union density: the class vote increases with union density but there is some ambiguity in this relationship. There is not always a consensus in the social sciences. This ambiguity is linked to the fact that there can be a strong unionization of non-manual workers which implies that non-manual workers go to work for the left and by doing so, they diminish the role or the traditional left-right opposition and thus the role of the class divide in explaining the vote.
	*~~inégalités de revenu~~ : ~~les différences de revenu sont liées au niveau de vie des différentes~~ classes ~~sociales~~. ~~Des grandes différences de revenus prédisent des fortes importances dans le vote de classe~~.		*income inequality: income differences are related to the standard of living of different social classes. Large differences in income predict strong importance in class voting.
	*fragmentation ~~religieuse et taille du groupe séculaire~~ : ~~c’est l’un des facteurs étudié traditionnellement dans la politique comparée~~, ~~à savoir l’importance du clivage religieux qui est l’un des quatre clivages traditionnels de~~ Rokkan. ~~Beaucoup d’études montrent que si ce clivage est~~ important, ~~cela fait diminuer le rôle de la classe sociale parce que les ouvriers qui pourraient potentiellement s’inscrire dans un~~ vote ~~de classe gauche – droite~~, ~~ceux qui sont croyant s’inscrivent dans un clivage religieux~~. Le clivage de classe et le clivage religieux sont étudiés comme les deux grands clivages qui sont en concurrence par rapport à l’étude de l’effet des clivages sociaux sur le comportement électoral.		*religious fragmentation and size of secular group: this is one of the factors traditionally studied in comparative politics, namely the importance of the religious cleavage, which is one of the four traditional Rokkan cleavages. Many studies show that if this cleavage is important, it diminishes the role of social class because the workers who could potentially register in a left-right class vote, those who are believers register in a religious cleavage. The class and religious cleavage are studied as the two major cleavages that compete in studying the effect of social cleavages on voting behaviour.
	*~~polarisation gauche – droite~~ : ~~les études montrent que la polarisation tend à augmenter le vote de classe~~.		*left-right polarization: studies show that polarization tends to increase class voting.
	*impact ~~de la nouvelle politique des valeurs~~ : ~~cela renvoi aux nouveaux clivages~~.		*impact of the new politics of values: this refers to the new cleavages.

	~~Ce sont des facteurs explicatifs qui résultent d’une revue de la littérature~~. ~~Les transformations de la société~~ post-~~industrielle produisent une diminution du vote de classe mais cela dépend de la manière~~ on ~~dont définit la classe~~; ~~le vote de classe~~; ~~de la manière dont on les mesure~~ . ~~Certains auteurs sont arrivés à un constat opposé~~, ~~à savoir que non~~, ~~il n’y a pas un déclin du vote de classe mais du moins~~, ~~il y a une stabilité qui peut aussi parfois se transformer en une augmentation~~. ~~Surtout~~, ~~si on adopte une définition de la classe et du~~ vote ~~de classe plus sophistiquée~~, on arrive ~~non pas à un constat d’une diminution mais à un constat d’une~~ transformation du vote ~~de classe qui reste~~ important ~~mais qui s’est transformé dans ses mobilités~~.		These are explanatory factors resulting from a review of the literature. Transformations in post-industrial society produce a decrease in class voting, but this depends on how one defines class; class voting; and how one measures it. Some authors have come to the opposite conclusion, namely that no, there is no decline in class voting, but at least there is stability, which can sometimes also be transformed into an increase. Above all, if one adopts a more sophisticated definition of class and class vote, one does not arrive at the observation of a decrease, but at the observation of a transformation of the class vote which remains important but which has been transformed in its mobilities.

