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[[Image:RapeBoston.jpg|thumb|200px|这幅英国漫画描绘了 "波士顿拟人化的强奸行为",很快被保罗-里维尔复制并分发到整个殖民地。]]
[[Image:RapeBoston.jpg|thumb|200px|这幅英国漫画描绘了 "波士顿拟人化的强奸行为",很快被保罗-里维尔复制并分发到整个殖民地。]]


The series of laws known as the Coercive Acts was London's punitive response to the notorious Boston Tea Party. Passed by the British Parliament in 1774, the Acts were intended to discipline the colony of Massachusetts, and in particular the city of Boston. However, far from calming the situation, they intensified tensions, solidifying the colonies' opposition to British rule.
被称为《强制法》的一系列法律是伦敦对臭名昭著的波士顿茶党的惩罚性回应。英国议会于 1774 年通过该法案,旨在惩戒马萨诸塞殖民地,尤其是波士顿市。然而,这些法案非但没有平息局势,反而加剧了紧张局势,巩固了殖民地对英国统治的反对。


The Boston Port Act was one of these punitive measures, closing the port of Boston until the damage caused by the Boston Tea Party had been made good. This action had a severe impact on the local economy, leaving many Bostonians unemployed. At the same time, The Massachusetts Government Act restructured colonial government, drastically reducing the powers of the local assembly and giving the British governor greater control. This was seen as a direct attack on the colony's autonomy. In addition, with The Administration of Justice Act, London sought to ensure that British soldiers and officials, if accused of crimes, would not face a biased trial in Massachusetts. This allowed them to be tried elsewhere, often in Great Britain. The strengthening of the Quartering Act was another thorn in the side of the colonists. It stipulated that, if necessary, British soldiers would have to be housed in private dwellings, a heavy imposition on the colony's citizens. Finally, The Quebec Act, although indirectly linked to the Boston troubles, was seen as part of the "Intolerable Acts". It extended the province of Quebec, de facto reducing the size of neighbouring colonies, and promoted Catholicism, which was frowned upon by the Protestant majority in the colonies. In response, the colonies joined forces. The First Continental Congress, which brought delegates from twelve colonies to Philadelphia in September 1774, aimed to develop a coordinated response to these oppressive laws. Instead of intimidating the colonists, the Intolerable Acts acted as a catalyst, laying the foundations for the American War of Independence.
波士顿港口法》就是这些惩罚性措施之一,它关闭了波士顿港口,直到波士顿茶党造成的损失得到补偿。这一行动严重影响了当地经济,导致许多波士顿人失业。与此同时,《马萨诸塞政府法》对殖民地政府进行了重组,大幅削减了地方议会的权力,赋予英国总督更大的控制权。这被视为对殖民地自治的直接攻击。此外,通过《司法管理法》,伦敦试图确保英国士兵和官员如果被指控犯罪,在马萨诸塞州不会受到有偏见的审判。这使得他们可以在其他地方受审,通常是在大不列颠。加强《驻扎法》是殖民者的另一根刺。该法规定,如有必要,英国士兵必须住在私人住宅中,这对殖民地公民来说是一项沉重的负担。最后,《魁北克法案》虽然与波士顿事件有间接联系,但也被视为 "不可容忍法案 "的一部分。该法案扩大了魁北克省的面积,事实上缩小了邻近殖民地的面积,并促进了天主教的发展,而殖民地中的大多数新教徒都不赞成天主教。作为回应,各殖民地联合起来。1774 年 9 月,来自 12 个殖民地的代表齐聚费城,召开了第一届大陆会议,旨在针对这些压迫性法律制定协调一致的对策。不可容忍法案》非但没有恐吓殖民者,反而起到了催化剂的作用,为美国独立战争奠定了基础。


The Intolerable Acts, imposed by the British government, were seen not only as punitive, but also as a direct attack on the colonists' rights and freedoms as British citizens. The closure of the port of Boston, for example, affected the very heart of the colonial economy, while the restructuring of the Massachusetts government undermined their right to self-government, a value held dear by the colonists. The outrage was felt far beyond the borders of Massachusetts. The colonies, which until then had had distinct grievances and regional identities, began to see their destinies as inextricably linked. The injustice felt in Boston was now felt as far away as Virginia or South Carolina. Unity in outrage and resistance became the new norm. This unified opposition became manifest at the First Continental Congress. Bringing together delegates from almost every colony, they engaged in a collective response to perceived tyranny. It was in this context that the Continental Army was formed, with George Washington as Commander-in-Chief. The steady deterioration in relations, exacerbated by coercive acts, eventually brought the colonists to a point of no return. The Declaration of Independence, signed on 4 July 1776, was much more than a political declaration; it was the bold assertion of a people claiming their place and their right to self-determination. So what the British government hoped would be a series of measures that would restore order and authority instead accelerated the colonies' march towards revolution and independence.
英国政府实施的《不可容忍法案》不仅被视为惩罚性法律,也是对殖民者作为英国公民的权利和自由的直接攻击。例如,关闭波士顿港口影响了殖民地经济的核心,而改组马萨诸塞州政府则损害了他们的自治权,而这正是殖民者所珍视的价值观。这种愤怒远远超出了马萨诸塞州的边界。在此之前,各殖民地有着不同的不满情绪和地区特性,现在他们开始认为自己的命运是密不可分的。在波士顿感受到的不公正,现在远在弗吉尼亚州或南卡罗来纳州也能感受到。愤怒和反抗的统一成为新的准则。这种团结一致的反抗在第一届大陆会议上得到了体现。来自几乎所有殖民地的代表汇聚一堂,共同应对暴政。在此背景下,大陆军成立,乔治-华盛顿任总司令。关系的不断恶化以及胁迫行为的加剧,最终将殖民者推向了不归路。1776 年 7 月 4 日签署的《独立宣言》不仅仅是一份政治宣言,更是一个民族主张其地位和自决权的大胆宣言。因此,英国政府希望通过一系列措施恢复秩序和权威,但结果却加速了殖民地走向革命和独立的步伐。


= Decisive steps towards independence =
= 迈向独立的决定性步骤 =


The British response to the Boston Tea Party, in the form of coercive measures, had unexpected consequences. Instead of isolating and punishing Massachusetts alone, these measures had the opposite effect: they acted as a catalyst to unite the thirteen colonies. While Massachusetts was directly targeted, the other colonies saw it as a dangerous precedent. If Great Britain could violate the rights of one colony with impunity, what was to prevent another colony from suffering the same fate in the future? In this climate of concern, a sense of inter-colonial solidarity emerged. The other colonies sent supplies to support Boston when its port was closed, and committees of correspondence were formed to facilitate communication and coordination between them. Moreover, this sense of shared injustice was amplified by the common recognition of their rights as British citizens. It became clear that, unless they presented a united front, all the colonies would be vulnerable to further incursions on their rights and freedoms. This solidarity laid the foundations for more formal assemblies, such as the First Continental Congress, where the colonies discussed their collective responses to British actions. Gradually, a sense of American nationalism emerged, fusing the distinct identities of the different colonies into a common cause: the quest for autonomy, rights and, ultimately, independence.
英国对波士顿茶党采取的强制措施产生了意想不到的后果。这些措施不仅没有孤立和惩罚马萨诸塞,反而产生了相反的效果:它们成为团结十三个殖民地的催化剂。虽然马萨诸塞是直接目标,但其他殖民地认为这是一个危险的先例。如果英国可以肆无忌惮地侵犯一个殖民地的权利,那么将来还有什么能阻止另一个殖民地遭受同样的命运呢?在这种忧虑的气氛中,殖民地间的团结意识油然而生。当波士顿港口关闭时,其他殖民地派人支援波士顿,并成立了通信委员会,以促进殖民地之间的沟通和协调。此外,他们作为英国公民的权利得到了共同承认,从而增强了这种共同的不公正感。显然,除非他们结成统一战线,否则所有殖民地的权利和自由都将受到进一步的侵犯。这种团结为更正式的集会奠定了基础,如第一届大陆会议,殖民地在会上讨论了他们对英国行动的集体反应。渐渐地,一种美国民族主义意识出现了,它将不同殖民地的独特身份融合为一个共同的事业:追求自治、权利和最终的独立。


In September 1774, a major historic event took place in Philadelphia, heralding the beginning of a new chapter in colonial relations. The First Continental Congress brought together delegates from twelve of the thirteen colonies, an unprecedented demonstration of colonial unity in the face of British oppression. During this assembly, a consensus emerged among the delegates: coercive acts, seen as a direct attack on their rights as British citizens, were declared illegal. This was not simply a declaration of disagreement. The colonies were ready for action. They called for the formation of militias, preparing the ground for a possible armed confrontation. This bold gesture was a strong signal to Great Britain that the colonies would not be content with mere verbal protests. The Congress was not just a response to unpopular legislation. It represented a fundamental transformation in the way the colonies perceived themselves and their relationship with the metropolis. For the first time, instead of acting as thirteen separate entities with their own interests and concerns, they had come together as a collective unit to defend their common rights. It was a decisive turning point, a significant step towards independence and the formation of a united nation.
1774 年 9 月,费城发生了一件具有历史意义的大事,预示着殖民地关系新篇章的开始。第一次大陆会议汇聚了来自 13 个殖民地中 12 个殖民地的代表,这是殖民地面对英国压迫所表现出的前所未有的团结。在这次大会上,代表们达成了一项共识:强制行为被视为对他们作为英国公民的权利的直接攻击,因此被宣布为非法。这不仅仅是一个不同意见的声明。殖民地已经准备好采取行动。他们要求组建民兵,为可能发生的武装对抗做好准备。这一大胆的姿态向英国发出了一个强烈的信号,即殖民地不会满足于仅仅口头上的抗议。国会不仅仅是对不受欢迎的立法的回应。它代表着殖民地对自身及其与大都市关系的认识发生了根本性转变。这是第一次,殖民地不再作为十三个拥有各自利益和关切的独立实体行事,而是作为一个集体单位聚集在一起,捍卫他们的共同权利。这是一个决定性的转折点,是迈向独立和形成统一国家的重要一步。


In the tumult of the rise to independence, it is essential to remember that opinion among the American colonists was not monolithic. Indeed, colonial America was a melting pot of diverse perspectives and loyalties. Loyalists, also known as "Tories", were a substantial fraction of the colonial population. These individuals, attached by conviction, tradition or personal interest, remained loyal to the British Crown. Often, they saw resistance and rebellion against the King as ingratitude towards an empire that had provided protection and opportunity. Sometimes it was their economic and social ties with Britain that guided their position, fearing that independence would destabilise their social position or damage their economic interests. On the other hand, there were also colonists who, although opposed to British policies, were reluctant to support an armed revolution. They preferred peaceful means of protest, such as signing petitions or boycotting British goods. For them, the notion of revolution and war often meant economic disruption, the threat of social chaos and the potential for loss of life. This diversity of opinion and approach among the colonists is a reminder that the road to American independence was far from a uniform consensus, but rather a complex mosaic of interests, loyalties and ideologies.
在争取独立的汹涌浪潮中,我们必须牢记,美国殖民者的观点并非铁板一块。事实上,殖民时期的美国是一个融合了不同观点和忠诚的大熔炉。保皇党人,也被称为 "托利党人",在殖民地人口中占有相当大的比例。这些人因信念、传统或个人利益而忠于英国王室。通常,他们认为抵抗和反抗国王是对提供保护和机会的帝国的忘恩负义。有时,他们与英国的经济和社会联系引导着他们的立场,担心独立会动摇他们的社会地位或损害他们的经济利益。另一方面,也有一些殖民者虽然反对英国的政策,但不愿支持武装革命。他们更倾向于以和平方式进行抗议,如签署请愿书或抵制英国商品。对他们来说,革命和战争的概念往往意味着经济破坏、社会混乱的威胁以及生命损失的可能性。殖民者之间意见和方法的多样性提醒我们,通往美国独立的道路远非一致的共识,而是利益、忠诚和意识形态的复杂拼凑。


The role of King George III in the escalation of tensions between Britain and the American colonies is often scrutinised and debated. His reign coincided with a period of profound change and upheaval for the British Empire, particularly in North America. Although King George III is often portrayed as obstinate and unable to fully understand the desires and needs of the American colonists, it is crucial to remember that he did not work in a vacuum. Behind him was a British Parliament and advisers who largely shared his belief that the colonies should remain subject to the British Crown and Parliament. The perception among the colonists was that George III was acting tyrannically. His support for coercive acts and the Quartering Act - which forced colonists to house British soldiers - were seen as direct infringements of their rights. Many colonial pamphlets and articles of the time portrayed the King as a distant monarch, indifferent to the concerns of his subjects across the Atlantic. But the real catalyst for discord was not simply the King's personality or actions. It was the deep-rooted feeling among the colonists that they deserved the same rights and privileges as any other British citizen. When these rights were seen to be threatened or ignored, anger and a desire for autonomy grew, culminating in the American Revolution. So while the actions and decisions of King George III undeniably played a part in triggering the Revolution, they were part of a much larger picture of discontent, desires and frustrations that animated the colonies during this crucial period.
英王乔治三世在英国与美国殖民地之间紧张关系升级中所扮演的角色经常受到审视和争论。乔治三世在位期间,大英帝国,尤其是北美,正处于深刻变革和动荡时期。虽然国王乔治三世经常被描绘成顽固不化、无法完全理解美国殖民者的愿望和需求的人,但我们必须记住,他并不是在真空中工作。在他身后是英国议会和顾问们,这些人在很大程度上赞同他的观点,即殖民地应继续服从英国王室和议会。殖民者认为乔治三世行事专横。他对强制行为的支持以及强迫殖民地居民为英国士兵提供住所的《营地法》(Quartering Act)被视为对殖民地居民权利的直接侵犯。当时的许多殖民地小册子和文章都将国王描绘成一个遥远的君主,对大西洋彼岸臣民的关切漠不关心。但真正导致不和的因素并不仅仅是国王的个性或行为。殖民地人民根深蒂固地认为,他们应该享有与其他英国公民同等的权利和特权。当这些权利受到威胁或被忽视时,愤怒和对自治的渴望便与日俱增,最终引发了美国革命。因此,尽管国王乔治三世的行为和决定不可否认地在引发革命方面发挥了作用,但它们只是在这一关键时期激起殖民地不满、欲望和挫折的更大背景中的一部分。


The Continental Congress, which met for the first time in 1774, was composed of men who, for the most part, belonged to the socio-economic elite of the colonies. These delegates generally had financial, political or land interests to protect. Although they came from a variety of backgrounds - merchants, lawyers, planters, and a few artisans and businessmen - most were prominent figures in their respective colonies. It is essential to note that the desire for autonomy in the colonies was not only a reaction to the Coercive Acts. Although the Acts played a crucial role in crystallising colonial discontent, friction between the colonies and Britain had been brewing for decades. Concerns about taxation without representation, the ability of the colonies to govern themselves and trade restrictions were among the many sources of anxiety. However, the fact that many delegates to the Continental Congress belonged to the colonial elite had implications for the nature of the American Revolution. These men were not necessarily seeking to establish a radically egalitarian society. Instead, many were concerned with maintaining the existing social order while breaking free from British rule. In other words, while they aspired to political independence, they did not necessarily wish to overturn the socio-economic structure of the colonies. The American Revolution, like all revolutions, was complex, shaped by a multitude of factors and actors. Although the Continental Congress played a decisive role in leading the colonies to independence, it must be seen in the wider context of the tensions, aspirations and anxieties that ran through the colonies during this crucial period.
大陆会议于 1774 年召开第一次会议,其成员大多属于殖民地的社会经济精英。这些代表一般都有经济、政治或土地利益需要保护。尽管他们的背景各不相同--商人、律师、种植园主以及少数工匠和商人--但大多数都是各自殖民地的知名人士。必须指出的是,殖民地自治的愿望不仅仅是对《强制法》的反应。虽然《强制法》对殖民地不满情绪的固化起到了至关重要的作用,但殖民地与英国之间的摩擦已经酝酿了几十年。对没有代表权的征税、殖民地的自我管理能力和贸易限制等问题的担忧是许多焦虑的来源。然而,大陆会议的许多代表属于殖民地精英阶层,这一事实对美国革命的性质产生了影响。这些人并不一定要建立一个彻底平等的社会。相反,许多人关心的是在摆脱英国统治的同时维持现有的社会秩序。换句话说,虽然他们渴望政治独立,但并不一定希望推翻殖民地的社会经济结构。与所有革命一样,美国革命也是一场复杂的革命,是由众多因素和参与者共同塑造的。虽然大陆会议在领导殖民地走向独立的过程中发挥了决定性作用,但必须从这一关键时期殖民地的紧张局势、愿望和焦虑等更广泛的背景下来看待它。


The colonial elites, who made up the majority of delegates to the Continental Congress, were well aware that a successful revolution would require the support of a large section of the population. To reach the various strata of colonial society, they adopted a multifaceted approach to mobilising support. Taverns, in particular, were vital centres of colonial social life. More than just drinking, they served as meeting places where news, rumours and political ideas were exchanged and debated. Revolutionary leaders used these establishments to spread their ideas, sometimes in the form of songs, toasts or lively discussions. Merchants were also essential, not only as financiers of the cause, but also because they could influence the population through boycotts and other forms of economic resistance against British policies. Lawyers, with their knowledge of British law and Enlightenment philosophy, provided intellectual justification for the revolution, articulating the colonists' grievances in legal and moral terms. Artisans and skilled workers made up a large proportion of the urban population and had an important role to play in mobilising the masses. Their skills were essential to the revolutionary cause, whether by producing goods for the war effort or by actively participating in demonstrations and acts of resistance. Propaganda was also a crucial tool for winning hearts and minds. Pamphlets, often written by eminent thinkers such as Thomas Paine with his famous "Common Sense", played a fundamental role in spreading revolutionary ideas. Newspapers, with their tales of British injustice, amplified anti-British sentiment. By combining these elements, the revolutionary leaders were able to weave a network of support that cut across the different strata of colonial society. This mobilisation was essential to guarantee not only the initial success of the American Revolution, but also its long-term viability in the face of the major challenges it encountered. The American Revolution was not a revolution of the lower classes, but rather a rebellion of the colonial elite, who sought greater power and autonomy from the British government. They succeeded in mobilising the entire population and garnering support for their cause. In the end, however, it was the actions and decisions of this colonial elite that led to the independence of the United States.
殖民地精英占大陆会议代表的大多数,他们清楚地意识到,革命的成功需要大部分人口的支持。为了争取殖民地社会各阶层的支持,他们采取了多层面的动员方式。酒馆尤其是殖民地社会生活的重要中心。酒馆不仅是喝酒的地方,还是交流和讨论新闻、谣言和政治观点的聚会场所。革命领袖利用这些场所传播他们的思想,有时以歌曲、祝酒词或热烈讨论的形式进行。商人也是必不可少的,他们不仅是革命事业的资助者,还因为他们可以通过抵制和其他形式的经济反抗英国政策来影响民众。律师精通英国法律和启蒙哲学,为革命提供了思想上的依据,他们从法律和道德的角度阐述了殖民者的不满。工匠和技术工人在城市人口中占很大比例,在动员群众方面发挥着重要作用。无论是为战争生产物资,还是积极参与示威游行和抵抗行动,他们的技能对革命事业都至关重要。宣传也是赢得民心的重要工具。通常由著名思想家撰写的小册子,如托马斯-潘恩(Thomas Paine)著名的《常识》,在传播革命思想方面发挥了重要作用。报纸上有关英国不公正的报道则扩大了反英情绪。综合这些因素,革命领袖们得以编织出一个跨越殖民地社会不同阶层的支持网络。这种动员不仅是美国革命取得初步成功的重要保证,也是美国革命在面临重大挑战时保持长期生命力的重要保证。美国革命不是下层阶级的革命,而是殖民地精英的叛乱,他们从英国政府那里寻求更大的权力和自主权。他们成功地动员了全体人民,为自己的事业赢得了支持。然而,最终正是这些殖民地精英的行动和决定导致了美国的独立。[[File:Battle of Lexington, 1775.png|thumb|列克星敦之旅》,尼古拉斯-庞塞(Nicolas Ponce,1775-1819 年,无日期)创作的列克星敦战役版画。]]


[[File:Battle of Lexington, 1775.png|thumb|Journée de Lexington, engraving of the battle of Lexington by Nicolas Ponce (undated 1775-1819).]]
1775 年,殖民者与英国王室之间的紧张关系达到了爆发点。殖民地骚乱四起,许多殖民者开始认为对抗不可避免。在对抗前夕,马萨诸塞州已经成为革命活动的温床,这与英国最近在那里实施的制裁不无关系。1775 年 4 月 19 日,火药桶爆炸了。英军在前往康科德夺取军火库的途中,在莱克星顿与美国民兵遭遇。尽管严令不得开火,但一声巨响--著名的 "枪声响彻云霄"--战斗还是打响了。最后,英军撤回波士顿,一路上都受到民兵的骚扰。虽然莱克星顿战役在战斗和伤亡方面相对较小,但其象征性影响却是巨大的。它体现了美国人捍卫自身权利和自治的决心。它还代表着与英国的最终决裂,将政治反抗转变为独立战争。马萨诸塞州的波士顿、莱克星顿和康科德镇在这些初步事件中发挥了核心作用。由于其在抵抗运动中的领导作用以及作为第一场战役的发生地,马萨诸塞州赢得了 "独立摇篮 "的美誉。正是在这里,自由和独立的理想转化为具体行动,使 13 个殖民地走上了革命的道路。为此,第二次大陆会议在费城召开,会议决定组建一支军队,保卫殖民地抵御英国。这支军队被称为 "大陆军"(Continental Army),由乔治-华盛顿(George Washington)负责,他后来成为这支军队的总司令和美国革命的关键人物。这是殖民地走向独立的关键一步,标志着有组织的抗英军事行动的开始。