	=The new cleavages=		=The new cleavages=

Arthur : /* Définition et mesure du vote de classe */

2020-05-03T21:27:19Z

Définition et mesure du vote de classe

← Version précédente		Version du 3 mai 2020 à 23:27
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	There are two distinctions with the first one being between employers, employees and self-employed, and the second one being between those who rely on the existence of an employment contract. On the other hand, the other category is based on service relationships. There are other sub-categories that are less interesting according to level of education.[[Fichier:comportement politique définition et mesure des classes sociales 2.png\|center\|vignette\|Erikson, R. et J.H. Goldthorpe (1993). The Constant Flux. Oxford: Clarendon Press.<ref name=":1" />]]		There are two distinctions with the first one being between employers, employees and self-employed, and the second one being between those who rely on the existence of an employment contract. On the other hand, the other category is based on service relationships. There are other sub-categories that are less interesting according to level of education.[[Fichier:comportement politique définition et mesure des classes sociales 2.png\|center\|vignette\|Erikson, R. et J.H. Goldthorpe (1993). The Constant Flux. Oxford: Clarendon Press.<ref name=":1" />]]

	~~Le résultat de ce~~ type ~~de schéma est quelque chose qui est beaucoup plus élaboré par rapport à la~~ distinction ~~traditionnelle entre classes manuelles et~~ non-~~manuelles~~. ~~C’est en fait un schéma qui détails~~ 11 classes ~~sociales différentes~~. ~~Ce schéma peut être agrégé~~. ~~Il est~~ possible ~~d’avoir des niveaux d’agrégation avec un regroupement~~.		The result of this type of scheme is something that is much more elaborate than the traditional distinction between manual and non-manual classes. It is in fact a schema that details 11 different social classes. This schema can be aggregated. It is possible to have levels of aggregation with clustering.

	=~~Définition et mesure du vote de classe~~=		=Defining and Measuring Class Voting=
	~~On distingue deux approches afin de mesurer le vote de classe~~.		There are two approaches to measuring class voting.

	~~Une première approche est celle du~~ vote ~~absolu dont la mesure traditionnelle est l’index d’Alford~~, ~~à savoir qu’on regarde la différence dans le soutien pour les partis de la gauche entre les~~ classes ~~manuelles et les autres~~. ~~À partir de là~~, ~~on regarde dans les deux groupes quelle est la~~ proportion ~~des personnes qui appartient à ces deux groupes et qui votent plutôt pour la gauche ou pour la droite~~. ~~C’est un raisonnement binaire au niveau de la classe sociale et au niveau du vote~~. ~~En d’autres termes~~, ~~l’index d’Alford est la différence entre les~~ occupations ~~manuelles et non manuelles dans le soutien pour les partis de gauche~~.		A first approach is that of the absolute vote, whose traditional measure is the Alford index, which looks at the difference in support for left-wing parties between the manual classes and the other classes. From there, we look at the proportion of people in the two groups who belong to these two groups and who vote more for the left or for the right. This is a binary reasoning at the level of social class and at the level of voting. In other words, Alford's index is the difference between manual and non-manual occupations in the support for left-wing parties.

	~~Il n’y a pas d’unanimité afin de savoir si le~~ vote ~~de classe a diminué~~, ~~donc est~~-~~ce que le rôle de clivage de classe a diminué ou pas. Ceux qui critiquent ce schéma à deux classes et l’index d’Alford~~, ~~qui est binaire afin de calculer le~~ vote ~~de classe~~, ~~s’appuient sur le schéma de classe de~~ Thomson ~~et l’index de~~ Kappa. ~~On appel cela le~~ vote ~~relatif~~. ~~On s'appuie sur la probabilité que les citoyens qui appartiennent à l’une ou l’autre classe puisse voter pour la gauche ou un autre parti. La différence entre l’index de~~ Thomson ~~et l’index de~~ Kappa ~~se trouve dans le fait que l’index de~~ Thomson ~~garde l’idée binaire entre gauche et droite en regardant la~~ proportion ~~des membres des~~ classes ~~différentes à voter pour la gauche ou pour la droite~~. ~~L’index de~~ Kappa ~~s’appuie sur l’index de~~ Thomson ~~mais il introduit une multidimensionnalité en regardant la probabilité que les membres de différentes~~ classes ~~sociales ont de voter pour un parti qu’un autre~~. ~~On abandonne la~~ distinction ~~un peu grossière de voter pour la gauche ou pour la droite~~. ~~Il y a l’idée implicite qu’il est difficile de faire la distinction aujourd’hui entre gauche et droite~~. ~~Pour calculer l’index de~~ Thomson, ~~cela revient à faire une régression logistique binaire tandis que l'on effectue une régression multinomiale pour l’index de~~ Kappa.		There is no unanimity as to whether the class vote has decreased, so has the role of class cleavage decreased or not. Those who criticize this two-class schema and Alford's index, which is binary in order to calculate the class vote, rely on Thomson's class schema and Kappa's index. This is called relative voting. It is based on the probability that citizens who belong to either class can vote for the left or another party. The difference between the Thomson index and the Kappa index is that the Thomson index keeps the binary idea between left and right by looking at the proportion of members of different classes voting for the left or for the right. The Kappa index builds on the Thomson index but introduces multidimensionality by looking at the probability that members of different social classes have of voting for one party over another. It abandons the somewhat crude distinction of voting for the left or for the right. There is the implicit idea that it is difficult to distinguish today between left and right. To compute the Thomson index, this is like doing a binary logistic regression, while a multinomial regression is done for the Kappa index.

	~~En fonction de la définition que l’on prend des~~ classes ~~et du~~ vote ~~de classe~~, ~~le résultat peut changer drastiquement~~. ~~Il y~~ a ~~ceux qui s’appuient sur une~~ distinction ~~traditionnelle avec une~~ distinction ~~binaire et l’index d’Alford et constatent un déclin~~, ~~alors que ceux qui s’appuient sur l’index de~~ Thomson ~~et de kappa arrivent à des~~ conclusions ~~différentes avec une~~ transformation ~~plutôt qu’un déclin~~.		Depending on the definition we take of the classes and the class vote, the result can change drastically. There are those who rely on a traditional distinction with a binary distinction and the Alford index and find a decline, while those who rely on the Thomson and Kappa index reach different conclusions with a transformation rather than a decline.

	=Facteurs explicatifs du vote de classe=		=Facteurs explicatifs du vote de classe=

Arthur : /* Définition et mesure des classes sociales */

2020-05-03T21:25:03Z

Définition et mesure des classes sociales

← Version précédente		Version du 3 mai 2020 à 23:25
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	For some researchers, the curves specifying class voting are based on Alford's index, that is, the percentage of the working class saying they preferred a left-wing party minus the percentage of the middle class voting for the left. This is a measure that has been used, specific and, according to some, too simplistic, hiding a much more complex reality, and if measured differently, different conclusions could be reached.		For some researchers, the curves specifying class voting are based on Alford's index, that is, the percentage of the working class saying they preferred a left-wing party minus the percentage of the middle class voting for the left. This is a measure that has been used, specific and, according to some, too simplistic, hiding a much more complex reality, and if measured differently, different conclusions could be reached.

	=~~Définition et mesure des~~ classes ~~sociales~~=		=Definition and measurement of social classes=
	~~On distingue deux approches~~, ~~à savoir une approche que nous pouvons qualifier de « traditionnelle » se basant sur un schéma à deux classes avec d’une part les travailleurs manuels et d’autre part toutes les autres~~ classes. ~~Cette manière~~ a ~~été traditionnellement utilisée pour évaluer l’impact du vote de classe jusqu’aux années 1980. À un~~ certain ~~moment~~, ~~certains chercheurs~~, ~~notamment~~ Erikson et Goldthorpe ~~qui ont proposés un schéma de classe différent et beaucoup plus détaillé~~.		Two approaches can be distinguished, namely an approach that we can describe as "traditional" based on a two-class scheme with manual workers on the one hand and all other classes on the other. This approach was traditionally used to assess the impact of class voting until the 1980s. At a certain point, some researchers, notably Erikson and Goldthorpe, proposed a different and much more detailed class schema.