In 1775, tensions between the colonists and the British Crown reached a breaking point. The colonies were seething with unrest, and many colonists began to believe that confrontation was inevitable. On the eve of this confrontation, Massachusetts was already a hotbed of revolutionary activity, not least because of the recent British sanctions imposed there. On 19 April 1775, the powder keg burst. British troops, on their way to seize an arsenal at Concord, were confronted by American militiamen at Lexington. Despite strict orders not to fire, a bang rang out - the famous "shot heard around the world" - and the fighting began. At the end of the day, the British withdrew to Boston, harassed by militia all the way. Although the Battle of Lexington was relatively minor in terms of fighting and casualties, its symbolic impact was colossal. It crystallised the determination of the Americans to defend their rights and autonomy. It also represented the final break with Great Britain, transforming a political revolt into a war of independence. Massachusetts, with its towns of Boston, Lexington and Concord, played a central role in these preliminary events. Because of its leading role in the resistance and as the scene of the first battles, it earned its reputation as the "cradle of independence". It was here that the ideals of freedom and independence were transformed into concrete action, setting the thirteen colonies on the road to revolution. In response, a second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia, where the decision was taken to form an army to defend the colonies against the British. This army, known as the Continental Army, was entrusted to George Washington, who was to become the army's commander-in-chief and a key figure in the American Revolution. This was a crucial step towards the independence of the colonies, and marked the beginning of organised military resistance against the British.
乔治-华盛顿身材魁梧,举止沉稳,是许多人心目中领导力的缩影。他在第二次大陆会议上被选为大陆军总司令绝非偶然。华盛顿来自强大的弗吉尼亚殖民地,在殖民地政治中发挥着关键作用。作为一个有影响力的弗吉尼亚人,他的领导能力加强了殖民地之间的团结,平衡了北方殖民地和南方殖民地之间的权力。他的财富和土地所有权,再加上他的奴隶制,标志着他在经济上的独立,以及他不会腐败或徇私的信念。对于国会代表来说,他是一个不会因为反抗英国而获得任何个人利益的人,也不会轻易被高级职位所提供的权力或财富所诱惑。但除了他的社会地位外,他的军事经验也至关重要。虽然他在印法战争中的战绩有好有坏,但他在指挥和战术方面获得了宝贵的经验。此外,在那场战争中的磨难让他了解到北美战争的困难和挑战,这些知识在未来的战争中将被证明是无价之宝。最后,他的爱国主义和对美国事业的承诺使他在同时代人眼中值得信赖。乔治-华盛顿也许不是那个时代最有成就的军事战略家,但他的正直、奉献精神和团结不同背景人民的能力使他成为领导殖民地寻求独立的理想人选。


George Washington, with his imposing stature and calm demeanour, was for many the epitome of leadership. His selection as Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army at the Second Continental Congress was no accident. Washington came from the powerful colony of Virginia, which played a key role in colonial politics. As an influential Virginian, his leadership strengthened inter-colonial solidarity, balancing power between the Northern and Southern colonies. His wealth and land ownership, combined with his slaveholding, signalled his financial independence, and the belief that he would be above corruption or favouritism. To the delegates of Congress, he was a man who had nothing to gain personally by rebelling against Britain and who would not be easily tempted by the power or wealth offered by high office. But beyond his social stature, it was his military experience that proved crucial. Although his record in the Franco-Indian War had been mixed, he had gained invaluable experience of command and tactics. In addition, his ordeal in that war had taught him about the difficulties and challenges of warfare in North America, knowledge that would prove invaluable in the war to come. Finally, his proven patriotism and commitment to the American cause made him trustworthy in the eyes of his contemporaries. George Washington may not have been the most accomplished military strategist of his time, but his integrity, dedication and ability to unite people from different backgrounds made him the ideal choice to lead the colonies in their quest for independence.
殖民地之间的团结是他们共同对抗英国取得成功的关键。北方殖民地和南方殖民地之间的经济、社会和文化差异可能会成为寻求独立的突破点。然而,任命弗吉尼亚人乔治-华盛顿(George Washington)为总司令是加强这种团结的战略举措。弗吉尼亚州是殖民地中最大和最富有的地区,在殖民地政治中具有相当大的影响力。由弗吉尼亚人担任大陆军总司令,传递了一个强烈的信息,即革命努力不仅仅是北方殖民地的事情,而是一场泛美运动。北方殖民地,尤其是马萨诸塞州,是许多反英抗议和运动的中心,如波士顿茶会和莱克星顿战役。然而,独立运动要想取得成功,就必须超越地区界限。选择华盛顿领导军队确保了南方不仅在政治和经济上,而且在军事上投入到独立运动中。对乔治-华盛顿的任命不仅是基于他的个人品质,也是一项更广泛战略的一部分,旨在团结和动员所有13个殖民地与英国统治作斗争。[[Fichier:Declaration independence.jpg|thumb|center|400px|向国会提交宣言的最终文本。]]


Unity between the colonies was essential to their collective success against Britain. The dynamics between the northern and southern colonies, with their economic, social and cultural differences, could have been a breaking point in the quest for independence. However, the appointment of George Washington, a Virginian, as commander-in-chief was a strategic manoeuvre to strengthen this unity. Virginia was the largest and wealthiest of the colonies, with considerable influence in colonial politics. Having a Virginian at the head of the Continental Army sent a strong message that the revolutionary effort was not simply a Northern colonial affair, but a pan-American movement. The Northern colonies, particularly Massachusetts, were at the centre of many anti-British protests and movements, such as the Boston Tea Party and the Battle of Lexington. To succeed, however, the independence movement had to transcend regional boundaries. The choice of Washington to lead the army ensured that the South would be invested in the cause, not only politically and economically, but also militarily. George Washington's appointment was not only based on his individual qualities, but was also part of a wider strategy to unite and mobilise all of the Thirteen Colonies in their fight against British rule.[[Fichier:Declaration independence.jpg|thumb|center|400px|The presentation of the final text of the declaration to Congress.Painting by John Trumbull.]]
= 独立宣言 =


= The Declaration of Independence =
[[Image:Constitution-etats-unis-thomas-paine.png|thumbnail|300px|right|托马斯-潘在《常识》中提出的美国宪法,1776 年]]


[[Image:Constitution-etats-unis-thomas-paine.png|thumbnail|300px|right|Constitution of the United States as proposed by Thomas Paine in Common Sense, 1776]]
乔治-华盛顿作为大陆军总司令面临着无数挑战。他不仅要领导一支经验不足、装备落后的军队,还要在巨大的逆境中鼓舞和保持军队的士气。此外,他还必须争取平民百姓的支持,因为只有得到民众的支持,军队才会强大。


George Washington faced countless challenges as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army. Not only did he have to lead a largely inexperienced and ill-equipped army, but he also had to inspire and maintain the morale of the troops in the face of formidable adversity. Moreover, it was essential to rally the support of the civilian population, for an army is only as strong as the support it receives from its population.
在这方面,托马斯-潘恩的作品,尤其是他的小册子《常识》起了决定性的作用。1776年1月出版的《常识》挑战了英王的权威,倡导建立一个独立的美国共和国。他清晰有力的论点激励了美国公众,改变了许多殖民者对他们与英国关系的看法。潘恩慷慨激昂的散文为独立的必要性提供了令人信服的论据,并有助于强调英国统治的不公正。对于普通民众来说,政治辩论往往显得抽象或遥远,而潘恩却有才华让广大读者理解他的论点,帮助加强民众对革命事业的支持。华盛顿在战场上作战,巩固大陆军并与英军交战,而潘恩则在意识形态领域作战,用维持战争所需的论点和决心武装殖民者。两人都以各自的方式在殖民地走向独立的道路上发挥了至关重要的作用。


In this context, the work of Thomas Paine, in particular his pamphlet Common Sense, was decisive. Published in January 1776, Common Sense challenged the authority of the British king and advocated the idea of an independent American republic. His clear and forceful arguments galvanised the American public, changing the way many colonists perceived their relationship with Britain. Paine's impassioned prose provided compelling arguments for the need for independence, and helped to highlight the injustices of British rule. While political debates can often seem abstract or remote to the average citizen, Paine had the talent to make his arguments accessible to a wide audience, helping to strengthen popular support for the revolutionary cause. While Washington fought on the battlefield, consolidating the Continental Army and engaging British troops, Paine fought on the ideological front, arming the colonists with the arguments and determination needed to sustain the war. Both men, each in their own way, played crucial roles in the colonies' path to independence.
托马斯-潘恩的《常识》对美国殖民者的集体意识产生了重大影响。在这部煽情的作品中,潘恩打破了传统逻辑,直接挑战英国对美洲殖民地统治的合法性。他用简单直接的语言,诉诸普通公民的理性和常识,驳斥了英国君主制对殖民地有益甚至必要的观点。潘恩表达的观点--谈判的时代已经过去,现在是彻底决裂的时候了--引起了许多殖民者的强烈共鸣。这本小册子的销售速度证明了它的影响力。在一个没有互联网和电视的时代,《常识》这样的出版物能够病毒式传播是一项了不起的壮举。从这个角度来看,如果我们把 12 万册的销量与美国目前的人口数量相提并论,那么它就相当于今天几百万册的销量。在第二次大陆会议上,代表们就《独立宣言》的优劣展开辩论,气氛充满了期待和不确定性。在此背景下,潘恩的著作提供了可喜的清晰度,慷慨激昂地号召人们采取行动,坚定了领袖们走向独立的决心。常识》中提出的理想与日益增长的自决愿望相结合,最终促成了世界历史上的分水岭--《独立宣言》的发表。


Thomas Paine, with "Common Sense", had a remarkable impact on the collective consciousness of the American colonists. In this incendiary work, Paine defied conventional logic and directly challenged the legitimacy of British rule over the American colonies. Using simple, direct language, he appealed to the reason and common sense of the average citizen, debunking the idea that the British monarchy was beneficial or even necessary for the good of the colonies. The sentiment Paine expressed - that the time for negotiations was over and the time had come for a clean break - resonated deeply with many colonists. The speed with which the pamphlet sold is testament to its influence. In an age without internet or television, the viral spread of a publication such as 'Common Sense' was a remarkable feat. To put this into perspective, if we proportioned the sale of 120,000 copies to the current population of the United States, it would be equivalent to several million copies sold today. As delegates debated the merits of the Declaration of Independence at the Second Continental Congress, the atmosphere was charged with anticipation and uncertainty. Against this backdrop, Paine's work provided welcome clarity, an impassioned call to action, strengthening the resolve of the leaders to move towards independence. The combination of the ideals set out in Common Sense and the growing desire for self-determination eventually led to the Declaration of Independence, a watershed in world history.
殖民地的社会文化背景在许多方面都是独一无二的。其中一个独特之处是殖民地居民的识字率高得惊人,尤其是与同时代的世界其他地区相比。这种博学为思想的快速有效传播铺平了道路,尤其是通过印刷文学。托马斯-潘恩(Thomas Paine)的小册子《常识》正是在这个知识饥渴的社会中诞生的。殖民者阅读、理解和讨论小册子内容的能力扩大了它的影响。酒馆、公共广场和教堂成了生动活泼的讨论场所,人们在这里对潘恩的论点进行辩论、辩护和剖析。革命思想和当地发生的事件交织在一起,形成了一种热烈的气氛。随着英国从波士顿撤军等早期军事胜利的消息传到费城,独立的呼声更加高涨。已经倾向于与英国决裂的第二次大陆会议受到了这些事态发展的激励。在这种充满活力的背景下,潘恩的作品不仅仅是呼吁人们采取行动,它还是一种催化剂,加速了一场已经开始的运动。他强有力的言论与战场上不断变化的现实相结合,产生了一种合力,最终导致殖民地宣布独立,并寻求建立一个新的国家。


The socio-cultural context of the colonies was unique in many ways. One of these distinctive aspects was the astonishingly high literacy rate among the colonists, particularly in comparison with other parts of the world at the same time. This erudition paved the way for the rapid and effective spread of ideas, particularly through printed literature. Thomas Paine's pamphlet "Common Sense" fell squarely into this knowledge-hungry society. The ability of the colonists to read, understand and discuss the contents of the pamphlet amplified its impact. Taverns, public squares and churches became lively discussion forums where Paine's arguments were debated, defended and dissected. The confluence of revolutionary ideas and events on the ground created an electric atmosphere. As news of early military victories, such as the British withdrawal from Boston, reached Philadelphia, it strengthened the case for independence. The Second Continental Congress, already inclined towards a break with Britain, was galvanised by these developments. In this dynamic context, Paine's work was not simply a call to action; it was a catalyst, accelerating a movement that was already underway. His powerful rhetoric, combined with the changing reality on the battlefield, created a synergy that eventually led to the colonies' declaration of independence and their quest to form a new nation.
1776 年 7 月 4 日,一个如今已载入美国史册的日子,大陆会议通过了《独立宣言》,标志着殖民地与英国王室之间关系的一个决定性转折点。这一大胆的决定并非一时冲动的结果,而是多年来与英国的挫折、紧张和对抗的结晶。文件本身主要由托马斯-杰斐逊撰写,约翰-亚当斯、本杰明-富兰克林等人对其进行了贡献和修改。它以启蒙运动的原则为基础,阐明了这一决定背后的哲学思想。杰斐逊巧妙地阐明了一个信念,即人人生而平等,拥有不可剥夺的权利,包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。通过这一宣言,殖民地不仅仅是切断了与英国的联系,而是建立了一个基于自由、平等和民主理想的新秩序。独立宣言》不仅仅是一次反叛行动,更是对新型政府和社会的大胆设想,它将继续影响世界各地的自由和人权运动。


On 4 July 1776, a date now engraved in American history, the Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence, marking a decisive turning point in relations between the colonies and the British crown. This bold decision was not the result of a moment's impetus, but the culmination of years of frustration, tension and confrontation with Great Britain. The document itself, mainly the work of Thomas Jefferson, with contributions and modifications by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin and others, is more than just an announcement of separation. It articulates the philosophy behind the decision, based on the principles of the Enlightenment. Jefferson masterfully articulated the belief that all men are created equal, endowed with inalienable rights, including those to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. With this proclamation, the colonies were not simply severing their ties with Great Britain; they were establishing a new order based on the ideals of freedom, equality and democracy. The Declaration of Independence was not just an act of rebellion, but a bold vision of a new kind of government and society that would continue to influence freedom and human rights movements around the world.
美国独立宣言》是一部建国文献,也是对新国家基本原则的大胆宣示。其序言唤起了一个普遍真理,即 "人人生而平等"。这不是简单地肯定身体或智力上的平等,而是承认每个人固有的尊严和权利。宣言》将这些权利称为 "不可剥夺的",承认这些权利不是政府赋予的,而是人类与生俱来的。生命、自由和追求幸福是每个人生来就拥有的基本权利。宣言》还明确指出,政府的主要职责是保障和保护这些权利。不仅如此,《宣言》还为革命和反叛提供了激进的理由。宣言》认为,如果一个政府不尊重或侵犯这些基本权利,它就失去了合法性。在这种情况下,人民不仅有权利,而且有义务寻求改变甚至推翻失败的政府,以建立一个能够更好地保护他们的权利和自由的制度。这一理念不仅为美国革命奠定了基础,也影响了世界各地的许多其他解放和改革运动。


The American Declaration of Independence is a founding text and a bold proclamation of the principles underpinning the new nation. Its preamble evokes a universal truth, stating that "all men are created equal". This is not simply an affirmation of physical or intellectual equality, but rather a recognition of the intrinsic dignity and rights of each individual. By stating these rights as "inalienable", the Declaration recognises that these rights are not granted by government, but are inherent in human nature. Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are fundamental rights that each person possesses simply by being born. It is also clearly stated that the primary role of government is to guarantee and protect these rights. More than that, the Declaration offers a radical justification for revolution and rebellion. It posits that if a government fails to respect or violate these fundamental rights, it loses its legitimacy. In such circumstances, the people not only have the right, but also the duty, to seek to change, or even overthrow, that failing government in favour of a system that better protects their rights and freedoms. This philosophy not only laid the foundations for the American Revolution, but also influenced many other liberation and reform movements around the world.
独立宣言》以其强有力的语言和深刻的原则,大胆地背离了当时的政治惯例。在欧洲,君主制、等级制和君权神授仍是主流规范,而美国殖民者则提出了另一种模式:一个基于公民同意的政府,权力来自人民的意愿。无论身份或出身如何,所有人都拥有不可剥夺的权利,这一观点具有革命性意义。这些权利可以在专制政府面前得到捍卫,人民在道义上有权反抗和重塑政府,这些观念为新的政治秩序奠定了基础。这些思想的影响不仅限于新生的美国本土。法国、拉丁美洲、欧洲和其他地方的革命者借鉴了《宣言》的言论和原则,支持自己争取自由和正义的斗争。宣言》对自由、平等和人民主权的呼吁在世界最遥远的角落回荡,推动了争取人权、民主和民族自决的运动。事实上,《独立宣言》已不仅仅是一个新国家的自治宣言。它已成为一座灯塔,为所有渴望自由和人类尊严的人照亮了道路。它的遗产不仅存在于美国的制度和价值观中,而且继续激励着世界各地一代又一代的人权捍卫者。


The Declaration of Independence, with its powerful language and profound principles, represented a bold departure from the political conventions of its time. While monarchy, hierarchy and the divine right of kings were still dominant norms in Europe, the American colonists proposed an alternative model: a government based on the consent of the citizens, where power was derived from the will of the people. The idea that all individuals possessed inalienable rights, regardless of their status or birth, was revolutionary. The notion that these rights could be defended against an oppressive government, and that the people had a moral right to resist and reshape that government, laid the foundations for a new political order. The influence of these ideas was not limited to the borders of the fledgling United States. Revolutionaries in France, Latin America, Europe and elsewhere drew on the Declaration's rhetoric and principles to support their own struggles for freedom and justice. Its call for freedom, equality and popular sovereignty echoed in the farthest corners of the world, spurring movements for human rights, democracy and national self-determination. Indeed, the Declaration of Independence became much more than a proclamation of autonomy for a new nation. It has become a beacon, lighting the way for all those who aspire to freedom and human dignity. Its legacy lives on not only in American institutions and values, but also in the inspiration it continues to offer to generations of human rights defenders around the world.
独立宣言》既是自治的宣言,也是对英国王室的控诉。宣言》主要由托马斯-杰斐逊撰写,其中列出了对英王乔治三世的一系列不满,说明他如何经常侵犯殖民者的权利,使殖民者所珍视的正义和代议制政府的理想受到质疑。对国王的指控说明了一种压迫性的治理模式,在这种模式下,公民的基本权利经常遭到践踏。例如,国王未经殖民者同意就征税,未经殖民者允许就在他们家中驻军,解散他们的立法机构。但《宣言》不仅仅是批评,它还提出了一个愿景。它提出了普遍人权的概念,以及政府权力应以被统治者的同意为基础的理念。该文件宣称,当政府违背这一原则时,人民不仅有权利而且有义务推翻它。对 "天意 "的提及强化了这样一种观点,即殖民地的行动不仅在政治上是合理的,而且在道德和精神上也是合理的。对 "天意 "的援引表明,寻求独立符合自然规律和普遍规律,殖民者争取自由的斗争在上帝眼中是公正合法的。独立宣言》的力量不仅在于它对国王的控诉,还在于它对正义、自由和自决的普遍呼吁。通过界定人民管理自己的权利,《独立宣言》开创了一个先例,激励着世界各地世世代代的人权和自由运动。


The Declaration of Independence was both a proclamation of self-government and an indictment of the British Crown. Written primarily by Thomas Jefferson, it listed a series of grievances against King George III, showing how he had regularly violated the rights of the colonists, calling into question the ideals of justice and representative government that the colonists cherished. The charges against the King served to illustrate an oppressive model of governance, in which the fundamental rights of citizens were regularly trampled underfoot. For example, the King had imposed taxes without the colonists' consent, housed troops in their homes without their permission and dissolved their legislatures. But the Declaration didn't just criticise; it also set out a vision. It presented a conception of universal human rights, and the idea that governmental power should be based on the consent of the governed. When government betrays this principle, the document declared, the people have not only the right but also the duty to overthrow it. The reference to "divine providence" reinforces the idea that the actions of the colonies were not only politically justified, but also morally and spiritually justified. This invocation of divine providence suggested that the quest for independence was in harmony with natural and universal laws, and that the colonists' fight for freedom was just and legitimate in the eyes of God. The strength of the Declaration of Independence lies not only in its accusations against a king, but in its universal call for justice, freedom and self-determination. By defining the right of peoples to govern themselves, it set a precedent that would inspire movements for human rights and freedom around the world for generations to come.
独立宣言》大胆宣布美国殖民地自治。通过宣布他们有权 "缔造和平、结成联盟和进行商业活动",《宣言》宣称了一个主权国家的所有特权。这些权利不仅是帝国或世界强国的特权,也是任何自治政治实体的基本属性。明确提出这些权利是殖民地表示与英国彻底决裂的一种方式。他们不仅要摆脱专制王权,还要承担主权带来的所有角色和责任。通过求助于 "世界的最高审判者",《宣言》的起草者援引了更高的道德和精神权威来证明他们的独立追求是正当的。他们在暗示,他们的事业不仅是政治性的,而且在道德上和普遍意义上也是正当的。这种超验的提法强化了这样一种观念,即独立不仅仅是一个方便或权宜的问题,而是一个道德上的当务之急。通过请求 "天意的保护",签署者表明了他们对更高力量的信仰,他们希望这种力量能指引他们为自由而战。这既是对他们深信其事业是正义的肯定,也是对他们即将面临的不确定性和挑战的承认。简而言之,《独立宣言》虽然是一份政治文件,但也充满了精神力量,反映了起草者和签署者的希望、信仰和深刻信念。


The Declaration of Independence established a bold proclamation of autonomy for the American colonies. By declaring their right to "make peace, enter into alliances, and carry on commerce", it claimed all the prerogatives of a sovereign nation. These rights are not just privileges reserved for empires or world powers, but essential attributes of any autonomous political entity. Explicitly stating these rights was a way for the colonies to signify their complete and definitive break with Great Britain. They sought not only to free themselves from a tyrannical crown, but also to assume all the roles and responsibilities that come with sovereignty. By turning to the "supreme judge of the world", the drafters of the Declaration were invoking a higher moral and spiritual authority to justify their quest for independence. They were suggesting that their cause was not only political, but also ethically and universally justified. This transcendental reference reinforced the idea that independence was not simply a matter of convenience or expediency, but a moral imperative. By asking for "the protection of divine providence", the signatories were demonstrating their faith in a higher power that they hoped would guide them in their fight for freedom. It was both an affirmation of their deep conviction that their cause was just and an acknowledgement of the uncertainty and challenges they were about to face. In short, the Declaration of Independence, while a political document, was also imbued with spirituality, reflecting the hopes, beliefs and profound convictions of its drafters and signatories.
尽管《独立宣言》雄辩滔滔,具有重要的哲学意义,但它实际上只是为争取自治而进行的长期而艰苦斗争的开端。这一大胆的宣言绝不是成功的保证。仅仅宣布独立是不够的,还必须在战场上捍卫并赢得独立。宣言发表后的美国独立战争对殖民地来说是一场漫长而代价高昂的磨难。面对当时世界上最强大的国家之一,这场战争展现了美国人的决心和韧性。这场战争充满了胜利、失败、背叛和无数的牺牲。值得注意的是,在战争激烈进行的同时,国际上对美国作为一个独立国家的可行性存在着很大的怀疑。许多国家谨慎观望,在确定美国有能力对抗英国之前,不愿正式承认这个新国家。直到1781年在约克镇的胜利(主要是在法国的帮助下),英国才最终认识到战争已经失败。1783年签署的《巴黎条约》确定了这一认识。该条约不仅承认美国是一个主权国家,还确定了有利的边界,并赋予美国人重要的捕鱼权。因此,尽管《独立宣言》是美国历史上的关键时刻,但它只是考验这个年轻国家的决心、团结和勇气的开始。


The Declaration of Independence, for all its eloquence and philosophical significance, was in reality only the beginning of a long and ardent struggle for autonomy. This bold proclamation by no means guaranteed success. The simple declaration of independence was not enough; it had to be defended and won on the battlefield. The American War of Independence, which followed the Declaration, was a long and costly ordeal for the colonies. It demonstrated the determination and resilience of the Americans in the face of one of the greatest world powers of the time. The war was marked by victories, defeats, betrayals and countless sacrifices. It is also interesting to note that while the war raged, there was a great deal of international scepticism about the viability of the United States as an independent nation. Many nations watched cautiously, reluctant to officially recognise this new nation until they were certain of its ability to stand up to Britain. It was not until the victory at Yorktown in 1781, largely aided by the French, that Britain finally recognised that the war was lost. The Treaty of Paris, signed in 1783, sealed this recognition. Not only did it recognise the United States as a sovereign nation, it also established favourable borders and granted significant fishing rights to the Americans. So although the Declaration of Independence was a pivotal moment in American history, it was only the beginning of an ordeal that would test the determination, unity and courage of the young nation.
美国独立宣言》是现代史上最具影响力的文本之一。它使用自然权利的语言,阐述了个人与生俱来就拥有不可剥夺权利的理念,这些权利不是政府赋予的,而是独立于政府而存在的。尽管这一理念源于约翰-洛克等思想家的著作,但在《宣言》中得到了如此直接而有力的表达,从而在集体意识中产生了深刻的共鸣。同样具有革命性的是,政府的合法性只能来自 "被统治者的同意"。它推翻了传统的主权逻辑,即君主通过神权或武力进行统治。相反,《宣言》认为人民才是权力的真正来源,如果政府侵犯了人民的权利,人民不仅有权利而且有义务推翻或改变它。这一思想产生了世界性的影响。独立宣言》中阐述的理念直接或间接地激励了其他革命运动,如法国大革命,以及拉丁美洲、亚洲和非洲的独立运动。此外,《宣言》的语言和思想继续被世界各地的人权、民主和自决捍卫者引用和援引。独立宣言》已成为自由和反抗压迫的普遍象征。


The American Declaration of Independence is one of the most influential texts in modern history. Using the language of natural rights, it set out the philosophy that individuals are born with inalienable rights, and that these rights are not granted by government, but exist independently of it. It is an idea that, although it has roots in the writings of thinkers such as John Locke, was expressed so directly and powerfully in the Declaration that it resonated deeply in the collective consciousness. Equally revolutionary was the notion that a government derives its legitimacy only from the "consent of the governed". It overturned the traditional logic of sovereignty, according to which monarchies ruled by divine right or by force. Instead, the Declaration argued that the people were the true source of power and that, if a government violated the rights of the people, it was not only the right but also the duty of the people to overthrow or change it. This idea had a worldwide impact. The concepts set out in the Declaration of Independence inspired, directly or indirectly, other revolutionary movements, such as the French Revolution, as well as independence movements in Latin America, Asia and Africa. Moreover, the language and ideas of the Declaration continue to be cited and invoked by defenders of human rights, democracy and self-determination around the world. The Declaration of Independence has become a universal symbol of freedom and resistance to oppression.
尽管《独立宣言》是一部开创性的著作,但它也承载了其所处时代的矛盾和局限。所宣称的 "人人生而平等 "的理想与社会中大部分人被边缘化和受压迫的实际现实之间的矛盾,是美国历史上最大的悖论之一。许多国父,包括《宣言》的主要起草人托马斯-杰斐逊,都拥有奴隶。这些人在为自己摆脱殖民统治而奋斗的同时,也剥夺了其他人的自由。这种矛盾不仅在当时显而易见,而且在美国历史上一直存在,引发了争论、分裂,并最终导致了内战。同样,尽管妇女在殖民地社会中扮演着重要角色,但她们在很大程度上被排除在政治讨论之外,无法享有与男性同等的权利和保护。她们争取平等权利的斗争直到十九世纪才取得进展,并将持续整个二十世纪。早在欧洲人到来之前就生活在美洲大陆上的美洲原住民,在有关独立和权利的对话中基本上被忽视了,尽管他们的土地往往是定居者和英国王室之间冲突的核心。通过 21 世纪的棱镜来审视《独立宣言》,有必要对其背景进行梳理。它是朝着自由和人权理念迈出的不朽一步,但也是不完美时代的不完美产物。随后为实现包容、正义和平等而进行的斗争证明了该文件的局限性,但也证明了其鼓舞人心的潜力。


Although the Declaration of Independence was a pioneering work, it carried with it the contradictions and limitations of the times in which it was written. The tension between the stated ideal that "all men are created equal" and the practical reality of a society that marginalised and oppressed large segments of its population is one of the great paradoxes of American history. Many of the Founding Fathers, including Thomas Jefferson, the principal drafter of the Declaration, owned slaves. These men fought for their own liberation from colonial rule while simultaneously depriving other human beings of their freedom. This contradiction was not only evident at the time, but has persisted throughout American history, provoking debate, division and, ultimately, civil war. Similarly, women, despite their crucial role in colonial society, were largely excluded from political deliberations and did not enjoy the same rights and protections as their male counterparts. Their struggle for equal rights would not gain ground until the nineteenth century and would continue throughout the twentieth century. Native Americans, who lived on the continent long before the arrival of Europeans, were largely ignored in the conversation about independence and rights, even though their land was often at the heart of conflicts between settlers and the British crown. In examining the Declaration of Independence through the prism of the 21st century, it is essential to contextualise it. It was a monumental step towards the idea of freedom and human rights, but it was also an imperfect product of an imperfect time. The struggles for inclusion, justice and equality that followed are testament to the document's limitations, but also to its inspiring potential.
1776 年起草的《独立宣言》是那个时代的产物,带有那个时代的愿望、偏见和矛盾。它既象征着启蒙运动最崇高的理想,如自由、平等和不可剥夺的权利,也象征着殖民社会不太光彩的现实,即实行奴隶制、妇女边缘化和剥夺土著居民的权利。文件本身是反对暴政、争取自决的大胆宣言。但同时,它也反映了当时的局限性。例如,当杰斐逊写到 "人人生而平等 "时,他并没有考虑到在他自己的种植园里被奴役的人们,也没有考虑到几十年来无法享有与男性同等政治权利的妇女。然而,尽管存在缺陷,《独立宣言》仍成为历史上无数民权和解放运动的里程碑和灵感源泉,不仅在美国如此,在全世界也是如此。它为一个国家奠定了基础,尽管这个国家并不完美,但它一直渴望实现其宣称的理想。今天,在阅读《宣言》时,我们不禁想起公民警惕的重要性、民主的不断发展以及捍卫和扩大所有人权利的必要性。宣言》是人类希望和决心的见证,这份文件虽然植根于那个时代,但却超越时空,激励着后人。


The Declaration of Independence, drafted in 1776, was a product of its time, marked by the aspirations, prejudices and contradictions of the era. It symbolises both the noblest ideals of the Enlightenment, such as freedom, equality and inalienable rights, and the less glamorous realities of a colonial society that practised slavery, marginalised women and dispossessed the indigenous population. The document itself is a bold proclamation against tyranny and for self-determination. But at the same time, it reflects the limitations of its time. For example, when Jefferson wrote that "all men are created equal", he did not take into account the people enslaved on his own plantations or the women who, for decades, would not have the same political rights as men. However, despite its shortcomings, the Declaration of Independence has served as a landmark and inspiration for countless civil rights and liberation movements throughout history, not only in the United States but throughout the world. It laid the foundations for a nation that, while imperfect, constantly aspires to achieve its declared ideals. In reading it today, we are reminded of the importance of civic vigilance, of the constant evolution of democracy, and of the need to defend and expand rights for all. The Declaration is a testament to human hope and determination, a document that, while rooted in its time, transcends time to inspire future generations.
= 战争的继续 =


= Continuation of the war =
美国独立战争又称美国革命,源于北美十三英属殖民地居民与英国之间日益紧张的关系。这些矛盾主要集中在代表权和税收问题上,最终殖民者发出了著名的号召:"没有代表权就没有税收": "没有代表就没有税收"。这场决定性战争的第一枪于 1775 年 4 月 19 日在马萨诸塞州的莱克星顿和康科德打响。这些最初的冲突为这场冲突奠定了基调,这场冲突不仅分裂了英国及其殖民地,也分裂了殖民者本身。一方是爱国者,主要由大陆军组成,他们渴望独立和自由。与他们对立的是保皇派,他们是选择忠于英国王室的殖民者,得到了英国正规军的支持。随着战争的推进,爱国者们找到了意想不到的盟友。1777 年的萨拉托加战役通常被认为是战争的转折点,它导致法国代表美国人进行正式干预。法国提供了重要的军事和财政支持,而包括西班牙和荷兰在内的其他欧洲国家也开辟了其他战场,向英国发起挑战。在最著名的战役中,除了最早的列克星敦战役和康科德战役外,邦克山战役、萨拉托加战役和约克镇战役尤为突出。尤其是约克镇,它是 1781 年战争中最后一次大规模对峙。在这里,康沃利斯将军指挥的英军被美法联军围困,最终被迫投降。然而,战争并没有在约克镇战役后立即结束。零星的战斗一直持续到 1783 年签署《巴黎条约》。该条约标志着冲突的正式结束,英国最终承认了美国的独立。这场具有共和和民主理想的战争留下了持久的遗产,在随后的岁月里激发了许多独立运动和革命。


The American War of Independence, also known as the American Revolution, arose from growing tensions between the residents of the Thirteen British Colonies in North America and Great Britain. These tensions centred mainly on issues of representation and taxation, culminating in the colonists' famous rallying cry: "No taxation without representation". The first shots of this decisive war were fired on 19 April 1775 at Lexington and Concord, Massachusetts. These initial clashes set the tone for a conflict that was to divide not only Great Britain and its colonies, but also the colonists themselves. On one side were the Patriots, mainly composed of the Continental Army, who wanted independence and freedom. Opposing them were the Loyalists, colonists who chose to remain loyal to the British Crown, supported by the British regular army. As the war progressed, the Patriots found unexpected allies. The Battle of Saratoga in 1777, often considered the turning point of the war, led to a formal intervention by France on behalf of the Americans. The French provided essential military and financial support, while other European nations, including Spain and the Netherlands, also challenged Britain by opening other war fronts. Among the most notable battles, in addition to the first ones at Lexington and Concord, Bunker Hill, Saratoga and Yorktown stand out. Yorktown, in particular, saw the last major confrontation of the war in 1781. Here, British troops under the command of General Cornwallis were besieged and eventually forced to surrender by an alliance of American and French troops. The war, however, did not end immediately after Yorktown. Sporadic fighting continued until 1783, when the Treaty of Paris was signed. This treaty marked the official end of the conflict, with Great Britain finally recognising the independence of the United States. This war, with its republican and democratic ideals, left a lasting legacy, inspiring many independence movements and revolutions in the years that followed.
美国独立战争对年轻的美国来说是一场艰苦卓绝的磨难。主要由民兵和志愿者组成的大陆军往往寡不敌众,资源不足,难以抵挡英国组织严密的军事力量。这支军队的兵力起伏不定,大部分时间在 4000 到 7000 人之间。其中许多士兵缺乏经验,装备落后,也没有受过常规战争战术的训练。此外,后勤方面的困难,包括补给品和食物的短缺,常常打击部队的士气。相比之下,英军兵强马壮,经费充足,在冲突期间的某些时候,英军士兵多达 35000 人。这支令人印象深刻的部队并非完全由英国人组成。英国还使用雇佣兵,主要是德国人(通常被称为 "黑森人"),但也有来自爱尔兰等其他欧洲国家的军队,其次是俄罗斯。这些部队专业且训练有素,在纪律和装备方面都占有优势。这两支军队之间明显的不平等使得殖民者的战斗更加令人印象深刻。大陆军赢得的每一场胜利,无论付出多大代价,都象征着他们在面对远胜于自己的敌人时争取独立的决心和韧性。


The American War of Independence was an arduous ordeal for the young United States. Often outnumbered and under-resourced, the Continental Army, made up mainly of militiamen and volunteers, found it difficult to stand up to the well-organised military might of Great Britain. The strength of this army fluctuated, most of the time between 4,000 and 7,000 men. Many of these soldiers were inexperienced, ill-equipped and untrained in conventional war tactics. In addition, logistical difficulties, including shortages of supplies and food, often undermined the morale of the troops. In contrast, the British Army was strong and well-funded, boasting up to 35,000 soldiers at certain times during the conflict. This impressive force was not made up entirely of Britons. The United Kingdom also used mercenaries, mainly Germans (often called "Hessians"), but also troops from other European countries, such as Ireland and, to a lesser extent, Russia. These forces were professional and well-trained, and had the advantage in terms of both discipline and equipment. The obvious inequality between these two forces made the colonists' fight all the more impressive. Every victory won by the Continental Army, whatever the cost, became a symbol of determination and resilience in the quest for independence against a far superior enemy.
美国独立战争中出现了一种新的战斗方式。英军习惯于传统的线性队形和传统的作战战术,而美军则往往采用不那么传统的方法。美军部分受到本土战术和边疆经验的启发,采用游击战术,藏身于森林中,发动突然袭击,并在英军发起反攻之前迅速撤离。这些战术形成了一场针对英军的消耗战,使得每次推进都要付出巨大的人力和物力代价。伏击和闪电袭击不仅造成了英军的伤亡,还消耗了英军的士气,使一场本应简单直接的军事行动变成了一场旷日持久的艰苦冲突。尽管在数量上处于劣势并面临诸多挑战,美军还是在关键时刻取得了决定性的胜利,特别是在萨拉托加战役和最后的约克镇战役中。这些胜利不仅坚定了美国人的决心,还说服了外国势力,尤其是法国,支持美国的事业。1781 年,在美国和法国军队的联合策划下,英国在约克镇投降,标志着战斗的有效结束,并为美国独立铺平了道路。[[File:Surrender of Lord Cornwallis.jpg|thumb|康沃利斯在约克镇的投降--约翰-特伦布尔(1820 年)。]]
在美国独立战争期间,英国人利用奴隶制问题作为对付殖民者的战略工具。弗吉尼亚州皇家总督邓莫尔勋爵于 1775 年发布公告,承诺任何加入英国军队与起义军作战的奴隶都将获得自由。该公告旨在削弱对革命的支持,同时破坏殖民地以奴隶为基础的经济稳定。英国人许诺的自由促使许多奴隶逃离主人,加入英国军队,希望获得自由。一些人被用作劳工,另一些人被用作士兵。然而,现实往往与承诺大相径庭:许多人在英军中受到歧视,或被美军俘虏后又被送回英国做奴隶。然而,同样重要的是要注意到,爱国者事业本身并不是一味地反对奴隶制。一些革命者批评奴隶制,甚至采取措施在北方各州废除奴隶制,而另一些革命者则捍卫奴隶制,并在战后很长时间内继续拥有奴隶。并非只有英国人承诺给予奴隶自由。爱国者,尤其是北方的爱国者,也以服兵役作为自由的交换条件。最终,革命战争为渴望自由的奴隶们创造了机会,也带来了挑战,但它并没有结束美国的奴隶制,直到近一个世纪后的南北战争,这个问题仍未得到解决。


The American War of Independence saw the emergence of a new style of fighting. While the British army was accustomed to conventional line formations and traditional battle tactics, American troops often adopted less conventional methods. Inspired in part by indigenous tactics and frontier experiences, American forces employed guerrilla tactics, hiding in forests, launching surprise attacks and withdrawing quickly before British troops could mount a counter-offensive. These tactics created a war of attrition against the British, making each advance costly in men and resources. Ambushes and lightning attacks not only inflicted casualties on the British army, but also sapped its morale, turning what should have been a straightforward military campaign into a prolonged and gruelling conflict. Despite their numerical inferiority and the many challenges they faced, the American troops managed to win decisive victories at key moments, notably at Saratoga and, finally, at Yorktown. These triumphs not only strengthened American resolve, but also convinced foreign powers, particularly France, to support the American cause. The British surrender at Yorktown in 1781, orchestrated by a combination of American and French forces, marked the effective end of the fighting and paved the way for American independence.[[File:Surrender of Lord Cornwallis.jpg|thumb|Capitulation of Cornwallis at Yorktown - John Trumbull (1820).]]
美国独立战争为一些奴隶挣脱奴役的枷锁提供了一个众望所归的机会。面对殖民地的抵抗,英国人制定了一项战略,通过向愿意抛弃主人加入英国行列的奴隶提供自由来削弱起义者的力量。这是一个精明的策略,因为它不仅剥夺了殖民地宝贵的劳动力,还造成了内部分裂,扰乱了殖民地经济。在对美好生活的憧憬和自由承诺的驱使下,许多奴隶做出了大胆的决定,冒着风险和不确定性逃跑。然而,一旦被编入英军,许多人发现现实并不总是与承诺相符。许多人没有作为正式士兵拿起武器,而是被贬为搬运工、厨师或工人等辅助角色。使用黑人劳工反映了当时的种族偏见,以及对这些新兵忠诚度和战斗力的怀疑。然而,这并不意味着所有加入英军的奴隶都只能从事卑微的工作。有些人能够与英国战友并肩作战,尽管往往是在不平等的条件下。但即使是这些士兵,承诺的回报--尤其是自由--也得不到保障。一些人在战争结束时被英国人出卖,被卖回做奴隶,或被遗弃,听天由命。尽管有这些挑战和背叛,这些奴隶在战争中寻求自由的决定证明了他们的勇气、决心和对自由坚定不移的渴望。
During the American War of Independence, the British used the issue of slavery as a strategic tool against the colonists. Lord Dunmore, the Royal Governor of Virginia, issued a proclamation in 1775 that promised freedom to any slave who joined British forces to fight against the insurgents. The proclamation was designed to weaken support for the revolution, while destabilising the slave-based economy of the colonies. The promise of freedom from the British prompted many slaves to escape from their masters and join the British ranks in the hope of gaining their freedom. Some were used as labourers, others as soldiers. However, the reality was often different from the promises: many faced discrimination within the British army or were returned to slavery after being captured by American forces. However, it is also important to note that the patriot cause itself was not uniformly anti-slavery. While some revolutionaries criticised slavery and even took steps to abolish it in the Northern states, others defended the institution and continued to own slaves long after the war. The British were not alone in promising freedom to slaves. Patriots, particularly in the North, also offered freedom in exchange for military service. Ultimately, the Revolutionary War created opportunities and challenges for slaves who yearned for freedom, but it did not end the institution of slavery in the United States, an issue that would remain unresolved until the Civil War nearly a century later.