	[[Fichier:comportement politique définition et mesure des classes sociales 1.png\|vignette\|Erikson, R. et J.H. Goldthorpe (1993). The Constant Flux. Oxford: Clarendon Press.]]		[[Fichier:comportement politique définition et mesure des classes sociales 1.png\|vignette\|Erikson, R. et J.H. Goldthorpe (1993). The Constant Flux. Oxford: Clarendon Press.<ref name=":1">Erikson, Robert, and John H. Goldthorpe. ''The constant flux : a study of class mobility in industrial societies''. Oxford England New York: Clarendon Press Oxford University Press, 1992. Print.</ref><ref>Hachen, D. (1994). Book Reviews : Robert Erikson and John H. Goldthorpe: The Constant Flux. A Study of Class Mobility in Industrial Societies. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992. Acta Sociologica, 37(1), 110–113. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/000169939403700110</nowiki></ref><ref>Kaelble, H. (1994). The Constant Flux: A Study of Class Mobility in Industrial Societies.Robert Erikson , John H. Goldthorpe. American Journal of Sociology, 100(1), 252–253. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1086/230509</nowiki></ref>]]

	~~On part d’une~~ distinction ~~entre employeurs et employés mais on introduit aussi l’idée des indépendants et on rajoute des~~ distinctions ~~supplémentaires afin d’arriver à treize~~ classes ~~sociales différentes~~.		We start from a distinction between employers and employees but we also introduce the idea of the self-employed and add further distinctions to arrive at thirteen different social classes.

	~~Ce schéma s’appui sur une premier~~ distinction ~~qui est ensuite développée à travers des sous-catégories un peu plus fines et correspondant à la réalité actuelle de notre société~~. La position ~~de classe de base s’appuie sur la~~ distinction ~~binaire entre employeurs et employés~~, a ~~été ajouté également la catégorie des indépendants. Cela constitue un premier niveau très général afin de distinguer entre plusieurs~~ positions ~~de classe et ce qui nous intéresse est de savoir comment les individus s’insèrent dans cette~~ position ~~de classe et le côté objectif du clivage~~ social. ~~Il y existe des~~ distinctions ~~supplémentaires~~. ~~En ce qui concerne les employeurs~~, ~~il y~~ a ~~une~~ distinction ~~entre la taille des entreprises et une autre~~ distinction ~~entre le secteur industriel et le secteur de l’agriculture~~. ~~Cela donne quelques~~ classes ~~sociales avec une catégorisation des~~ classes. ~~En ce qui concerne les employés~~, Erikson et Goldthorpe ~~ont fait la~~ distinction ~~entre les travailleurs qui s’appuient sur la contrainte du travail par opposition à une relation de~~ service.		This scheme is based on a first distinction which is then developed through subcategories that are a little finer and correspond to the current reality of our society. The basic class position is based on the binary distinction between employers and employees, the category of self-employed has also been added. This constitutes a very general first level to distinguish between several class positions and what interests us is how individuals fit into this class position and the objective side of the social divide. There are further distinctions. With regard to employers, there is a distinction between the size of companies and another distinction between the industrial sector and the agricultural sector. This gives some social classes with a categorization of classes. With respect to employees, Erikson and Goldthorpe made a distinction between workers who rely on a work constraint as opposed to a service relationship.

	~~Il y a deux~~ distinctions ~~avec la première qui est entre employeurs~~, ~~employés et indépendants~~, ~~et la deuxième entre ceux qui s’appuient sur l’existence d’un contrat de travail~~. ~~Par contre l’autre catégorie est basée sur des relations de services~~. ~~Il y a d’autres sous~~-~~catégories qui sont moins intéressantes selon le niveau d’éducation~~.		There are two distinctions with the first one being between employers, employees and self-employed, and the second one being between those who rely on the existence of an employment contract. On the other hand, the other category is based on service relationships. There are other sub-categories that are less interesting according to level of education.[[Fichier:comportement politique définition et mesure des classes sociales 2.png\|center\|vignette\|Erikson, R. et J.H. Goldthorpe (1993). The Constant Flux. Oxford: Clarendon Press.<ref name=":1" />]]

	[[Fichier:comportement politique définition et mesure des classes sociales 2.png\|center\|vignette\|Erikson, R. et J.H. Goldthorpe (1993). The Constant Flux. Oxford: Clarendon Press.]]