The American War of Independence provided an unhoped-for opportunity for some slaves to break free from the shackles of servitude. Faced with colonial resistance, the British devised a strategy to weaken the insurgents by offering freedom to slaves who would abandon their masters to join the British ranks. This was a shrewd tactic, as it not only deprived the colonies of a valuable workforce, but also created internal divisions and disrupted the colonial economy. Driven by the hope of a better life and the promise of freedom, many slaves took the bold decision to escape, braving the risks and uncertainties that lay ahead. However, once integrated into the British Army, many discovered that the reality did not always match the promise. Instead of taking up arms as fully-fledged soldiers, many were relegated to support roles such as porters, cooks or labourers. This use of black labour reflected the racial prejudices of the time and doubts about the loyalty and fighting ability of these new recruits. However, this does not mean that all the slaves who joined the British were confined to menial roles. Some were able to fight alongside their British comrades, albeit often under unequal conditions. But even for these soldiers, the promised rewards - particularly freedom - were not guaranteed. Some were betrayed by the British at the end of the war, sold back into slavery or abandoned to their fate. Despite these challenges and betrayals, the decision of these slaves to seek freedom in the midst of war is a testament to their courage, determination and unwavering desire for freedom.
在美国独立战争期间,英国承诺给予奴隶自由,这既是一种军事战略,也是一种道德呼吁。从一开始,英国宣布给予奴隶自由就具有明确的战略目的:通过剥夺殖民者宝贵的劳动力和制造内部分裂来削弱对叛乱的支持。但是,自由的承诺一旦做出,就会对许多渴望解放的奴隶产生强大的吸引力。然而,在一些人获得自由的同时,许多人却面临着背叛和失望。战争结束时,当英国人被迫撤离殖民据点时,他们面临着如何处置加入他们的获得自由的奴隶的难题。虽然一些人被带到了英国,但许多人被留在了英国,他们冒着再次成为奴隶的风险。其他人则被驱逐到英国的其他殖民地,特别是加勒比海地区。在那里,他们没有获得长久以来所期盼的自由,而是被卖给了新的主人,重新回到了恐怖的奴隶生活中,但这一次他们远离了自己的祖国。可悲的讽刺是,自由的承诺使许多奴隶的命运或许比他们逃离的命运更加悲惨。这段经历凸显了独立战争的复杂性和矛盾性,在这场战争中,自由的理想与奴隶制和歧视的残酷现实并存。


The British promise of freedom to slaves during the American War of Independence was as much a military strategy as a moral appeal, and the reality that followed for many slaves was not what they had hoped for. From the outset, the British proclamation offering freedom to slaves had a clear strategic purpose: to weaken support for the rebellion by depriving the colonists of valuable labour and creating internal divisions. But the promise of freedom, once made, became a powerful magnet for many slaves who aspired to emancipation. However, while some were freed, many others faced betrayal and disappointment. At the end of the war, when the British were forced to evacuate their colonial strongholds, they were faced with the dilemma of what to do with the freed slaves who had joined them. Although some were taken to Britain, many were left behind, where they risked re-slavery. Others were deported to other British colonies, particularly in the Caribbean. There, instead of the freedom they had so long hoped for, they were sold to new masters, returned to the horrors of slavery, but this time far from their homeland. The sad irony is that the promise of freedom led many slaves to a fate perhaps worse than the one they had fled. This episode highlights the complexities and contradictions of the War of Independence, where ideals of freedom coexisted with the brutal realities of slavery and discrimination.
英国向奴隶提供自由并非出于利他主义原则或反对奴隶制的道德动机,而是出于战略和军事考虑。美国独立战争给英国人带来了许多挑战,他们不仅要与殖民地叛军作战,还要面对在遥远的大陆上发动战争所带来的后勤和地理限制。招募奴隶表明英国人感受到了越来越大的压力。面对英国国内的招募挑战和漫长的补给线,他们试图利用殖民地的内部分裂。奴隶承诺获得自由,是一种潜在的资源,即使他们中的大多数并没有被用作前线战斗人员。同样至关重要的是,要了解英国提出的条件是一个从奴隶制中获益良多的帝国。英国的经济利益与奴隶制度有着深刻的联系,尤其是在加勒比地区的蔗糖种植园。因此,在美国独立战争期间向奴隶提供自由是务实的、机会主义的,而不是对奴隶制基础本身的挑战。这场战争的原则、战略和权宜之计交织在一起,影响了许多人的历史进程,并最终影响了从这场冲突中诞生的国家。


The British offer of freedom to slaves was not motivated by altruistic principles or moral opposition to slavery, but rather by strategic and military considerations. The American War of Independence posed many challenges for the British, who were fighting not only colonial rebels but also the logistical and geographical constraints of waging war on a distant continent. Slave recruitment was a sign of the growing pressure the British were feeling. Faced with recruitment challenges in Britain and long supply lines, they sought to exploit internal divisions in the colonies. Slaves, with the promise of freedom, represented a potential resource, even if most of them were not used as front-line combatants. It is also crucial to understand that the context of the British offer was that of an empire that had benefited greatly from slavery. British economic interests were deeply linked to the slave system, particularly in the sugar plantations of the Caribbean. The offer of freedom to slaves during the American War of Independence was therefore pragmatic and opportunistic, rather than a challenge to the foundations of slavery itself. It is a poignant illustration of the complexities of this war, where principle, strategy and expediency intertwined, influencing the course of history for many people and, ultimately, for the nation that would emerge from this conflict.
法国对美国独立战争的参与对美国殖民者获胜起了决定性作用。虽然法国的动机部分是基于反对英国的暴政,但他们同样(如果不是更多的话)受到了战胜他们的宿敌英国的战略愿望的影响。1763 年《巴黎条约》结束了七年战争,法国在该条约中遭受的耻辱仍历历在目。因此,找回失去的威望并削弱英国实力的机会对法国来说太诱人了,不容忽视。法国的援助不仅限于宣布支持,还向美国叛军提供了军队、海军舰队、武器、装备和重要的资金。1777 年的萨拉托加战役经常被认为是战争的转折点,这不仅是因为它是殖民者的一次重大胜利,还因为它让法国相信美国人是一支不可忽视的力量,从而在 1778 年正式结盟。法国的参与平衡了战场上的力量,尤其是在1781年决定性的约克镇围城战中,英军投降,基本上结束了敌对状态。法国的介入也使冲突国际化。随着法国的公开参战,西班牙和荷兰等其他欧洲列强也纷纷进入战场,开辟了新的战线,转移了英国对北美的注意力。最终,如果没有法国在军事、财政和外交上的支持,很难想象美国殖民者能像他们对抗强大的英国那样迅速取得全面胜利。


France's involvement in the American War of Independence was decisive in the outcome of the conflict in favour of the American colonists. Although French motives were partly based on opposition to British tyranny, they were just as much, if not more, influenced by a strategic desire to gain the upper hand over Great Britain, their age-old enemy. France's humiliation at the 1763 Treaty of Paris, which ended the Seven Years' War, was still fresh in the French memory. Consequently, the chance to recover some of its lost prestige and weaken British power was too tempting for France to ignore. France's aid was not limited to proclamations of support: it provided troops, a naval fleet, arms, equipment and crucial finances to the American rebels. The Battle of Saratoga in 1777 is often cited as a turning point in the war, not only because it was a major victory for the colonists, but also because it convinced France that the Americans were a force to be reckoned with, leading to a formal alliance in 1778. French involvement balanced the forces on the battlefield, particularly at the decisive Siege of Yorktown in 1781, which led to the British surrender and essentially ended hostilities. France's involvement also internationalised the conflict. With France openly entering the war, other European powers, such as Spain and the Netherlands, also took up positions, creating new fronts and diverting British attention from North America alone. Ultimately, without the military, financial and diplomatic support of France, it is hard to imagine that the American colonists could have achieved a complete victory as quickly as they did against the mighty Great Britain.
罗尚博伯爵和乔治-华盛顿将军之间的合作对于协调法军和美军的共同努力至关重要。两位指挥官建立了相互尊重的关系,并共同制定了抗击英军的战略。罗尚博最显著的贡献之一是他的专业军事经验。欧洲人,尤其是法国人,已经发展出了成熟的战争战术,罗尚博与华盛顿分享了这些专业知识,提高了大陆军的能力和效率。但是,1781 年围攻约克镇之战最能证明法国干预的重要性。罗尚博、华盛顿和在切萨皮克湾指挥一支重要舰队的法国海军上将德格拉斯密切合作,包围了康沃利斯将军指挥的英军。美军和法军陆地部队的配合,再加上法军对水域的控制,使英军的阵地难以为继。康沃利斯被迫投降,成为殖民地寻求独立的决定性转折点。如果没有罗尚博(Rochambeau)率领的法国远征军的存在和支持,如果没有德格拉斯(de Grasse)的海军指挥,约克镇的胜利--或许也是战争的最后胜利--将很难取得。法国以军队参战和舰队进入美国水域的形式参与战争,不仅帮助殖民地平衡了力量对比,还为美国的战争努力注入了新的动力和信心。


The collaboration between the Comte de Rochambeau and General George Washington was crucial in coordinating the combined efforts of the French and American armies. The two commanders developed a relationship of mutual respect and jointly devised strategies to counter the British. One of Rochambeau's most notable contributions was his professional military experience. The Europeans, particularly the French, had developed sophisticated war tactics and Rochambeau shared this expertise with Washington, raising the level of competence and efficiency of the Continental Army. But it is the siege of Yorktown in 1781 that is the most striking testimony to the importance of French intervention. Rochambeau, Washington and the French admiral de Grasse, who commanded a vital fleet in Chesapeake Bay, worked closely together to surround and besiege the British army under the command of General Cornwallis. The coordination of American and French land forces, combined with French control of the waters, made the British position untenable. Cornwallis was forced to surrender, marking a decisive turning point for the colonies in their quest for independence. Without the presence and support of the French expeditionary corps led by Rochambeau, and without de Grasse's naval command, the victory at Yorktown - and perhaps the final victory in the war - would have been much harder to achieve. France's participation, in the form of troops in the field and a fleet in American waters, not only helped the colonies to balance the balance of power, but also gave new impetus and confidence to the American war effort.
法国海军上将德-格拉斯在切萨皮克湾精心策划的海军优势是导致英国在约克镇投降的战略的关键部分。在此期间,对海洋的控制是决定重大冲突胜负的关键,围攻约克镇也不例外。德格拉斯舰队的及时抵达挫败了英国人的计划,阻断了康沃利斯获得海上增援的希望。德-格拉斯保持这一态势的能力确保了康沃利斯在法国和美国陆军的联合进攻下仍将孤立无援,不堪一击。但法国海军的作用不仅限于阻挡英国援军。法国船只还帮助运输部队、补给品和弹药,支持爱国者在陆地上的作战努力。最终,法美在陆地和海上的合作形成了一个强大的联盟,扭转了战局。约克镇战役本身虽然被象征性地视为美国的胜利,但实际上却是双方共同努力的成果,在这场战役中,法国的军事和海军专长在给英国人设下的陷阱中发挥了决定性作用。如果没有这次合作,战争的结果可能会截然不同。


French naval superiority, orchestrated by Admiral de Grasse in Chesapeake Bay, was a key part of the strategy that led to the British surrender at Yorktown. During this period, control of the seas was essential in determining the outcome of major conflicts, and the siege of Yorktown was no exception. The timely arrival of de Grasse's fleet thwarted British plans and blocked any hope of maritime reinforcements for Cornwallis. De Grasse's ability to maintain this position ensured that Cornwallis would remain isolated and vulnerable to the combined approach of French and American land forces. But the role of the French navy was not limited to blocking British reinforcements. French ships also helped transport troops, supplies and ammunition, bolstering the Patriotes' war effort on land. Ultimately, Franco-American cooperation, both on land and at sea, created a formidable alliance that turned the tide of the war. The Battle of Yorktown itself, although symbolically seen as an American victory, was in reality the fruit of a joint effort, in which French military and naval expertise played a decisive role in the trap that was set for the British. Without this collaboration, the war could have had a very different outcome.
1783 年《巴黎条约》是美国、英国、法国和其他欧洲列强之间一系列谈判的结果。该条约正式结束了美国独立战争,承认了美国对西起阿巴拉契亚山脉、东至密西西比河、北起加拿大、南至西班牙佛罗里达州的广袤领土的主权。法国对美国战争的贡献不容低估。它远远超出了部队和军事装备的供应。法国利用其在欧洲的影响力为美国的事业赢得支持,并劝阻其他大国不要与英国结盟。法国还在条约谈判中发挥了关键作用,确保美国的利益在谈判桌上得到保护。法国的援助对战争结果的影响显而易见。法国和美国的联合力量打败了军事上占优势的殖民国家。最终,法国与美国并肩作战的决定不仅改变了战争的进程,也重新定义了北美的力量平衡。因此,《巴黎条约》是一次成功结盟的最高成就,也是一个新生国家新时代的开端。它象征着从叛乱到主权的过渡,巩固了美国作为一个独立实体在世界舞台上的地位。


The Treaty of Paris of 1783 was the culmination of a series of negotiations between the United States, Great Britain, France and other European powers. It formally ended the American War of Independence and recognised the sovereignty of the United States over a vast territory stretching from the Appalachians to the Mississippi River in the west, and from Canada in the north to Spanish Florida in the south. The French contribution to the American war effort cannot be underestimated. It went far beyond the supply of troops and military equipment. France used its influence in Europe to win support for the American cause and to dissuade other powers from allying themselves with Great Britain. It also played a key role in negotiating the treaty itself, ensuring that US interests were protected at the negotiating table. The impact of this French assistance is clearly visible in the outcome of the war. The combined forces of France and the United States were able to defeat a militarily superior colonial power. Ultimately, France's decision to enter the war alongside the United States not only changed the course of the war, but also redefined the balance of power in North America. The Treaty of Paris was therefore the crowning achievement of a successful alliance and the beginning of a new era for a fledgling nation. It symbolised the transition from rebellion to sovereignty, consolidating the United States as an independent entity on the world stage.
美国独立战争从 1775 年持续到 1783 年,是世界历史上导致一个新国家诞生的重要事件。虽然战争始于 1775 年的莱克星顿和康科德战役等对抗,但殖民地在 1776 年大胆宣布独立,标志着与英国王室的彻底决裂。与其他独立运动相比,有几个因素促成了这场战争的迅速胜利。首先,法国的重要支持是不可估量的。法国不仅提供了必要的财政和物质资源,还派出了地面部队和海军力量。在法国和美国的共同努力下,在约克镇成功包围并击败了英军,这是一场决定性的胜利,基本上结束了战斗。大陆军的军事战略也发挥了至关重要的作用。在乔治-华盛顿将军的领导下,大陆军采取了灵活的方法,经常使用游击战术来对抗规模更大、装备更精良的英军。这些战术使美军避免了重大损失,同时也给敌人造成了巨大伤害。最后,美国爱国者坚定不移的决心是这场胜利的关键因素。尽管面临挑战、挫折和困难时期,但对自由和独立的渴望继续激励着美国战斗人员,驱使他们为自己的权利进行抵抗和战斗。美国独立战争是一场艰苦的战斗,但由于战略联盟、创新战术和坚定不移的决心,美国在不到十年的时间里成功赢得了独立。这为美国今后几个世纪在世界舞台上发挥核心作用奠定了基础。


The American War of Independence, which lasted from 1775 to 1783, was a major episode in world history that led to the birth of a new nation. Although the war began in 1775 with confrontations such as the battles of Lexington and Concord, it was in 1776 that the colonies made a bold declaration of independence, signifying a definitive break with the British crown. Several factors contributed to this rapid victory compared with other independence movements. Firstly, the crucial support of France was invaluable. Not only did France provide essential financial and material resources, it also sent ground troops and naval power. The combined efforts of France and the United States succeeded in encircling and defeating the British forces at Yorktown, a decisive victory that essentially ended the fighting. The military strategy of the Continental Army also played a vital role. Under the leadership of General George Washington, the Continental Army adopted a flexible approach, often using guerrilla tactics to stand up to the much larger and better equipped British Army. These tactics enabled the American troops to avoid heavy losses while inflicting considerable damage on the enemy. Finally, the unwavering determination of the American Patriots was a key factor in this victory. Despite the challenges, setbacks and difficult times, the desire for freedom and independence continued to inspire American combatants, driving them to resist and fight for their rights. The American War of Independence was an uphill battle, but thanks to strategic alliances, innovative tactics and unwavering determination, the United States succeeded in gaining its independence in less than a decade. This laid the foundations for a nation that would play a central role on the world stage for centuries to come.
在战胜英国的喜悦之后,美国面临着复杂的建国现实。一个新生的民主共和国需要一个强有力的政府结构。1777年通过的《邦联条款》最初起到了宪法的作用,但其固有的弱点导致1787年通过了《美国宪法》,为我们今天所知的联邦政府奠定了基础。美国的扩张主义野心在19世纪初开始显现。1803年,美国从法国购买了路易斯安那州,使美国的国土面积扩大了一倍,向西部开辟了大片领土供探索和殖民。在托马斯-杰斐逊担任总统期间进行的这一收购是美国 "显赫命运 "理念的核心,即美国注定要从海岸线扩展到另一个海岸线。1845 年对得克萨斯州的吞并以及紧随其后的与墨西哥的战争都反映了这种扩张主义观点。1848年美墨战争结束后,《瓜达卢佩-伊达尔戈条约》将墨西哥北部大部分地区割让给美国,包括今天的加利福尼亚州、亚利桑那州、新墨西哥州等。然而,这种快速扩张并非没有后果。在这些土地上生活了数千年的原住民面临着暴力、欺骗和剥夺。美国政府的政策,包括 1830 年的《印第安人迁移法》,导致许多美国原住民部落被迫从他们祖先的土地上迁移到密西西比河以西的地区,这一悲惨事件通常被称为 "泪痕之路"。这些扩张政策在使美国富裕起来的同时,也给原住民留下了不公正和创伤。


After the euphoria of victory over Great Britain, the United States faced the complex reality of nation-building. A fledgling democratic republic required a robust governmental structure. The adoption of the Articles of Confederation in 1777 initially served as a constitution, but its inherent weaknesses led to the adoption of the United States Constitution in 1787, which laid the foundations of the federal government as we know it today. The expansionist ambitions of the United States became evident in the early nineteenth century. The purchase of Louisiana from France in 1803 doubled the size of the country, opening up huge swathes of territory to the west for exploration and colonisation. This acquisition, made under the presidency of Thomas Jefferson, was central to the American vision of "manifest destiny", the idea that the United States was destined to expand from coast to coast. The annexation of Texas in 1845, closely followed by the war with Mexico, reflected this expansionist vision. At the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ceded much of northern Mexico to the United States, including the present-day states of California, Arizona, New Mexico and others. However, this rapid expansion was not without consequences. Indigenous peoples, who had lived on these lands for thousands of years, faced violence, deception and dispossession. US government policies, including the Indian Removal Act of 1830, resulted in the forced removal of many Native American tribes from their ancestral lands to territories west of the Mississippi, a tragic event often referred to as the "Trail of Tears". These policies of expansion, while enriching the United States, left a legacy of injustice and trauma for the indigenous peoples.
独立战争的结束标志着美国进入了一个充满挑战的时代。在获得独立之后,美国面临着众多威胁其凝聚力的内部困境。奴隶制问题尤其造成了深刻的分歧。虽然《独立宣言》宣称 "人人生而平等",但奴隶制根深蒂固,尤其是在南方各州。一些国父本人也拥有奴隶,这就造成了自由和平等的理想与压迫和非人化的现实之间的明显矛盾。1787 年起草宪法时,奴隶制成为一个核心问题。为了维持蓄奴州和非蓄奴州之间岌岌可危的平衡,人们做出了妥协,如五分之三的妥协。但这些妥协只是解决日益恶化的问题的暂时办法。随着国家向西扩张,新领土是成为奴隶州还是非奴隶州的问题加剧了紧张局势。1820 年的《密苏里妥协法案》和 1850 年的《逃奴法案》等事件试图维持这种微妙的平衡。与此同时,治理这样一个幅员辽阔、多元化的国家也带来了挑战。州权与联邦权力之间的紧张关系引发了关于宪法解释和联邦权力范围的激烈辩论。这些问题的交汇,尤其是奴隶制问题,最终导致亚伯拉罕-林肯在1860年当选。他的反奴隶制立场导致南方几个州脱离联邦,引发了1861年的南北战争。这将是美国历史上死亡人数最多的战争,最终将考验美国的韧性和建立统一身份的决心。


The end of the War of Independence marked the beginning of an era of intense challenge for the United States. With independence secured, the nation was faced with a multitude of internal dilemmas that threatened its cohesion. The issue of slavery, in particular, was deeply divisive. Although the Declaration of Independence proclaimed that "all men are created equal", slavery was deeply entrenched, particularly in the Southern states. Some of the Founding Fathers themselves owned slaves, creating a glaring contradiction between the proclaimed ideals of freedom and equality and the reality of oppression and dehumanisation. Slavery became a central issue when the Constitution was drafted in 1787. Compromises, such as the Three-Fifths Compromise, were made to maintain a precarious balance between slave-holding and non-slave-holding states. But these compromises were only temporary solutions to an ever-worsening problem. As the nation expanded westwards, the question of whether new territories would become slave or non-slave states exacerbated tensions. Events such as the Missouri Compromise of 1820 and the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 attempted to maintain this delicate balance. At the same time, governing such a vast and diverse nation posed its own challenges. Tensions between states' rights and federal power led to heated debates over the interpretation of the Constitution and the scope of federal authority. The convergence of these issues, particularly the question of slavery, culminated in the election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860. His anti-slavery stance led several Southern states to secede, triggering the Civil War in 1861. It would be the deadliest war in American history, and would ultimately test the nation's resilience and determination to forge a unified identity.
= 革命还是反动? =


= Revolution or reaction? =
历史学家目前正在争论,美国革命应该被视为一场真正的 "革命",还是仅仅是对英国统治的保守反应。


Historians are currently debating whether the American Revolution should be considered a true 'revolution' or simply a conservative reaction to British rule.
美国革命是一场真正的革命,还是仅仅是对英国统治的保守反应,这个问题在历史学家中仍有争论。那些将革命视为根本性动荡的人提出了几个令人信服的论点。首先,美国革命彻底背离了传统的君主制度。革命不是简单地用一个君主取代另一个君主,而是催生了一个由民选代表行使权力的共和国。这一政治变革并非简单的调整:它标志着一个以人民主权为基础的国家的诞生,与欧洲的世袭君主制直接对立。在这一动荡时期,启蒙运动的思想也得到了采纳。受约翰-洛克和孟德斯鸠等思想家的影响,国父们接受了不可剥夺的权利和社会契约等激进理念。在此过程中,他们摒弃了君主神权至上的旧观念,接受了政府权力来自被统治者同意的愿景。更重要的是,革命不仅改变了国家的政治结构。它还引发了一场文化和社会变革。虽然社会没有立即发生变革,但平等主义思想开始深入人心,为后来的平等运动,如废除奴隶制和女权运动铺平了道路。


The question of whether the American Revolution was a genuine revolution or simply a conservative reaction to British rule remains a subject of debate among historians. Those who regard the Revolution as a fundamental upheaval put forward several convincing arguments. Firstly, the American Revolution represented a radical departure from the traditional monarchical system. Rather than simply replacing one monarch with another, the Revolution gave birth to a republic, where power emanates from elected representatives. This political transformation was no mere adjustment: it marked the birth of a nation based on the sovereignty of the people, in direct opposition to the hereditary monarchies of Europe. This period of upheaval also saw the adoption of the ideas of the Enlightenment. Influenced by thinkers such as John Locke and Montesquieu, the Founding Fathers embraced radical notions such as inalienable rights and the social contract. In doing so, they rejected the old belief in the divine supremacy of monarchs and embraced the vision of a government whose power derives from the consent of the governed. What's more, the Revolution didn't just change the country's political structure. It initiated a cultural and social transformation. Although society was not instantly transformed, ideas of egalitarianism began to take hold, paving the way for later movements for equality, such as the abolition of slavery and the women's rights movement.
另一方面,另一个历史学家阵营认为美国革命更像是一场保守的反动,而非激进的革命。他们的论点主要基于革命的根本动机。根据这一观点,争取独立的斗争与其说是为了创造全新的事物,不如说是为了维护和恢复殖民者眼中的传统权利。这些他们认为被英国践踏的权利包括基本的经济自由,如贸易自由。英国的法律和税收,如《印花税法》和《茶叶法》,在他们看来不是创新,而是对他们传统特权的不公平侵犯。此外,在研究革命后的美国宪法时,一些人看到了保守的因素。宪法中的许多内容,如两院制,并不是从零开始建立一种新的政府形式,而是受到英国传统和其他欧洲模式的启发。宪法寻求平衡,在保障权利的同时避免 "多数人暴政 "的风险,这可以解释为一种保护财产权和企业权的保守做法。因此,在这些历史学家看来,美国革命与其说是与过去彻底决裂,不如说是殖民者认为受到不公正侵犯的权利和传统的演变和肯定。


On the other hand, another camp of historians sees the American Revolution more as a conservative reaction than a radical revolution. Their argument is based primarily on the underlying motive of the Revolution. According to this perspective, the struggle for independence was less a quest to create something radically new than a desire to preserve and restore what the colonists saw as their traditional rights. These rights, which they felt had been trampled underfoot by Britain, included essential economic freedoms such as the freedom to trade. British laws and taxes, such as the Stamp Act and the Tea Act, were seen not as innovations, but rather as unfair intrusions into what they saw as their traditional prerogatives. Furthermore, when looking at the US Constitution that followed the Revolution, some see conservative elements. Rather than building a new form of government from scratch, many of its elements, such as bicameralism, were inspired by British traditions and other European models. The Constitution sought to strike a balance, guaranteeing rights while avoiding the risk of "tyranny of the majority", which can be interpreted as a conservative approach to protecting property and enterprise rights. Thus, for these historians, the American Revolution can be seen less as a complete break with the past than as an evolution and affirmation of the rights and traditions that the colonists felt had been unjustly violated.
尽管美国革命存在各种细微差别和矛盾,但它代表了世界历史上的一个决定性时刻。它不仅是对英国枷锁的反抗,也是席卷欧洲的启蒙运动理想的体现。人民主权和不可剥夺权利等概念的出现反映了政治和社会思想的彻底转变,摆脱了君主制和贵族统治的旧秩序。美国作为一个新成立的国家,试图通过这些大胆的新思想来建立民主政府。他们不再依赖君主或世袭精英,而是构想建立一个权力来自人民的共和国。美国宪法》虽然受到许多先例的启发,但在三权分立和公民自由的概念上具有创新性。美国革命塑造国家与公民之间关系的方式也具有创新性。在世界许多地方,公民身份的概念以前受出生或社会地位的限制,而美国革命则将其转变为一种基于出生地、居住地、甚至对一套民主原则的信仰的概念。然而,革命也继承和保留了过去的某些因素,尤其是在社会结构和经济不平等方面。奴隶制和原住民地位等问题给革命宣称的理想蒙上了一层阴影。最终,美国革命虽然植根于与英国的冲突和紧张局势,却成为一个变革性事件,在与自身内部矛盾斗争的同时,建立了一个以民主原则为基础的新国家。


The American Revolution, despite its various nuances and contradictions, represents a decisive moment in world history. It was not just a rejection of the British yoke, but also a manifestation of the Enlightenment ideals that had swept across Europe. The emergence of concepts such as popular sovereignty and inalienable rights reflected a radical shift in political and social thinking away from the old order in which monarchy and aristocracy dominated. The United States, as a newly formed country, attempted to navigate through these bold new ideas to establish democratic government. Instead of relying on a monarch or a hereditary elite, they conceived of a republic, where power emanated from the people. The American Constitution, although inspired by many precedents, was innovative in its separation of powers and its conception of civil liberties. The way in which the American Revolution shaped the relationship between the state and its citizens was also innovative. The concept of citizenship, previously limited by birth or social status in many parts of the world, was transformed into an idea based on place of birth, residence, or even belief in a set of democratic principles. Nevertheless, the Revolution also inherited and preserved certain elements of the past, particularly in terms of social structure and economic inequality. Issues such as slavery and the status of indigenous peoples cast a shadow over the Revolution's proclaimed ideals. Ultimately, the American Revolution, while rooted in conflict and tension with Great Britain, emerged as a transformative event, forging a new nation based on democratic principles while struggling with its own internal contradictions.
革命就其本质而言,是激烈变革和动荡的时刻。当现状不再满足大部分人口的需求或愿望时,革命就会发生。在革命进程中,有四个关键因素往往十分突出:


Revolutions, by their very nature, are moments of intense change and turmoil. They occur when the status quo no longer meets the needs or aspirations of a significant proportion of the population. Four key elements often stand out in the revolutionary process:
# 大规模动员民众: 革命需要集体的力量。当挫折或不公正达到临界点时,社会中的大部分人都会动员起来要求变革。起义、示威和其他形式的抗议反映了民众推翻专制政权或制度的愿望。这些群众的能量是推动革命前进的引擎。
# Mass mobilisation of the population: A revolution requires collective energy. When frustration or injustice reaches a critical point, a large section of society mobilises to demand change. Uprisings, demonstrations and other forms of protest reflect the popular desire to overthrow an oppressive regime or system. The energy of these masses is the engine that propels the revolution forward.
# 不同意识形态之间的斗争: 每一场革命都会带来对未来的各种设想。这些相互竞争的愿景可能会造成分裂。一些人可能向往自由民主,而另一些人则可能憧憬无产阶级专政或神权统治。这些杂乱的意识形态决定了革命的方向和特点。
# Struggle between different ideologies: Every revolution brings with it a panoply of visions for the future. These competing visions can be divisive. Some may aspire to a liberal democracy, while others may envisage a dictatorship of the proletariat or a theocracy. This jumble of ideologies determines the direction and character of the revolution.
# 具体的权力斗争:抛开意识形态不谈,革命是一场实实在在的控制权争夺战。武装或非武装的对立派别为建立自己的霸权而发生冲突。这种斗争可能是残酷的,往往涉及冲突、清洗、政治阴谋,有时甚至是内战。
# Concrete struggle for power: Ideologies aside, a revolution is a tangible competition for control. Rival factions, armed or unarmed, clash to establish their hegemony. This struggle can be brutal, often involving conflict, purges, political intrigue and, in some cases, civil war.
# 结构的深刻变革: 革命的最终目标是变革。这远不止更换领导人或精英那么简单。革命寻求重塑社会的基本结构,无论是通过重新分配土地、工业国有化、制定新法律还是重建国家认同。
# Profound transformation of structures: The ultimate goal of a revolution is change. This goes far beyond simply replacing a leader or an elite. Revolutions seek to reshape the fundamental structures of society, whether by redistributing land, nationalising industries, establishing new laws or rebuilding national identity.


In short, a revolution is more than just a series of protests or a coup d'état. It is a profound process that challenges and often transforms the foundations of a society. These four elements, although not the only determining factors, are often at the heart of these upheavals.
简而言之,革命不仅仅是一系列抗议或政变。它是一个深刻的过程,挑战并往往改变一个社会的基础。这四个要素虽然不是唯一的决定因素,但往往是这些动荡的核心。


Revolutions vary according to the social, economic, political and historical contexts that give rise to them. While some can radically alter the social and economic landscape of a nation, others focus more on political change, leaving the underlying structures largely intact. The American Revolution is a case in point. It led to a significant break with Britain and the establishment of a new republican form of government. However, the colonial agricultural economy, largely dependent on slavery in the South, remained largely unchanged after the war. Social structures based on race and class also persisted, leading to later conflict and reform. By comparison, the Revolution in Santo Domingo went far beyond simply overthrowing the ruling elites. It led to the abolition of slavery in the colony, the liquidation of white landowners, and the emergence of Haiti as the world's first free black republic in 1804. The social and economic ramifications of this revolution were profound. The French Revolution, meanwhile, not only overthrew the monarchy, but also sought to reshape the whole of French society, from class relations to religion to economic structures. The attempt to replace the Catholic religion with the Cult of Reason, the redistribution of land and the establishment of the Napoleonic Code are all examples of the depth and scope of the changes introduced. These variations underline the importance of understanding each revolution in its unique context. While certain elements may be common to many revolutions, their presence, intensity and consequences will differ considerably according to the specificities of each situation.
革命因其产生的社会、经济、政治和历史背景而各不相同。有些革命会从根本上改变一个国家的社会和经济面貌,而有些革命则更侧重于政治变革,基本结构基本保持不变。美国革命就是一个很好的例子。它导致了与英国的重大决裂,并建立了新的共和政体。然而,战后主要依赖南方奴隶制的殖民地农业经济在很大程度上保持不变。基于种族和阶级的社会结构也依然存在,导致后来的冲突和改革。相比之下,圣多明各的革命远不止推翻统治精英那么简单。它导致殖民地废除奴隶制,白人地主被清算,海地于 1804 年成为世界上第一个自由黑人共和国。这场革命产生了深远的社会和经济影响。与此同时,法国大革命不仅推翻了君主制,还试图重塑整个法国社会,从阶级关系到宗教再到经济结构。以理性崇拜取代天主教的尝试、土地的重新分配以及《拿破仑法典》的制定,都体现了变革的深度和广度。这些变化凸显了在其独特背景下理解每场革命的重要性。虽然某些因素可能是许多革命所共有的,但它们的存在、强度和后果会因具体情况的不同而大相径庭。


The assertion that the leaders of the Thirteen Colonies were largely drawn from the wealthy classes is correct. Figures such as Thomas Jefferson, George Washington and John Adams came from privileged backgrounds. These men not only had economic interests to protect, but also a vision of liberty and self-government based on their studies of the Enlightenment philosophers and their own experiences as British subjects. It is also true that the American Revolution was not, in essence, a mass popular movement comparable to other revolutions, such as the French or Russian Revolutions. While many colonists were unhappy with British actions, not everyone necessarily supported the idea of revolution. There was a significant division among the colonists, with a large proportion remaining loyal to the British Crown. After the revolution, as mentioned, many socio-economic structures remained in place. However, it is important to note that some things changed. The monarchy was rejected in favour of a republic. The principles set out in the Declaration of Independence, and later in the Constitution, laid the foundations for a new type of government based on the ideals of liberty, equality and democracy. However, post-revolutionary America was far from egalitarian. Slavery, in particular, became an indelible stain on the fabric of the fledgling nation. Although parts of the North began to abolish slavery in the years following the Revolution, it took deeper root in the South. The question of slavery became a central issue, ultimately contributing to the American Civil War. The American Revolution was a period of contradictions. It was fought under banners of freedom and equality, but allowed gross inequalities, such as slavery, to persist. These tensions would continue to shape the trajectory of the nation for decades after the end of the war.
十三殖民地的领导人大多来自富裕阶层,这种说法是正确的。托马斯-杰斐逊、乔治-华盛顿和约翰-亚当斯等人出身优越。这些人不仅有经济利益需要保护,而且基于他们对启蒙哲学家的研究和作为英国臣民的亲身经历,对自由和自治抱有憧憬。从本质上讲,美国革命也确实不是一场可与法国或俄国革命等其他革命相提并论的群众运动。虽然许多殖民者对英国的行为不满,但并不一定每个人都支持革命的想法。殖民者之间存在很大分歧,很大一部分人仍然忠于英国王室。如前所述,革命之后,许多社会经济结构依然存在。然而,重要的是要注意到有些事情发生了变化。君主制被摒弃,取而代之的是共和制。独立宣言》以及后来的《宪法》中规定的原则为建立一个基于自由、平等和民主理想的新型政府奠定了基础。然而,革命后的美国远非平等主义。尤其是奴隶制,成为这个新生国家结构上不可磨灭的污点。尽管北方部分地区在革命后的几年里开始废除奴隶制,但奴隶制在南方扎根更深。奴隶制问题成为一个核心问题,最终引发了美国内战。美国革命是一个充满矛盾的时期。它打着自由和平等的旗号,却允许奴隶制等严重的不平等现象持续存在。战争结束后的几十年里,这些矛盾将继续影响美国的发展轨迹。


The Haitian Revolution is without doubt one of the most singular and radical moments in revolutionary history. Unlike the American Revolution, which, despite its ideals of freedom, maintained structures of inequality such as slavery, the Haitian Revolution profoundly overturned the existing system. Haiti, then known as Saint-Domingue, was France's richest colony and the world's most productive in terms of sugar, coffee and other agricultural products, all produced by slave labour. The slave population, which made up the vast majority of the island's population, suffered extremely brutal living and working conditions. When the slaves rose up in 1791, it was not only to put an end to colonial domination, but also to claim their humanity in the face of a system that treated them as mere property. Led by figures such as Toussaint Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Henri Christophe, the rebels fought against French, British and Spanish forces that were either trying to reduce them or take advantage of the chaotic situation. In 1804, after years of bitter struggle, the Haitian revolutionary forces proclaimed independence, making Haiti the first free black post-colonial nation and the first nation in the world to abolish slavery as a fundamental part of its national identity. Compared to the American Revolution, the Haitian Revolution was far more radical in its social and economic implications. It not only changed who was in power, it transformed the very nature of that power and how it was to be exercised. The Haitian revolution was not only a victory against colonialism, but also a resounding victory against white supremacy and the slave system. It sent shockwaves through the Americas and set a powerful precedent for future anti-colonial and anti-slavery struggles.
海地革命无疑是革命史上最独特、最激进的时刻之一。尽管美国革命的理想是自由,但它保留了奴隶制等不平等结构,而海地革命则不同,它深刻地颠覆了现有制度。海地当时被称为圣多明各,是法国最富有的殖民地,也是世界上蔗糖、咖啡和其他农产品产量最高的国家,而所有这些产品都是由奴隶劳动生产的。奴隶人口占岛上人口的绝大多数,他们的生活和工作条件极其恶劣。1791 年,奴隶们奋起反抗,不仅是为了结束殖民统治,也是为了在被视为财产的制度面前伸张人性。在图桑-卢维杜尔、让-雅克-德萨林和亨利-克里斯托夫等人的领导下,起义军与法国、英国和西班牙军队展开了斗争,这些军队要么试图削弱他们的力量,要么试图利用混乱的局势。1804 年,经过多年艰苦卓绝的斗争,海地革命军宣布独立,使海地成为后殖民时代第一个自由的黑人国家,也是世界上第一个废除奴隶制作为其民族特征基本组成部分的国家。与美国革命相比,海地革命的社会和经济影响要激进得多。它不仅改变了掌权者,还改变了权力的性质和行使方式。海地革命不仅是反对殖民主义的胜利,也是反对白人至上主义和奴隶制度的巨大胜利。它在美洲引起了震动,为未来的反殖民主义和反奴隶制斗争开创了强大的先例。


The American Revolution, which took place from 1775 to 1783, was largely a political revolution. It was triggered by disagreements between the colonists of the Thirteen Colonies and the British metropolis over representation and taxation, among other grievances. When the United States gained its independence in 1783, it established a Federal Republic based on the principles of liberty, equality and democracy, at least for part of the population. However, despite the adoption of the Declaration of Independence and its assertion that "all men are created equal", post-revolutionary society was far from egalitarian. One of the greatest paradoxes of the American Revolution is that, although it was inspired by ideas of freedom and equality, it did not challenge the institution of slavery, which remained deeply entrenched, particularly in the Southern states. Slaves represented a significant part of the workforce and the economy, and their liberation would have had profound economic implications. This failure to address the issue of slavery proved costly, ultimately leading to the American Civil War in 1861. By contrast, the Haitian revolution, which began in 1791, was both a political and a social revolution. Led mainly by slaves who had risen up against their masters, it led to the creation of the world's first free black republic in 1804. This revolution was not only a rejection of colonialism, but also a radical challenge to the slave system and racial hierarchy. While the American Revolution established a new political framework and laid the foundations of a nation, it did not make any major changes to pre-existing socio-economic structures. The Haitian Revolution, on the other hand, overturned the social and economic order, making the abolition of slavery and the demand for equality not just ideals but tangible realities for the new nation.[[File:Great Seal of the United States (obverse).png|thumb|250px|Great Seal of the United States. It shows the 13 States and the 13 stripes that represent the 13 States that make up the United States. The eagle represents war, holding in its paws the olive branches of peace and the arrows of war. The Latin inscription "e pluribis unum" means "united in one".]]
美国革命发生于 1775 年至 1783 年,主要是一场政治革命。它是由十三殖民地的殖民者与英国大都会之间在代表权和税收等问题上的分歧引发的。美国在 1783 年获得独立后,建立了一个以自由、平等和民主原则为基础的联邦共和国,至少对部分人口而言是如此。然而,尽管通过了《独立宣言》并宣称 "人人生而平等",革命后的社会却远非平等主义。美国革命最大的悖论之一是,虽然它受到自由和平等思想的启发,但它并没有挑战奴隶制,奴隶制仍然根深蒂固,尤其是在南方各州。奴隶是劳动力和经济的重要组成部分,解放奴隶会产生深远的经济影响。事实证明,未能解决奴隶制问题代价高昂,最终导致了 1861 年的美国内战。相比之下,始于 1791 年的海地革命既是一场政治革命,也是一场社会革命。这场革命主要由起义反抗奴隶主的奴隶们领导,最终于 1804 年建立了世界上第一个自由黑人共和国。这场革命不仅是对殖民主义的否定,也是对奴隶制度和种族等级制度的彻底挑战。虽然美国革命建立了新的政治框架,奠定了国家的基础,但它并没有对原有的社会经济结构做出任何重大改变。另一方面,海地革命颠覆了社会和经济秩序,使废除奴隶制和要求平等不仅成为理想,而且成为新国家的具体现实。[[File:Great Seal of the United States (obverse).png|thumb|250px|美国国徽。印章上的 13 个州和 13 条条纹代表组成美国的 13 个州。鹰代表战争,鹰爪上握着和平的橄榄枝和战争的箭。拉丁文铭文 "e pluribis unum "意为 "合而为一"]]