	Le résultat de ce type de schéma est quelque chose qui est beaucoup plus élaboré par rapport à la distinction traditionnelle entre classes manuelles et non-manuelles. C’est en fait un schéma qui détails 11 classes sociales différentes. Ce schéma peut être agrégé. Il est possible d’avoir des niveaux d’agrégation avec un regroupement.		Le résultat de ce type de schéma est quelque chose qui est beaucoup plus élaboré par rapport à la distinction traditionnelle entre classes manuelles et non-manuelles. C’est en fait un schéma qui détails 11 classes sociales différentes. Ce schéma peut être agrégé. Il est possible d’avoir des niveaux d’agrégation avec un regroupement.

Arthur : /* Impact of class voting */

2020-05-03T21:21:53Z

Impact of class voting

← Version précédente		Version du 3 mai 2020 à 23:21
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	*there is also the idea of transformation. The class cleavage is still important but it structures the vote differently. There would have been a realignment between social classes on the one hand and parties that represent class interests on the other.		*there is also the idea of transformation. The class cleavage is still important but it structures the vote differently. There would have been a realignment between social classes on the one hand and parties that represent class interests on the other.

	[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 1.png\|vignette\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.<ref>LeDuc, L., Niemi, R., & Norris, P. (2010). Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in the 21st Century. SAGE Publications Ltd. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446288740</ref>]]		[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 1.png\|vignette\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.<ref name=":0">LeDuc, L., Niemi, R., & Norris, P. (2010). Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in the 21st Century. SAGE Publications Ltd. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446288740</ref>]]

	Numerous figures abound in the direction of decline. With this graph, we are looking at the long term. Several figures appear from 1945 to 1995 for different countries showing that everywhere there has been a decline in class voting, at least since the end of the Second World War. This difference exists as much in the countries where the class vote is important.		Numerous figures abound in the direction of decline. With this graph, we are looking at the long term. Several figures appear from 1945 to 1995 for different countries showing that everywhere there has been a decline in class voting, at least since the end of the Second World War. This difference exists as much in the countries where the class vote is important.
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	Third generation researchers criticize this type of representation for relying on an overly simplistic definition of both social class and class voting. It is as a result of the hyper-simplification of these two concepts that a decline is observed. These researchers say that if we redefine social class and the class vote, we can put the decline into perspective.		Third generation researchers criticize this type of representation for relying on an overly simplistic definition of both social class and class voting. It is as a result of the hyper-simplification of these two concepts that a decline is observed. These researchers say that if we redefine social class and the class vote, we can put the decline into perspective.

	[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 2.png\|vignette\|center\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.]]		[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 2.png\|vignette\|center\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.<ref name=":0" />]]

	This table shows the international variations. There is not only class voting but also all the other traditional Rokkan cleavages. The figures are correlation coefficients between social characteristics and party preferences. It is important to note that there is a great deal of variation, as the second generation has shown.		This table shows the international variations. There is not only class voting but also all the other traditional Rokkan cleavages. The figures are correlation coefficients between social characteristics and party preferences. It is important to note that there is a great deal of variation, as the second generation has shown.

Arthur : /* Impact of class voting */

2020-05-03T21:21:34Z

Impact of class voting

← Version précédente		Version du 3 mai 2020 à 23:21
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	*there is also the idea of transformation. The class cleavage is still important but it structures the vote differently. There would have been a realignment between social classes on the one hand and parties that represent class interests on the other.		*there is also the idea of transformation. The class cleavage is still important but it structures the vote differently. There would have been a realignment between social classes on the one hand and parties that represent class interests on the other.