The independence of the United States marked an innovative era not only for the country itself, but also for the entire world. By becoming the first country in the Americas to gain independence, the United States set a bold course for future nations. These initial thirteen colonies were pioneers, defying the mighty Great Britain, and through their success they became a source of inspiration for independence movements in other parts of the Americas. The political structure they adopted was also revolutionary for its time. Rooted in the ideals of republicanism, the United States emphasised civic virtue, representation and the pursuit of the common good. The federalist system, meanwhile, was carefully designed to balance power, ensuring that neither the national government nor individual states became too dominant. This approach has shaped the unique dynamics of American government, where centrality and locality co-exist in harmony. But one of the most significant rejections of European traditions was the abandonment of hereditary nobility. In breaking with European monarchies and aristocracies, the United States embraced a philosophy in which power was determined not by birthright, but by merit and the consent of the citizenry. The Declaration of Independence became the eloquent statement of this belief, proclaiming that "all men are created equal" and insisting that governments exist by the will of the people. Overall, America's innovations laid the foundations for a nation that would constantly seek to redefine freedom, democracy and equality in the centuries to come.
美国的独立不仅标志着美国本身,也标志着整个世界进入了一个创新的时代。通过成为美洲第一个获得独立的国家,美国为未来的国家开辟了一条大胆的道路。最初的十三个殖民地是反抗强大的英国的先锋,他们的成功为美洲其他地区的独立运动提供了灵感。他们采用的政治结构在当时也是革命性的。美国植根于共和主义的理想,强调公民美德、代表权和对共同利益的追求。与此同时,美国精心设计了联邦制,以平衡权力,确保国家政府和各州都不会过于强势。这种做法形成了美国政府的独特活力,使中心地位和地方地位和谐共存。但对欧洲传统最重要的摒弃之一是放弃贵族世袭。在与欧洲君主制和贵族制决裂的过程中,美国接受了这样一种理念,即权力不是由出身决定,而是由功绩和公民的同意决定。独立宣言》是这一信念的雄辩宣言,它宣称 "人人生而平等",并坚持政府的存在要以人民的意愿为基础。总之,美国的创新为这个国家奠定了基础,在未来的几个世纪里,这个国家将不断寻求重新定义自由、民主和平等。


After gaining independence, the United States faced the challenge of creating a stable and effective government. The answer came in the form of the Constitution of 1787, a revolutionary document in many ways. Not only was it the first written Constitution in the world, but its persistence means that today it remains the oldest Constitution still in force. It was the result of intense deliberation and compromise between delegates from different colonies, meeting in Philadelphia at the Constitutional Convention. What they produced was a charter that carefully balanced power between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, embodying the principle of the separation of powers. This separation was designed to avoid excessive concentration of power and to protect the rights of citizens by creating checks and balances. The Constitution goes beyond the simple structure of government. It also sets out the fundamental freedoms that must be protected. With the first ten amendments, known as the Bill of Rights, individual rights such as freedom of speech, the right to a fair trial and protection against unreasonable search and seizure are guaranteed. The adaptability of the Constitution, thanks to its amendment mechanism, has enabled the United States to navigate through changing times and unprecedented challenges, while preserving its fundamental principles. This resilience makes the US Constitution a model and inspiration for other nations seeking to codify their own governmental principles and values.
获得独立后,美国面临着建立一个稳定而有效的政府的挑战。1787年的《宪法》在许多方面都是一份革命性的文件,它为我们提供了答案。它不仅是世界上第一部成文宪法,而且其持久性意味着它今天仍然是仍然有效的最古老的宪法。它是来自不同殖民地的代表在费城制宪会议上激烈讨论和妥协的结果。他们所制定的宪章谨慎地平衡了政府行政、立法和司法部门之间的权力,体现了三权分立的原则。这种分权旨在避免权力过度集中,并通过建立制衡机制来保护公民权利。宪法不仅仅是简单的政府结构。它还规定了必须受到保护的基本自由。前十条修正案(即《权利法案》)保障了言论自由、公平审判权以及免受不合理搜查和扣押等个人权利。宪法的适应性得益于其修订机制,这使得美国能够在不断变化的时代和前所未有的挑战中游刃有余,同时又能维护其基本原则。这种适应性使美国宪法成为其他国家寻求编纂本国政府原则和价值观的典范和灵感来源。


The United States introduced major innovations in governance after independence. By opting for a republican system based on the principle of consent of the governed, by establishing a balance of power through a federalist system, and by adopting the world's first written Constitution, which is still in force, it created a model of democracy and federalism that has influenced many other nations in their quest for autonomy and democratic governance.
美国独立后在治理方面进行了重大创新。美国选择了以被统治者同意原则为基础的共和制,通过联邦制建立了权力制衡,并通过了世界上第一部成文宪法,这部宪法至今仍然有效,美国创造了民主和联邦制的典范,影响了许多其他国家对自治和民主治理的追求。


Although the United States pioneered republicanism and introduced several democratic innovations, its initial democracy was limited in several ways when compared to the modern conception of democracy. The US Constitution, as originally drafted in 1787, reflects the socio-political and economic realities of the time. Although strongly influenced by the ideas of the Enlightenment, this Constitution also bears the hallmarks of the compromises needed to unite a young, fragmented nation. Firstly, the right to vote was initially restricted to white male property owners. This restriction was based on the Founding Fathers' belief that only those with tangible economic interests should have the power to decide on the affairs of state. They feared the "tyrant of the majority" and considered that direct democracy could prove unstable. Secondly, the three-fifths compromise, which counted each slave as three-fifths of a person for representation in Congress, was the result of tense negotiations. The Southern slave states wanted to increase their legislative power by counting the slave population, while the Northern states were more reluctant. This compromise, although morally troubling to us today, was a pragmatic way of maintaining a delicate balance between the States. Finally, the Electoral College was established as a balancing mechanism to protect the interests of the smaller states against the larger ones. The Founding Fathers, concerned about the possibility of knee-jerk decisions by the populace, designed this system so that the President would be chosen by people who were considered educated and well-informed. Over the years, the Constitution has been amended to better reflect socio-political changes, such as the abolition of slavery and the granting of the vote to women. Nevertheless, its initial version is a fascinating testament to the compromises and ideals of the late eighteenth century.
尽管美国开创了共和制并引入了多项民主创新,但与现代民主概念相比,其最初的民主在多个方面受到限制。最初于 1787 年起草的美国宪法反映了当时的社会政治和经济现实。虽然深受启蒙思想的影响,但这部宪法也体现了为团结一个年轻、四分五裂的国家所需的妥协特征。首先,选举权最初仅限于白人男性财产所有者。这一限制是基于国父们的信念,即只有那些拥有切实经济利益的人才有权决定国家事务。他们惧怕 "多数人的暴君",认为直接民主可能证明是不稳定的。其次,五分之三的妥协是紧张谈判的结果,它将每个奴隶算作五分之三的国会代表。南方奴隶制各州希望通过计算奴隶人口来增加其立法权,而北方各州则更不情愿。这种妥协虽然在今天看来在道义上给我们造成了困扰,但却是保持各州之间微妙平衡的一种务实的方式。最后,设立选举团是为了建立一种平衡机制,保护小州的利益不受大州的影响。开国元勋们担心民众可能会做出冲动的决定,因此设计了这一制度,以便由受过教育、消息灵通的人选出总统。多年来,宪法不断修订,以更好地反映社会政治的变化,如废除奴隶制和赋予妇女投票权。尽管如此,其最初版本仍是十八世纪末妥协和理想的精彩见证。


The concept of democracy at the time of the founding of the United States was strongly influenced by the historical experiences and intellectual concerns of the time. While the word "democracy" today evokes the idea of universal participation and equal rights, this was not the case at the end of the 18th century. When the American Founding Fathers considered democracy, they often looked at it through the prism of ancient Greece, where Athenian democracy had been associated with instability, impulsiveness and demagoguery. Stories of hysterical crowds making hasty decisions or being easily manipulated by skilful orators were lessons learned and feared. Moreover, the time of the American Revolution was a period of intense intellectual questioning. The Enlightenment had sparked deep reflection on government, rights and human nature. Many of the Founding Fathers were influenced by these ideas, but were also aware of the potential dangers of overly direct government. They feared that the "tyranny of the majority" would threaten the rights of minorities, and that the passions of the moment would prevail over considered reasoning. So while they sought to create a system that guaranteed certain fundamental rights and public participation, they were also keen to introduce safeguards. They preferred a republican system, where citizens elect representatives to make decisions on their behalf, to direct democracy. The vision of the Founding Fathers was to create a balance: a government that could function effectively while protecting individual rights and avoiding the pitfalls they associated with direct democracy. This vision has evolved over time, as the notion of democracy has broadened and deepened to include more citizens in the decision-making process.
美国建国时的民主概念深受当时历史经验和思想关切的影响。今天,"民主 "一词让人联想到普遍参与和平等权利,但在 18 世纪末,情况并非如此。美国的开国元勋们在考虑民主问题时,往往会从古希腊的角度来看待它,古希腊的雅典民主与不稳定、冲动和蛊惑人心联系在一起。歇斯底里的人群做出草率的决定,或者被高超的演说家轻易操纵,这些都是他们汲取的教训,也是他们所惧怕的。此外,美国革命时期也是知识分子激烈质疑的时期。启蒙运动引发了对政府、权利和人性的深刻反思。许多开国元勋受到这些思想的影响,但也意识到过于直接的政府可能带来的危险。他们担心 "多数人的暴政 "会威胁到少数人的权利,也担心一时的激情会战胜深思熟虑的推理。因此,他们在寻求建立一种能够保障某些基本权利和公众参与的制度的同时,也热衷于引入保障措施。与直接民主相比,他们更倾向于共和制,即公民选举代表来代表他们做出决定。开国元勋们的愿景是创造一种平衡:一个既能有效运作,又能保护个人权利并避免与直接民主相联系的陷阱的政府。随着时间的推移,这种愿景也在不断演变,民主的概念也在不断扩大和深化,让更多的公民参与到决策过程中来。


Since independence, the United States has undergone a profound transformation in its system of democracy and representation. The Constitution itself, although rooted in fundamental principles, was designed to be a living document, capable of adapting and evolving over time. Thus, over the years, several amendments were adopted to reflect the country's social and political developments. The 15th Amendment, ratified in 1870, marked a milestone by guaranteeing that the right to vote could not be "denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, colour, or previous condition of servitude". In other words, it prohibited racial discrimination in the right to vote, although in practice many Southern states found ways to circumvent this provision until the civil rights movement of the twentieth century. The 19th Amendment, ratified in 1920, represented another major step forward. After decades of struggle and advocacy by suffragettes, this amendment guaranteed women the right to vote, ending a long period of exclusion of women from the electoral process. Finally, in 1971, the 26th Amendment was adopted in response to the concerns of young Americans, particularly during the Vietnam War. Many wondered why young men could be drafted to fight for their country at 18, but had to wait until 21 to vote. The amendment lowered the voting age from 21 to 18. These and other amendments show how American democracy has evolved, adapting to become more inclusive and more reflective of the nation's changing values. They also highlight the importance of civic advocacy and engagement in bringing about positive change in the system.
自独立以来,美国的民主和代表制度经历了深刻的变革。宪法本身虽然植根于基本原则,但其设计初衷是使其成为一份活的文件,能够随着时间的推移不断调整和演变。因此,多年来通过了多项修正案,以反映国家的社会和政治发展。1870 年批准的第 15 项修正案是一个里程碑,它保证 "美国或任何州不得因种族、肤色或以前的奴役状况而剥夺或减损 "选举权。换句话说,它禁止在选举权方面的种族歧视,尽管在实践中,许多南方州想方设法规避这一规定,直到 20 世纪的民权运动。1920 年批准的第 19 项修正案代表着又向前迈进了一大步。经过女权运动者数十年的斗争和宣传,该修正案保障了妇女的选举权,结束了妇女长期被排斥在选举进程之外的状况。最后,1971 年,第 26 项修正案获得通过,以回应美国年轻人的关切,尤其是在越南战争期间。许多人不明白,为什么年轻人 18 岁就可以应征入伍为国效力,却要等到 21 岁才能投票。该修正案将投票年龄从 21 岁降至 18 岁。这些修正案和其他修正案显示了美国民主是如何演变的,如何适应变得更具包容性和更能反映国家不断变化的价值观。它们还凸显了公民倡导和参与对实现制度积极变革的重要性。


The term "America" has its origins in the name of cartographer and explorer Amerigo Vespucci, who recognised that the lands discovered by Christopher Columbus were a continent distinct from Asia. Initially, the name was used to describe the newly discovered continents of the New World, namely North America and South America. Over time, however, with the rise in power and influence of the United States, the term 'America' became synonymous, in many contexts, with the United States itself. The perception that the United States appropriates the term "America" has been a source of contention. Citizens of other countries on the continent can feel marginalised when they hear the term used exclusively to refer to the United States. It is a question of recognition and respect for the distinct cultures, histories and nations that make up the Americas. In an international context, it is common to use "American" to refer to someone from the United States. However, in Latin America, for example, the term "norteamericano" (North American) or "estadounidense" (from the United States) is often used to avoid this confusion. In addition, the term "americano" in many Latin American countries refers to someone from any part of the Americas, not just the United States. It is therefore important to recognise the context and audience when using this term. Linguistic and cultural nuances can affect how information is received and interpreted. For many, the word 'America' conjures up images of a vast continent with a rich diversity of cultures, histories and peoples.
美洲 "一词起源于制图师和探险家亚美利哥-韦斯普奇(Amerigo Vespucci)的名字,他认为克里斯托弗-哥伦布(Christopher Columbus)发现的土地是一个有别于亚洲的大陆。最初,这个名字被用来描述新大陆中新发现的大陆,即北美洲和南美洲。然而,随着时间的推移,随着美国权力和影响力的崛起,"美洲 "一词在许多情况下成为美国本身的同义词。美国独占 "美洲 "一词的观点一直是争议的根源。当非洲大陆其他国家的公民听到 "美国 "一词专指美国时,他们会感到自己被边缘化了。这是一个承认和尊重构成美洲的独特文化、历史和民族的问题。在国际背景下,通常用 "美国人 "来指代来自美国的人。但是,在拉丁美洲,为了避免混淆,通常使用 "norteamericano"(北美人)或 "estadounidense"(美国人)。此外,在许多拉丁美洲国家,"americano "一词指来自美洲任何地方的人,而不仅仅是美国人。因此,在使用这一术语时,必须认清语境和受众。语言和文化上的细微差别会影响信息的接收和解释。对许多人来说,"美洲 "一词会让人联想到一个有着丰富多彩的文化、历史和民族的广袤大陆。


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Version actuelle datée du 11 août 2023 à 16:13

根据 Aline Helg 的演讲改编[1][2][3][4][5][6][7]

美国独立宣言》的传真件,附有签署人的肖像。

美国的独立是世界历史上具有里程碑意义的事件,是北美十三个英属殖民地为摆脱大英帝国枷锁而大胆探索的结果。这些殖民地经过数十年的发展,虽然仍处于英国的统治之下,但已经形成了自己的认同感。他们对自治的共同愿望在 1776 年 7 月 4 日通过的《独立宣言》中得到了最有力的表达。在这份文件中,他们坚决主张自己管理自己的权利,宣布摆脱英国王室的统治。

然而,要理解这一向独立的过渡,我们需要深入探讨形成这一时期的错综复杂的历史和基本运动。影响这一时期的两个主要因素是:七年战争和启蒙运动。七年战争通常被称为美洲大陆上的法印战争,这场战争耗尽了英国的国库,迫使这个大都市向大西洋彼岸的殖民地征收更重的税收。这种税收负担与启蒙运动中不可剥夺的权利和个人自由的理想并存,加剧了殖民者日益增长的挫败感。

英国试图通过《驻扎法》(Quartering Acts)和《1763 年公告》(Proclamation of 1763)等措施巩固其对殖民地的控制,这只会加剧这些紧张局势。这些行为被认为是对殖民者自由的侮辱,催生了日益强烈的独立愿望,最终导致了革命,一个影响世界历史进程的国家由此诞生。

独立的原因[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

18 世纪美洲殖民地的人口增长和领土扩张是美国独立的关键先兆。人口爆炸导致领土从 1700 年的 30 万居民增长到 1770 年的 250 万,由此产生的社会经济和政治动态影响了这些殖民地的发展轨迹。

首先,人口的快速增长增加了对土地和资源的压力。定居者们急于扩大他们的农业领土,将目光投向阿巴拉契亚山脉以外的西部土地。然而,这些领土野心受到英国政策的阻碍,特别是 1763 年的公告,该公告禁止定居者在这些山脉以西定居,以避免与原住民发生冲突。这一限制被视为殖民地自由和繁荣的障碍,加剧了殖民者与大都市之间的紧张关系。人口的快速增长也产生了不同的地区特征。北方城市不断扩大,以贸易、渔业和手工业为中心的多元化经济发展起来,形成了不同于南方的身份认同,南方主要从事农业生产,依赖于剥削奴隶劳动力的种植园。这些差异造就了不同的世界观,尽管殖民地联合起来实现了独立,但这些地区特性继续影响着国家的形成及其政治。

18 世纪,美国殖民地成为各种身份和文化的大熔炉。虽然英国是主要的移民来源国,但来自欧洲其他地区--特别是德国、爱尔兰、法国、荷兰和其他地方--的人们也源源不断地来到美国寻找新的机会。这些移民往往是受宗教迫害、冲突或仅仅是为了寻求更好的生活,他们用自己的习俗、语言、耕作方式和手工艺传统丰富了殖民地。例如,主要定居在宾夕法尼亚州的德国人因其耕作和建筑技能而闻名。逃离贫困和宗教压迫的爱尔兰人带来了坚定的决心和音乐传统,这些都成为殖民地文化的一部分。文化多样性的涌入导致多元化意识的增强。殖民地不再仅仅是英国的延伸;它们是来自欧洲大陆各民族的马赛克,每个民族都在帮助塑造新兴美洲的文化、社会和经济景观。这种多样性也加强了殖民地的自我认同感。虽然政治和经济体制在很大程度上以英国模式为蓝本,但人们的日常生活却反映出传统的融合。人们越来越清楚地认识到,虽然忠于英国王室,但殖民地已经形成了独特、复杂和多元的身份认同。因此,随着与英国的政治关系日益紧张,这种独特的身份成为自治诉求的核心。殖民者不仅仅是生活在海外的英国臣民;他们是一个多元化的群体,有着自己的愿望和对未来的憧憬,这不可避免地促成了他们对独立和建立新国家的渴望。

七年战争是一场超前的世界大战,不仅对参战的欧洲列强,而且对美洲殖民地和土著民族的命运都产生了持久的影响。随着英国的胜利,1763 年的《巴黎条约》标志着北美殖民动态的转折点。英国主要以牺牲法国为代价获得了大片领土,从而巩固了其在北美大陆的霸权地位。但这一胜利并非一帆风顺。首先,密西西比河以西的土地虽然正式由英国控制,但仍主要居住着土著民族。这些民族虽然在战争中被削弱,但并不准备毫无抵抗地割让土地。1763 年的《皇家公告》旨在通过禁止在阿巴拉契亚山脉以西定居来缓和与原住民的紧张关系,在一定程度上是对这些挑战的回应。然而,对于雄心勃勃想要扩大土地的定居者来说,这一公告被视为对王室的背叛,阻碍了他们在他们认为应得的土地上定居的权利。其次,战争给英国留下了巨额债务。为了收回部分开支,英国政府对殖民地征收了一系列税收,如《印花税法》和《汤申法》。这些未经殖民地直接同意而征收的税收(违反了 "无代表不征税 "的原则),引起了殖民地人民的强烈不满,为革命火上浇油。最后,法国在北美威胁的终结自相矛盾地使得大英帝国在一些殖民者眼中的重要性下降。此前,英国的存在为抵御法国入侵提供了重要保护。但随着法国从北美舞台上消失,一些殖民者开始憧憬不受英国干涉和征税的独立生存。七年战争巩固了英国作为北美霸主的地位,同时也埋下了不和与不满的种子,最终导致了美国革命。

1763 年的《皇家公告》在加剧美国殖民地与英国之间的紧张关系方面发挥了关键作用。这一决定在历史上往往被低估,但其影响却是深远的。颁布《公告》的主要目的是平息与在战争中与法国结盟的土著民族的关系。英国政府希望通过限制殖民地的扩张来避免更多代价高昂的冲突。然而,殖民者并不欢迎这一决定。经过多年的战争,许多人认为这些西部领土是对他们的努力和牺牲的应有回报。此外,新土地的前景对许多定居者也很有吸引力,无论是希望扩大土地的农民,还是希望从西进扩张中获利的投机者。因此,公告被视为对他们繁荣的背叛和阻碍。这种不公正感又因宣言的发布没有征求殖民地议会的意见而加剧。对殖民者来说,这进一步证明了英国对他们权益的蔑视。人们越来越坚信,伦敦越来越脱离美国殖民地的现实和需求。1763 年的《公告》,加上其他不受欢迎的措施,如没有代表权的征税,凸显了殖民者与英国政府之间日益严重的分裂。它强化了大英帝国的利益与美洲殖民地的利益存在根本分歧的观念,为革命情绪的高涨铺平了道路。

印花税法大会在纽约联邦大厅(现已不复存在)举行。

1763 年七年战争的结束标志着美洲殖民地与英国政府之间紧张关系的开始。英国希望避免与土著民族发生进一步冲突,并降低军事成本,因此于 1763 年发布了《皇家公告》。这项指令禁止定居者在阿巴拉契亚山脉以西定居,旨在为美洲印第安人保留这片土地。与此同时,英国政府承诺与土著民族建立更有序的关系。英国当局没有让定居者直接进行谈判,而是试图集中互动,最终达成正式协议。然而,其中也有不规范之处。特别是,虽然与切诺基人的交往频繁而重要,但主要生活在现今美国西南部的阿帕奇人并没有直接参与东海岸的领土争端。东部的其他土著民族可能更多地参与了这些领土争端。尽管有这些监管尝试,定居者,尤其是生活在西部边境的定居者,往往选择无视官方指令。在扩张欲望的驱使下,他们获取领土,有时直接违反既定条约,这引发了与土著民族的冲突。这些紧张局势和受英国控制的压迫感是导致美国革命的主要先兆。

七年战争的结束给英国留下了巨额债务。为了偿还债务,英国政府试图增加从北美殖民地的收入,因为与帝国的其他地区相比,北美殖民地迄今为止一直相对免税。然而,这些尝试遭到了激烈的反对。几十年来,殖民地已经形成了一种自治意识。它们享有广泛的权力下放,其立法议会往往对内部税收拥有最终决定权。因此,当大都市在未经殖民地议会同意的情况下征收直接税时,这不仅被视为对殖民地权利的侵犯,也是对其既定治理模式的挑战。

1765 年出台的《印花税法》就是这种不满情绪的一个突出例子。该法对殖民地从合同到报纸的所有印刷文件征税。更激起殖民者愤怒的是,这项法律是在未经他们同意的情况下制定的。没有代表就不征税 "这句名言在殖民者中响彻云霄。印花税法》成为英国压迫的象征,凸显了殖民者对权利和自由的期望与英国政府加强对殖民地经济和政治控制的意图之间的差距。对《印花税法》的挑战也成为殖民地间空前合作的催化剂,强化了美国的独特身份意识,并为有组织的抵抗奠定了基础,最终导致了美国革命。

启蒙运动是一个思想和文化复兴的时期,对整个西方世界的思想家和领袖产生了深远的影响,美国殖民地也未能幸免于革命思想的熏陶。这些思想,尤其是有关人权和政府性质的思想,对塑造美国开国元勋的政治哲学至关重要。约翰-洛克是当时最有影响力的哲学家之一,他认为只有得到被统治者的同意,才能拥有合法的权力。他认为,个人拥有不可剥夺的权利,任何侵犯这些权利的政府都会丧失其合法性。这些观点在美国殖民者,尤其是那些接受过古典教育的殖民者中得到了有力的响应。英国政府的征税和无直接代表的监管等压迫行为与这些开明的原则直接相悖。此外,由于报刊和文学沙龙的兴起,这些政策的实施正值思想迅速传播之时。小册子、报纸和书籍传播启蒙思想,在殖民者中形成了围绕自由、正义和民主等概念的集体意识。

托马斯-杰斐逊、本杰明-富兰克林和约翰-亚当斯等人深受启蒙运动哲学的熏陶。他们的著作和演讲反映了一种不可动摇的信念,即需要一个保护个人权利的政府。因此,当与英国的紧张关系升级时,启蒙思想为殖民抵抗提供了思想和道德基础。1776 年的《独立宣言》明确阐述了这些原则,标志着一个建立在启蒙运动理想基础上的新国家的开始,用林肯的话说,这个国家将 "孕育于自由之中,并致力于人人生而平等的主张"。

殖民地的反应[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

美国革命之前,殖民者与英国政府之间的关系日益紧张。新的税收和法规被认为具有压迫性,这促使殖民者积极反对这个大都市,采用和平与直接相结合的方式来表达他们的不满。最早的反抗行动之一是起草请愿书和抗议书。殖民者认为自己被剥夺了议会代表权,他们通过正式要求修改或废除不受欢迎的法律来表达自己的不满。这些请愿书反映了殖民地普遍存在的不公正感,为日后有组织的反对活动奠定了基础。与此类似,英国还采取了经济抵制措施,但对英国造成了直接的经济后果。贸易商停止进口英国商品,而消费者则避免购买进口产品。这种做法给英国带来了最大的伤害:经济损失。一些感受到压力的英国商人成了不可能的盟友,他们敦促本国政府放宽限制。

然而,并非所有的反应都是和平的。自由之子 "等团体有时会越过非暴力反抗的界限,冒险进行恐吓或直接使用暴力,尤其是针对英国政府官员或保皇党人。这些行为虽然不那么频繁,但标志着与王室对抗的显著升级。最臭名昭著的此类事件是 1770 年的 "波士顿大屠杀"。在这一悲剧事件中,英国士兵向示威人群开枪,打死了其中五人,成为英国统治残暴的有力象征。它激起了殖民地的公众舆论,强化了独立的愿望。随着这些反抗行为的加剧,殖民地与英国的关系恶化,双方不可避免地走上了公开冲突的道路,并在 1775 年爆发。

波士顿茶会是美国历史上最著名的非暴力反抗活动之一。它是殖民地反抗英国政策升级的象征。1773 年,英国政府授予英国东印度公司对美洲茶叶贸易的实际垄断权,并征收茶叶税。这些措施被许多殖民者视为没有代表权的公然征税的又一例证。殖民地,尤其是波士顿,一片哗然。1773 年 12 月 16 日,为了回应这些不得人心的政策,自由之子运动的成员伪装成莫霍克人,以强调他们的美国身份,并拒绝他们的英国隶属关系,他们登上了停泊在波士顿港的三艘船。他们小心翼翼地只破坏茶叶货物,将 342 箱茶叶扔到海里,同时避免损坏其他财产。这不仅仅是一次抗税行动。这也是对垄断的抗议,因为垄断使许多当地商人破产。殖民者用这一象征性的行动表明了他们反抗英国统治、捍卫自身权利的决心。英国政府对波士顿茶党的反应迅速而严厉。他们实施了 "不可容忍法案",其中包括关闭波士顿港口,直到茶叶付清为止,以及严格限制马萨诸塞州殖民政府的自治权。这些惩罚性行为只会加剧紧张局势,促使殖民地更加团结起来反对英国。简而言之,波士顿茶党不仅是一种反抗行为,它还象征着殖民地对英国统治的忍耐已达到极限的爆发点。它标志着一个重要的转折点,直接导致了美国革命的爆发。

波士顿大屠杀是殖民者与英国政府之间关系的关键时刻,凸显了北美紧张局势的动荡不安。1770 年 3 月 5 日晚,波士顿一个寒冷的冬夜,一名英国士兵正在海关大楼前坚守岗位。在与一名殖民者发生口角后,一群人围住了他,向他投掷侮辱性语言、雪球和各种杂物。其他几名英国士兵被叫来帮忙。人群继续扩大,变得更加充满敌意。在随后的混乱中,英国士兵开枪射击,打死五人,打伤数人。这一事件很快被保罗-里维尔、约翰-亚当斯和塞缪尔-亚当斯等殖民地爱国领袖利用,他们利用这一事件煽动反英情绪。关于这次冲突的版画和描述在整个殖民地流传开来,这些描述往往带有偏见,将英国士兵描绘成嗜血的野蛮人,蓄意射杀手无寸铁的平民。约翰-亚当斯,未来的美国总统,在审判中为士兵们辩护,称他们的行为是为了自卫,抵御暴徒的威胁。大多数士兵被无罪释放,这加强了殖民地建立公平司法制度的理念。然而,大屠杀的记忆一直铭刻在人们的集体记忆中,对许多人来说,它象征着英国人的残酷镇压。波士顿大屠杀成为英国暴政的一个强有力的象征,也是殖民者反英情绪统一的催化剂。它是最终导致《独立宣言》和美国革命的众多事件之一。

波士顿茶会不仅是历史书上值得纪念的一页,也是殖民地对英国一系列压迫措施不满情绪的结晶。在 12 月的那个夜晚之前的几年里,殖民地对大都市试图控制殖民地经济并以专制的方式将其强加于人的做法越来越不满。1773 年的《茶叶法案》是最后一根稻草。虽然该法案实际上降低了茶叶的价格,但它确认了英国有权在未经殖民地直接同意的情况下向殖民地征税。反应是迅速和戏剧性的。在夜幕的掩护下,一群积极分子,包括自由之子的一些成员,伪装成莫霍克印第安人,冲击英国船只。在波士顿港口咸咸的海水中,茶箱破碎的声音和茶叶汩汩的沸腾声引起了人们的共鸣,这是一次反抗英国王室的大胆行动。这一行为的影响远远超出了波士顿海岸。英国当局做出了严厉的反应,关闭了波士顿港,并实施了一系列被称为 "不可容忍的法律 "的惩罚措施。这些措施非但没有压制反叛精神,反而激发了殖民地的斗志,敦促他们团结起来捍卫自己的权利和自由。这样一来,波士顿茶会就不仅仅是对税收的抗议,而是反抗的象征,是殖民者面对他们所认为的不公正不再被动的宣言。那天晚上标志着一个转折点,为更直接的对抗铺平了道路,最终实现了美国的独立。

英国的反应[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

这幅英国漫画描绘了 "波士顿拟人化的强奸行为",很快被保罗-里维尔复制并分发到整个殖民地。

被称为《强制法》的一系列法律是伦敦对臭名昭著的波士顿茶党的惩罚性回应。英国议会于 1774 年通过该法案,旨在惩戒马萨诸塞殖民地,尤其是波士顿市。然而,这些法案非但没有平息局势,反而加剧了紧张局势,巩固了殖民地对英国统治的反对。

波士顿港口法》就是这些惩罚性措施之一,它关闭了波士顿港口,直到波士顿茶党造成的损失得到补偿。这一行动严重影响了当地经济,导致许多波士顿人失业。与此同时,《马萨诸塞政府法》对殖民地政府进行了重组,大幅削减了地方议会的权力,赋予英国总督更大的控制权。这被视为对殖民地自治的直接攻击。此外,通过《司法管理法》,伦敦试图确保英国士兵和官员如果被指控犯罪,在马萨诸塞州不会受到有偏见的审判。这使得他们可以在其他地方受审,通常是在大不列颠。加强《驻扎法》是殖民者的另一根刺。该法规定,如有必要,英国士兵必须住在私人住宅中,这对殖民地公民来说是一项沉重的负担。最后,《魁北克法案》虽然与波士顿事件有间接联系,但也被视为 "不可容忍法案 "的一部分。该法案扩大了魁北克省的面积,事实上缩小了邻近殖民地的面积,并促进了天主教的发展,而殖民地中的大多数新教徒都不赞成天主教。作为回应,各殖民地联合起来。1774 年 9 月,来自 12 个殖民地的代表齐聚费城,召开了第一届大陆会议,旨在针对这些压迫性法律制定协调一致的对策。不可容忍法案》非但没有恐吓殖民者,反而起到了催化剂的作用,为美国独立战争奠定了基础。

英国政府实施的《不可容忍法案》不仅被视为惩罚性法律,也是对殖民者作为英国公民的权利和自由的直接攻击。例如,关闭波士顿港口影响了殖民地经济的核心,而改组马萨诸塞州政府则损害了他们的自治权,而这正是殖民者所珍视的价值观。这种愤怒远远超出了马萨诸塞州的边界。在此之前,各殖民地有着不同的不满情绪和地区特性,现在他们开始认为自己的命运是密不可分的。在波士顿感受到的不公正,现在远在弗吉尼亚州或南卡罗来纳州也能感受到。愤怒和反抗的统一成为新的准则。这种团结一致的反抗在第一届大陆会议上得到了体现。来自几乎所有殖民地的代表汇聚一堂,共同应对暴政。在此背景下,大陆军成立,乔治-华盛顿任总司令。关系的不断恶化以及胁迫行为的加剧,最终将殖民者推向了不归路。1776 年 7 月 4 日签署的《独立宣言》不仅仅是一份政治宣言,更是一个民族主张其地位和自决权的大胆宣言。因此,英国政府希望通过一系列措施恢复秩序和权威,但结果却加速了殖民地走向革命和独立的步伐。

迈向独立的决定性步骤[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

英国对波士顿茶党采取的强制措施产生了意想不到的后果。这些措施不仅没有孤立和惩罚马萨诸塞,反而产生了相反的效果:它们成为团结十三个殖民地的催化剂。虽然马萨诸塞是直接目标,但其他殖民地认为这是一个危险的先例。如果英国可以肆无忌惮地侵犯一个殖民地的权利,那么将来还有什么能阻止另一个殖民地遭受同样的命运呢?在这种忧虑的气氛中,殖民地间的团结意识油然而生。当波士顿港口关闭时,其他殖民地派人支援波士顿,并成立了通信委员会,以促进殖民地之间的沟通和协调。此外,他们作为英国公民的权利得到了共同承认,从而增强了这种共同的不公正感。显然,除非他们结成统一战线,否则所有殖民地的权利和自由都将受到进一步的侵犯。这种团结为更正式的集会奠定了基础,如第一届大陆会议,殖民地在会上讨论了他们对英国行动的集体反应。渐渐地,一种美国民族主义意识出现了,它将不同殖民地的独特身份融合为一个共同的事业:追求自治、权利和最终的独立。

1774 年 9 月,费城发生了一件具有历史意义的大事,预示着殖民地关系新篇章的开始。第一次大陆会议汇聚了来自 13 个殖民地中 12 个殖民地的代表,这是殖民地面对英国压迫所表现出的前所未有的团结。在这次大会上,代表们达成了一项共识:强制行为被视为对他们作为英国公民的权利的直接攻击,因此被宣布为非法。这不仅仅是一个不同意见的声明。殖民地已经准备好采取行动。他们要求组建民兵,为可能发生的武装对抗做好准备。这一大胆的姿态向英国发出了一个强烈的信号,即殖民地不会满足于仅仅口头上的抗议。国会不仅仅是对不受欢迎的立法的回应。它代表着殖民地对自身及其与大都市关系的认识发生了根本性转变。这是第一次,殖民地不再作为十三个拥有各自利益和关切的独立实体行事,而是作为一个集体单位聚集在一起,捍卫他们的共同权利。这是一个决定性的转折点,是迈向独立和形成统一国家的重要一步。

在争取独立的汹涌浪潮中,我们必须牢记,美国殖民者的观点并非铁板一块。事实上,殖民时期的美国是一个融合了不同观点和忠诚的大熔炉。保皇党人,也被称为 "托利党人",在殖民地人口中占有相当大的比例。这些人因信念、传统或个人利益而忠于英国王室。通常,他们认为抵抗和反抗国王是对提供保护和机会的帝国的忘恩负义。有时,他们与英国的经济和社会联系引导着他们的立场,担心独立会动摇他们的社会地位或损害他们的经济利益。另一方面,也有一些殖民者虽然反对英国的政策,但不愿支持武装革命。他们更倾向于以和平方式进行抗议,如签署请愿书或抵制英国商品。对他们来说,革命和战争的概念往往意味着经济破坏、社会混乱的威胁以及生命损失的可能性。殖民者之间意见和方法的多样性提醒我们,通往美国独立的道路远非一致的共识,而是利益、忠诚和意识形态的复杂拼凑。

英王乔治三世在英国与美国殖民地之间紧张关系升级中所扮演的角色经常受到审视和争论。乔治三世在位期间,大英帝国,尤其是北美,正处于深刻变革和动荡时期。虽然国王乔治三世经常被描绘成顽固不化、无法完全理解美国殖民者的愿望和需求的人,但我们必须记住,他并不是在真空中工作。在他身后是英国议会和顾问们,这些人在很大程度上赞同他的观点,即殖民地应继续服从英国王室和议会。殖民者认为乔治三世行事专横。他对强制行为的支持以及强迫殖民地居民为英国士兵提供住所的《营地法》(Quartering Act)被视为对殖民地居民权利的直接侵犯。当时的许多殖民地小册子和文章都将国王描绘成一个遥远的君主,对大西洋彼岸臣民的关切漠不关心。但真正导致不和的因素并不仅仅是国王的个性或行为。殖民地人民根深蒂固地认为,他们应该享有与其他英国公民同等的权利和特权。当这些权利受到威胁或被忽视时,愤怒和对自治的渴望便与日俱增,最终引发了美国革命。因此,尽管国王乔治三世的行为和决定不可否认地在引发革命方面发挥了作用,但它们只是在这一关键时期激起殖民地不满、欲望和挫折的更大背景中的一部分。

大陆会议于 1774 年召开第一次会议,其成员大多属于殖民地的社会经济精英。这些代表一般都有经济、政治或土地利益需要保护。尽管他们的背景各不相同--商人、律师、种植园主以及少数工匠和商人--但大多数都是各自殖民地的知名人士。必须指出的是,殖民地自治的愿望不仅仅是对《强制法》的反应。虽然《强制法》对殖民地不满情绪的固化起到了至关重要的作用,但殖民地与英国之间的摩擦已经酝酿了几十年。对没有代表权的征税、殖民地的自我管理能力和贸易限制等问题的担忧是许多焦虑的来源。然而,大陆会议的许多代表属于殖民地精英阶层,这一事实对美国革命的性质产生了影响。这些人并不一定要建立一个彻底平等的社会。相反,许多人关心的是在摆脱英国统治的同时维持现有的社会秩序。换句话说,虽然他们渴望政治独立,但并不一定希望推翻殖民地的社会经济结构。与所有革命一样,美国革命也是一场复杂的革命,是由众多因素和参与者共同塑造的。虽然大陆会议在领导殖民地走向独立的过程中发挥了决定性作用,但必须从这一关键时期殖民地的紧张局势、愿望和焦虑等更广泛的背景下来看待它。

殖民地精英占大陆会议代表的大多数,他们清楚地意识到,革命的成功需要大部分人口的支持。为了争取殖民地社会各阶层的支持,他们采取了多层面的动员方式。酒馆尤其是殖民地社会生活的重要中心。酒馆不仅是喝酒的地方,还是交流和讨论新闻、谣言和政治观点的聚会场所。革命领袖利用这些场所传播他们的思想,有时以歌曲、祝酒词或热烈讨论的形式进行。商人也是必不可少的,他们不仅是革命事业的资助者,还因为他们可以通过抵制和其他形式的经济反抗英国政策来影响民众。律师精通英国法律和启蒙哲学,为革命提供了思想上的依据,他们从法律和道德的角度阐述了殖民者的不满。工匠和技术工人在城市人口中占很大比例,在动员群众方面发挥着重要作用。无论是为战争生产物资,还是积极参与示威游行和抵抗行动,他们的技能对革命事业都至关重要。宣传也是赢得民心的重要工具。通常由著名思想家撰写的小册子,如托马斯-潘恩(Thomas Paine)著名的《常识》,在传播革命思想方面发挥了重要作用。报纸上有关英国不公正的报道则扩大了反英情绪。综合这些因素,革命领袖们得以编织出一个跨越殖民地社会不同阶层的支持网络。这种动员不仅是美国革命取得初步成功的重要保证,也是美国革命在面临重大挑战时保持长期生命力的重要保证。美国革命不是下层阶级的革命,而是殖民地精英的叛乱,他们从英国政府那里寻求更大的权力和自主权。他们成功地动员了全体人民,为自己的事业赢得了支持。然而,最终正是这些殖民地精英的行动和决定导致了美国的独立。

列克星敦之旅》,尼古拉斯-庞塞(Nicolas Ponce,1775-1819 年,无日期)创作的列克星敦战役版画。

1775 年,殖民者与英国王室之间的紧张关系达到了爆发点。殖民地骚乱四起,许多殖民者开始认为对抗不可避免。在对抗前夕,马萨诸塞州已经成为革命活动的温床,这与英国最近在那里实施的制裁不无关系。1775 年 4 月 19 日,火药桶爆炸了。英军在前往康科德夺取军火库的途中,在莱克星顿与美国民兵遭遇。尽管严令不得开火,但一声巨响--著名的 "枪声响彻云霄"--战斗还是打响了。最后,英军撤回波士顿,一路上都受到民兵的骚扰。虽然莱克星顿战役在战斗和伤亡方面相对较小,但其象征性影响却是巨大的。它体现了美国人捍卫自身权利和自治的决心。它还代表着与英国的最终决裂,将政治反抗转变为独立战争。马萨诸塞州的波士顿、莱克星顿和康科德镇在这些初步事件中发挥了核心作用。由于其在抵抗运动中的领导作用以及作为第一场战役的发生地,马萨诸塞州赢得了 "独立摇篮 "的美誉。正是在这里,自由和独立的理想转化为具体行动,使 13 个殖民地走上了革命的道路。为此,第二次大陆会议在费城召开,会议决定组建一支军队,保卫殖民地抵御英国。这支军队被称为 "大陆军"(Continental Army),由乔治-华盛顿(George Washington)负责,他后来成为这支军队的总司令和美国革命的关键人物。这是殖民地走向独立的关键一步,标志着有组织的抗英军事行动的开始。

乔治-华盛顿身材魁梧,举止沉稳,是许多人心目中领导力的缩影。他在第二次大陆会议上被选为大陆军总司令绝非偶然。华盛顿来自强大的弗吉尼亚殖民地,在殖民地政治中发挥着关键作用。作为一个有影响力的弗吉尼亚人,他的领导能力加强了殖民地之间的团结,平衡了北方殖民地和南方殖民地之间的权力。他的财富和土地所有权,再加上他的奴隶制,标志着他在经济上的独立,以及他不会腐败或徇私的信念。对于国会代表来说,他是一个不会因为反抗英国而获得任何个人利益的人,也不会轻易被高级职位所提供的权力或财富所诱惑。但除了他的社会地位外,他的军事经验也至关重要。虽然他在印法战争中的战绩有好有坏,但他在指挥和战术方面获得了宝贵的经验。此外,在那场战争中的磨难让他了解到北美战争的困难和挑战,这些知识在未来的战争中将被证明是无价之宝。最后,他的爱国主义和对美国事业的承诺使他在同时代人眼中值得信赖。乔治-华盛顿也许不是那个时代最有成就的军事战略家,但他的正直、奉献精神和团结不同背景人民的能力使他成为领导殖民地寻求独立的理想人选。