	[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 1.png\|vignette\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.]]		[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 1.png\|vignette\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.<ref>LeDuc, L., Niemi, R., & Norris, P. (2010). Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in the 21st Century. SAGE Publications Ltd. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446288740</ref>]]

	Numerous figures abound in the direction of decline. With this graph, we are looking at the long term. Several figures appear from 1945 to 1995 for different countries showing that everywhere there has been a decline in class voting, at least since the end of the Second World War. This difference exists as much in the countries where the class vote is important.		Numerous figures abound in the direction of decline. With this graph, we are looking at the long term. Several figures appear from 1945 to 1995 for different countries showing that everywhere there has been a decline in class voting, at least since the end of the Second World War. This difference exists as much in the countries where the class vote is important.

	Third generation researchers criticize this type of representation for relying on an overly simplistic definition of both social class and class voting. It is as a result of the hyper-simplification of these two concepts that a decline is observed. These researchers say that if we redefine social class and the class vote, we can put the decline into perspective.[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 2.png\|vignette\|center\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.]]		Third generation researchers criticize this type of representation for relying on an overly simplistic definition of both social class and class voting. It is as a result of the hyper-simplification of these two concepts that a decline is observed. These researchers say that if we redefine social class and the class vote, we can put the decline into perspective.

			[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 2.png\|vignette\|center\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.]]

	This table shows the international variations. There is not only class voting but also all the other traditional Rokkan cleavages. The figures are correlation coefficients between social characteristics and party preferences. It is important to note that there is a great deal of variation, as the second generation has shown.		This table shows the international variations. There is not only class voting but also all the other traditional Rokkan cleavages. The figures are correlation coefficients between social characteristics and party preferences. It is important to note that there is a great deal of variation, as the second generation has shown.

Arthur : /* Impact du vote de classe */

2020-05-03T21:20:42Z

Impact du vote de classe

← Version précédente		Version du 3 mai 2020 à 23:20
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	The results can be summarized in two parts. First, the manual working classes tended to support left-wing parties while the non-manual classes tended to support right-wing parties. This is now an outdated idea of class voting. The second element concerns the results; there are significant variations between countries.		The results can be summarized in two parts. First, the manual working classes tended to support left-wing parties while the non-manual classes tended to support right-wing parties. This is now an outdated idea of class voting. The second element concerns the results; there are significant variations between countries.

	=Impact ~~du vote de classe~~=		=Impact of class voting=
	~~Comment mesure t-on la classe et le vote de classe~~ ? ~~Pour résumer~~, ~~par rapport au vote de classe~~, ~~il y a trois~~ positions ~~qui reflètent largement ou en grande partie les~~ positions ~~évoquées par rapport au rôle des clivages traditionnels~~ :		How do we measure class and class voting? To sum up, in relation to class voting, there are three positions that largely or largely reflect the positions evoked in relation to the role of traditional cleavages :

	*~~des travaux montrent une forme de persistance~~, ~~comme le fait que la classe continue à structurer le comportement de vote~~ ;		*some work shows a form of persistence, such as the fact that the class continues to structure voting behaviour;
	*~~il y~~ a ~~l’idée du déclin de vote de classe, à savoir un désalignement soit la correspondance entre une offre politique et une demande politique~~ ;		*there is the idea of class voting decline as a misalignment - the mismatch between political supply and political demand;
	*~~il y a également l’idée d’une~~ transformation. ~~Le clivage de classe est toujours~~ important ~~mais il structure différemment le~~ vote. ~~Il y aurait eu un réalignements entre les classes sociales d’une part et les partis qui représentent les intérêts des~~ classes ~~d’autre part~~.		*there is also the idea of transformation. The class cleavage is still important but it structures the vote differently. There would have been a realignment between social classes on the one hand and parties that represent class interests on the other.

	[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 1.png\|vignette\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.]]		[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 1.png\|vignette\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.]]

	~~De nombreux chiffres abondent dans le sens du déclin~~. ~~Avec ce graphique~~, ~~on cherche à voir dans le~~ long ~~terme~~. ~~Apparaissent plusieurs~~ figures ~~allant de~~ 1945 à 1995 ~~concernant des pays différents montrant que partout, il y~~ a ~~eu un déclin du vote de classe~~, ~~en tout cas à partir de la fin de la Deuxième guerre mondiale~~. ~~Cette différence existe autant dans les pays où le~~ vote ~~de classe est~~ important.		Numerous figures abound in the direction of decline. With this graph, we are looking at the long term. Several figures appear from 1945 to 1995 for different countries showing that everywhere there has been a decline in class voting, at least since the end of the Second World War. This difference exists as much in the countries where the class vote is important.

	~~Les chercheurs de la troisième génération reprochent à ce~~ type ~~de représentation de s’appuyer sur une définition trop simpliste à la fois de la classe sociale et du vote de classe~~. ~~C’est suite à l’hyper~~-simplification ~~de ces deux~~ concepts ~~qu’on arrive à un constat de déclin~~. ~~Ces chercheurs disent que si on redéfinit la classe sociale et le~~ vote de classe, ~~on arrive à relativiser le déclin~~.		Third generation researchers criticize this type of representation for relying on an overly simplistic definition of both social class and class voting. It is as a result of the hyper-simplification of these two concepts that a decline is observed. These researchers say that if we redefine social class and the class vote, we can put the decline into perspective.[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 2.png\|vignette\|center\|Leduc, L., R. Niemi et P. Norris, éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage.]]

	~~[[Fichier:comportement politique impact du vote de classe 2~~.~~png\|vignette\|center\|Leduc, L., R~~. ~~Niemi et P~~. ~~Norris~~, ~~éds. (1996). Comparing Democracies. Thousand Oaks: Sage~~.]]		This table shows the international variations. There is not only class voting but also all the other traditional Rokkan cleavages. The figures are correlation coefficients between social characteristics and party preferences. It is important to note that there is a great deal of variation, as the second generation has shown.

	Ce tableau montre les variations internationales. Il n’y a pas seulement le vote de classe mais il y a aussi tous les autres clivages traditionnels de Rokkan. Les chiffres sont des coefficients de corrélations entre les caractéristiques sociales et les préférences partisanes. Il faut souligner qu’il y a de fortes variations, ~~comme la deuxième génération l’avait montrée.~~		For some researchers, the curves specifying class voting are based on Alford's index, that is, the percentage of the working class saying they preferred a left-wing party minus the percentage of the middle class voting for the left. This is a measure that has been used, specific and, according to some, too simplistic, hiding a much more complex reality, and if measured differently, different conclusions could be reached.

	~~Pour certains chercheurs~~, ~~les courbes qui spécifient le vote de classe sont basées sur l’index d'Alford~~, ~~à savoir le pourcentage de classe ouvrière affirmant qu’il préférait un parti de gauche moins le pourcentage de la classe moyenne qui vote pour la gauche~~. ~~C’est une mesure qui~~ a ~~été utilisée~~, ~~spécifique et~~, ~~selon certains~~, ~~trop simpliste~~, ~~cachant une réalité beaucoup plus complexe et si on mesure différemment~~, ~~on pourrait arriver à des~~ conclusions ~~différentes~~.

	=Définition et mesure des classes sociales=		=Définition et mesure des classes sociales=

The structural foundations of political behaviour - Historique des versions

Arthur le 14 avril 2021 à 06:58

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Arthur le 8 mai 2020 à 15:21

Arthur le 4 mai 2020 à 08:51

Arthur : /* Facteurs explicatifs du vote de classe */

Arthur : /* Définition et mesure du vote de classe */

Arthur : /* Définition et mesure des classes sociales */

Arthur : /* Impact of class voting */

Arthur : /* Impact of class voting */

Arthur : /* Impact du vote de classe */

Arthur : /* Facteurs explicatifs du vote de classe */

Arthur : /* Définition et mesure du vote de classe */

Arthur : /* Définition et mesure des classes sociales */

Arthur : /* Impact of class voting */

Arthur : /* Impact of class voting */

Arthur : /* Impact du vote de classe */