殖民地之间的团结是他们共同对抗英国取得成功的关键。北方殖民地和南方殖民地之间的经济、社会和文化差异可能会成为寻求独立的突破点。然而,任命弗吉尼亚人乔治-华盛顿(George Washington)为总司令是加强这种团结的战略举措。弗吉尼亚州是殖民地中最大和最富有的地区,在殖民地政治中具有相当大的影响力。由弗吉尼亚人担任大陆军总司令,传递了一个强烈的信息,即革命努力不仅仅是北方殖民地的事情,而是一场泛美运动。北方殖民地,尤其是马萨诸塞州,是许多反英抗议和运动的中心,如波士顿茶会和莱克星顿战役。然而,独立运动要想取得成功,就必须超越地区界限。选择华盛顿领导军队确保了南方不仅在政治和经济上,而且在军事上投入到独立运动中。对乔治-华盛顿的任命不仅是基于他的个人品质,也是一项更广泛战略的一部分,旨在团结和动员所有13个殖民地与英国统治作斗争。

向国会提交宣言的最终文本。

独立宣言[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

托马斯-潘在《常识》中提出的美国宪法,1776 年

乔治-华盛顿作为大陆军总司令面临着无数挑战。他不仅要领导一支经验不足、装备落后的军队,还要在巨大的逆境中鼓舞和保持军队的士气。此外,他还必须争取平民百姓的支持,因为只有得到民众的支持,军队才会强大。

在这方面,托马斯-潘恩的作品,尤其是他的小册子《常识》起了决定性的作用。1776年1月出版的《常识》挑战了英王的权威,倡导建立一个独立的美国共和国。他清晰有力的论点激励了美国公众,改变了许多殖民者对他们与英国关系的看法。潘恩慷慨激昂的散文为独立的必要性提供了令人信服的论据,并有助于强调英国统治的不公正。对于普通民众来说,政治辩论往往显得抽象或遥远,而潘恩却有才华让广大读者理解他的论点,帮助加强民众对革命事业的支持。华盛顿在战场上作战,巩固大陆军并与英军交战,而潘恩则在意识形态领域作战,用维持战争所需的论点和决心武装殖民者。两人都以各自的方式在殖民地走向独立的道路上发挥了至关重要的作用。

托马斯-潘恩的《常识》对美国殖民者的集体意识产生了重大影响。在这部煽情的作品中,潘恩打破了传统逻辑,直接挑战英国对美洲殖民地统治的合法性。他用简单直接的语言,诉诸普通公民的理性和常识,驳斥了英国君主制对殖民地有益甚至必要的观点。潘恩表达的观点--谈判的时代已经过去,现在是彻底决裂的时候了--引起了许多殖民者的强烈共鸣。这本小册子的销售速度证明了它的影响力。在一个没有互联网和电视的时代,《常识》这样的出版物能够病毒式传播是一项了不起的壮举。从这个角度来看,如果我们把 12 万册的销量与美国目前的人口数量相提并论,那么它就相当于今天几百万册的销量。在第二次大陆会议上,代表们就《独立宣言》的优劣展开辩论,气氛充满了期待和不确定性。在此背景下,潘恩的著作提供了可喜的清晰度,慷慨激昂地号召人们采取行动,坚定了领袖们走向独立的决心。常识》中提出的理想与日益增长的自决愿望相结合,最终促成了世界历史上的分水岭--《独立宣言》的发表。

殖民地的社会文化背景在许多方面都是独一无二的。其中一个独特之处是殖民地居民的识字率高得惊人,尤其是与同时代的世界其他地区相比。这种博学为思想的快速有效传播铺平了道路,尤其是通过印刷文学。托马斯-潘恩(Thomas Paine)的小册子《常识》正是在这个知识饥渴的社会中诞生的。殖民者阅读、理解和讨论小册子内容的能力扩大了它的影响。酒馆、公共广场和教堂成了生动活泼的讨论场所,人们在这里对潘恩的论点进行辩论、辩护和剖析。革命思想和当地发生的事件交织在一起,形成了一种热烈的气氛。随着英国从波士顿撤军等早期军事胜利的消息传到费城,独立的呼声更加高涨。已经倾向于与英国决裂的第二次大陆会议受到了这些事态发展的激励。在这种充满活力的背景下,潘恩的作品不仅仅是呼吁人们采取行动,它还是一种催化剂,加速了一场已经开始的运动。他强有力的言论与战场上不断变化的现实相结合,产生了一种合力,最终导致殖民地宣布独立,并寻求建立一个新的国家。

1776 年 7 月 4 日,一个如今已载入美国史册的日子,大陆会议通过了《独立宣言》,标志着殖民地与英国王室之间关系的一个决定性转折点。这一大胆的决定并非一时冲动的结果,而是多年来与英国的挫折、紧张和对抗的结晶。文件本身主要由托马斯-杰斐逊撰写,约翰-亚当斯、本杰明-富兰克林等人对其进行了贡献和修改。它以启蒙运动的原则为基础,阐明了这一决定背后的哲学思想。杰斐逊巧妙地阐明了一个信念,即人人生而平等,拥有不可剥夺的权利,包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。通过这一宣言,殖民地不仅仅是切断了与英国的联系,而是建立了一个基于自由、平等和民主理想的新秩序。独立宣言》不仅仅是一次反叛行动,更是对新型政府和社会的大胆设想,它将继续影响世界各地的自由和人权运动。

美国独立宣言》是一部建国文献,也是对新国家基本原则的大胆宣示。其序言唤起了一个普遍真理,即 "人人生而平等"。这不是简单地肯定身体或智力上的平等,而是承认每个人固有的尊严和权利。宣言》将这些权利称为 "不可剥夺的",承认这些权利不是政府赋予的,而是人类与生俱来的。生命、自由和追求幸福是每个人生来就拥有的基本权利。宣言》还明确指出,政府的主要职责是保障和保护这些权利。不仅如此,《宣言》还为革命和反叛提供了激进的理由。宣言》认为,如果一个政府不尊重或侵犯这些基本权利,它就失去了合法性。在这种情况下,人民不仅有权利,而且有义务寻求改变甚至推翻失败的政府,以建立一个能够更好地保护他们的权利和自由的制度。这一理念不仅为美国革命奠定了基础,也影响了世界各地的许多其他解放和改革运动。

独立宣言》以其强有力的语言和深刻的原则,大胆地背离了当时的政治惯例。在欧洲,君主制、等级制和君权神授仍是主流规范,而美国殖民者则提出了另一种模式:一个基于公民同意的政府,权力来自人民的意愿。无论身份或出身如何,所有人都拥有不可剥夺的权利,这一观点具有革命性意义。这些权利可以在专制政府面前得到捍卫,人民在道义上有权反抗和重塑政府,这些观念为新的政治秩序奠定了基础。这些思想的影响不仅限于新生的美国本土。法国、拉丁美洲、欧洲和其他地方的革命者借鉴了《宣言》的言论和原则,支持自己争取自由和正义的斗争。宣言》对自由、平等和人民主权的呼吁在世界最遥远的角落回荡,推动了争取人权、民主和民族自决的运动。事实上,《独立宣言》已不仅仅是一个新国家的自治宣言。它已成为一座灯塔,为所有渴望自由和人类尊严的人照亮了道路。它的遗产不仅存在于美国的制度和价值观中,而且继续激励着世界各地一代又一代的人权捍卫者。

独立宣言》既是自治的宣言,也是对英国王室的控诉。宣言》主要由托马斯-杰斐逊撰写,其中列出了对英王乔治三世的一系列不满,说明他如何经常侵犯殖民者的权利,使殖民者所珍视的正义和代议制政府的理想受到质疑。对国王的指控说明了一种压迫性的治理模式,在这种模式下,公民的基本权利经常遭到践踏。例如,国王未经殖民者同意就征税,未经殖民者允许就在他们家中驻军,解散他们的立法机构。但《宣言》不仅仅是批评,它还提出了一个愿景。它提出了普遍人权的概念,以及政府权力应以被统治者的同意为基础的理念。该文件宣称,当政府违背这一原则时,人民不仅有权利而且有义务推翻它。对 "天意 "的提及强化了这样一种观点,即殖民地的行动不仅在政治上是合理的,而且在道德和精神上也是合理的。对 "天意 "的援引表明,寻求独立符合自然规律和普遍规律,殖民者争取自由的斗争在上帝眼中是公正合法的。独立宣言》的力量不仅在于它对国王的控诉,还在于它对正义、自由和自决的普遍呼吁。通过界定人民管理自己的权利,《独立宣言》开创了一个先例,激励着世界各地世世代代的人权和自由运动。

独立宣言》大胆宣布美国殖民地自治。通过宣布他们有权 "缔造和平、结成联盟和进行商业活动",《宣言》宣称了一个主权国家的所有特权。这些权利不仅是帝国或世界强国的特权,也是任何自治政治实体的基本属性。明确提出这些权利是殖民地表示与英国彻底决裂的一种方式。他们不仅要摆脱专制王权,还要承担主权带来的所有角色和责任。通过求助于 "世界的最高审判者",《宣言》的起草者援引了更高的道德和精神权威来证明他们的独立追求是正当的。他们在暗示,他们的事业不仅是政治性的,而且在道德上和普遍意义上也是正当的。这种超验的提法强化了这样一种观念,即独立不仅仅是一个方便或权宜的问题,而是一个道德上的当务之急。通过请求 "天意的保护",签署者表明了他们对更高力量的信仰,他们希望这种力量能指引他们为自由而战。这既是对他们深信其事业是正义的肯定,也是对他们即将面临的不确定性和挑战的承认。简而言之,《独立宣言》虽然是一份政治文件,但也充满了精神力量,反映了起草者和签署者的希望、信仰和深刻信念。

尽管《独立宣言》雄辩滔滔,具有重要的哲学意义,但它实际上只是为争取自治而进行的长期而艰苦斗争的开端。这一大胆的宣言绝不是成功的保证。仅仅宣布独立是不够的,还必须在战场上捍卫并赢得独立。宣言发表后的美国独立战争对殖民地来说是一场漫长而代价高昂的磨难。面对当时世界上最强大的国家之一,这场战争展现了美国人的决心和韧性。这场战争充满了胜利、失败、背叛和无数的牺牲。值得注意的是,在战争激烈进行的同时,国际上对美国作为一个独立国家的可行性存在着很大的怀疑。许多国家谨慎观望,在确定美国有能力对抗英国之前,不愿正式承认这个新国家。直到1781年在约克镇的胜利(主要是在法国的帮助下),英国才最终认识到战争已经失败。1783年签署的《巴黎条约》确定了这一认识。该条约不仅承认美国是一个主权国家,还确定了有利的边界,并赋予美国人重要的捕鱼权。因此,尽管《独立宣言》是美国历史上的关键时刻,但它只是考验这个年轻国家的决心、团结和勇气的开始。

美国独立宣言》是现代史上最具影响力的文本之一。它使用自然权利的语言,阐述了个人与生俱来就拥有不可剥夺权利的理念,这些权利不是政府赋予的,而是独立于政府而存在的。尽管这一理念源于约翰-洛克等思想家的著作,但在《宣言》中得到了如此直接而有力的表达,从而在集体意识中产生了深刻的共鸣。同样具有革命性的是,政府的合法性只能来自 "被统治者的同意"。它推翻了传统的主权逻辑,即君主通过神权或武力进行统治。相反,《宣言》认为人民才是权力的真正来源,如果政府侵犯了人民的权利,人民不仅有权利而且有义务推翻或改变它。这一思想产生了世界性的影响。独立宣言》中阐述的理念直接或间接地激励了其他革命运动,如法国大革命,以及拉丁美洲、亚洲和非洲的独立运动。此外,《宣言》的语言和思想继续被世界各地的人权、民主和自决捍卫者引用和援引。独立宣言》已成为自由和反抗压迫的普遍象征。

尽管《独立宣言》是一部开创性的著作,但它也承载了其所处时代的矛盾和局限。所宣称的 "人人生而平等 "的理想与社会中大部分人被边缘化和受压迫的实际现实之间的矛盾,是美国历史上最大的悖论之一。许多国父,包括《宣言》的主要起草人托马斯-杰斐逊,都拥有奴隶。这些人在为自己摆脱殖民统治而奋斗的同时,也剥夺了其他人的自由。这种矛盾不仅在当时显而易见,而且在美国历史上一直存在,引发了争论、分裂,并最终导致了内战。同样,尽管妇女在殖民地社会中扮演着重要角色,但她们在很大程度上被排除在政治讨论之外,无法享有与男性同等的权利和保护。她们争取平等权利的斗争直到十九世纪才取得进展,并将持续整个二十世纪。早在欧洲人到来之前就生活在美洲大陆上的美洲原住民,在有关独立和权利的对话中基本上被忽视了,尽管他们的土地往往是定居者和英国王室之间冲突的核心。通过 21 世纪的棱镜来审视《独立宣言》,有必要对其背景进行梳理。它是朝着自由和人权理念迈出的不朽一步,但也是不完美时代的不完美产物。随后为实现包容、正义和平等而进行的斗争证明了该文件的局限性,但也证明了其鼓舞人心的潜力。

1776 年起草的《独立宣言》是那个时代的产物,带有那个时代的愿望、偏见和矛盾。它既象征着启蒙运动最崇高的理想,如自由、平等和不可剥夺的权利,也象征着殖民社会不太光彩的现实,即实行奴隶制、妇女边缘化和剥夺土著居民的权利。文件本身是反对暴政、争取自决的大胆宣言。但同时,它也反映了当时的局限性。例如,当杰斐逊写到 "人人生而平等 "时,他并没有考虑到在他自己的种植园里被奴役的人们,也没有考虑到几十年来无法享有与男性同等政治权利的妇女。然而,尽管存在缺陷,《独立宣言》仍成为历史上无数民权和解放运动的里程碑和灵感源泉,不仅在美国如此,在全世界也是如此。它为一个国家奠定了基础,尽管这个国家并不完美,但它一直渴望实现其宣称的理想。今天,在阅读《宣言》时,我们不禁想起公民警惕的重要性、民主的不断发展以及捍卫和扩大所有人权利的必要性。宣言》是人类希望和决心的见证,这份文件虽然植根于那个时代,但却超越时空,激励着后人。

战争的继续[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

美国独立战争又称美国革命,源于北美十三英属殖民地居民与英国之间日益紧张的关系。这些矛盾主要集中在代表权和税收问题上,最终殖民者发出了著名的号召:"没有代表权就没有税收": "没有代表就没有税收"。这场决定性战争的第一枪于 1775 年 4 月 19 日在马萨诸塞州的莱克星顿和康科德打响。这些最初的冲突为这场冲突奠定了基调,这场冲突不仅分裂了英国及其殖民地,也分裂了殖民者本身。一方是爱国者,主要由大陆军组成,他们渴望独立和自由。与他们对立的是保皇派,他们是选择忠于英国王室的殖民者,得到了英国正规军的支持。随着战争的推进,爱国者们找到了意想不到的盟友。1777 年的萨拉托加战役通常被认为是战争的转折点,它导致法国代表美国人进行正式干预。法国提供了重要的军事和财政支持,而包括西班牙和荷兰在内的其他欧洲国家也开辟了其他战场,向英国发起挑战。在最著名的战役中,除了最早的列克星敦战役和康科德战役外,邦克山战役、萨拉托加战役和约克镇战役尤为突出。尤其是约克镇,它是 1781 年战争中最后一次大规模对峙。在这里,康沃利斯将军指挥的英军被美法联军围困,最终被迫投降。然而,战争并没有在约克镇战役后立即结束。零星的战斗一直持续到 1783 年签署《巴黎条约》。该条约标志着冲突的正式结束,英国最终承认了美国的独立。这场具有共和和民主理想的战争留下了持久的遗产,在随后的岁月里激发了许多独立运动和革命。

美国独立战争对年轻的美国来说是一场艰苦卓绝的磨难。主要由民兵和志愿者组成的大陆军往往寡不敌众,资源不足,难以抵挡英国组织严密的军事力量。这支军队的兵力起伏不定,大部分时间在 4000 到 7000 人之间。其中许多士兵缺乏经验,装备落后,也没有受过常规战争战术的训练。此外,后勤方面的困难,包括补给品和食物的短缺,常常打击部队的士气。相比之下,英军兵强马壮,经费充足,在冲突期间的某些时候,英军士兵多达 35000 人。这支令人印象深刻的部队并非完全由英国人组成。英国还使用雇佣兵,主要是德国人(通常被称为 "黑森人"),但也有来自爱尔兰等其他欧洲国家的军队,其次是俄罗斯。这些部队专业且训练有素,在纪律和装备方面都占有优势。这两支军队之间明显的不平等使得殖民者的战斗更加令人印象深刻。大陆军赢得的每一场胜利,无论付出多大代价,都象征着他们在面对远胜于自己的敌人时争取独立的决心和韧性。

美国独立战争中出现了一种新的战斗方式。英军习惯于传统的线性队形和传统的作战战术,而美军则往往采用不那么传统的方法。美军部分受到本土战术和边疆经验的启发,采用游击战术,藏身于森林中,发动突然袭击,并在英军发起反攻之前迅速撤离。这些战术形成了一场针对英军的消耗战,使得每次推进都要付出巨大的人力和物力代价。伏击和闪电袭击不仅造成了英军的伤亡,还消耗了英军的士气,使一场本应简单直接的军事行动变成了一场旷日持久的艰苦冲突。尽管在数量上处于劣势并面临诸多挑战,美军还是在关键时刻取得了决定性的胜利,特别是在萨拉托加战役和最后的约克镇战役中。这些胜利不仅坚定了美国人的决心,还说服了外国势力,尤其是法国,支持美国的事业。1781 年,在美国和法国军队的联合策划下,英国在约克镇投降,标志着战斗的有效结束,并为美国独立铺平了道路。

康沃利斯在约克镇的投降--约翰-特伦布尔(1820 年)。

在美国独立战争期间,英国人利用奴隶制问题作为对付殖民者的战略工具。弗吉尼亚州皇家总督邓莫尔勋爵于 1775 年发布公告,承诺任何加入英国军队与起义军作战的奴隶都将获得自由。该公告旨在削弱对革命的支持,同时破坏殖民地以奴隶为基础的经济稳定。英国人许诺的自由促使许多奴隶逃离主人,加入英国军队,希望获得自由。一些人被用作劳工,另一些人被用作士兵。然而,现实往往与承诺大相径庭:许多人在英军中受到歧视,或被美军俘虏后又被送回英国做奴隶。然而,同样重要的是要注意到,爱国者事业本身并不是一味地反对奴隶制。一些革命者批评奴隶制,甚至采取措施在北方各州废除奴隶制,而另一些革命者则捍卫奴隶制,并在战后很长时间内继续拥有奴隶。并非只有英国人承诺给予奴隶自由。爱国者,尤其是北方的爱国者,也以服兵役作为自由的交换条件。最终,革命战争为渴望自由的奴隶们创造了机会,也带来了挑战,但它并没有结束美国的奴隶制,直到近一个世纪后的南北战争,这个问题仍未得到解决。

美国独立战争为一些奴隶挣脱奴役的枷锁提供了一个众望所归的机会。面对殖民地的抵抗,英国人制定了一项战略,通过向愿意抛弃主人加入英国行列的奴隶提供自由来削弱起义者的力量。这是一个精明的策略,因为它不仅剥夺了殖民地宝贵的劳动力,还造成了内部分裂,扰乱了殖民地经济。在对美好生活的憧憬和自由承诺的驱使下,许多奴隶做出了大胆的决定,冒着风险和不确定性逃跑。然而,一旦被编入英军,许多人发现现实并不总是与承诺相符。许多人没有作为正式士兵拿起武器,而是被贬为搬运工、厨师或工人等辅助角色。使用黑人劳工反映了当时的种族偏见,以及对这些新兵忠诚度和战斗力的怀疑。然而,这并不意味着所有加入英军的奴隶都只能从事卑微的工作。有些人能够与英国战友并肩作战,尽管往往是在不平等的条件下。但即使是这些士兵,承诺的回报--尤其是自由--也得不到保障。一些人在战争结束时被英国人出卖,被卖回做奴隶,或被遗弃,听天由命。尽管有这些挑战和背叛,这些奴隶在战争中寻求自由的决定证明了他们的勇气、决心和对自由坚定不移的渴望。

在美国独立战争期间,英国承诺给予奴隶自由,这既是一种军事战略,也是一种道德呼吁。从一开始,英国宣布给予奴隶自由就具有明确的战略目的:通过剥夺殖民者宝贵的劳动力和制造内部分裂来削弱对叛乱的支持。但是,自由的承诺一旦做出,就会对许多渴望解放的奴隶产生强大的吸引力。然而,在一些人获得自由的同时,许多人却面临着背叛和失望。战争结束时,当英国人被迫撤离殖民据点时,他们面临着如何处置加入他们的获得自由的奴隶的难题。虽然一些人被带到了英国,但许多人被留在了英国,他们冒着再次成为奴隶的风险。其他人则被驱逐到英国的其他殖民地,特别是加勒比海地区。在那里,他们没有获得长久以来所期盼的自由,而是被卖给了新的主人,重新回到了恐怖的奴隶生活中,但这一次他们远离了自己的祖国。可悲的讽刺是,自由的承诺使许多奴隶的命运或许比他们逃离的命运更加悲惨。这段经历凸显了独立战争的复杂性和矛盾性,在这场战争中,自由的理想与奴隶制和歧视的残酷现实并存。

英国向奴隶提供自由并非出于利他主义原则或反对奴隶制的道德动机,而是出于战略和军事考虑。美国独立战争给英国人带来了许多挑战,他们不仅要与殖民地叛军作战,还要面对在遥远的大陆上发动战争所带来的后勤和地理限制。招募奴隶表明英国人感受到了越来越大的压力。面对英国国内的招募挑战和漫长的补给线,他们试图利用殖民地的内部分裂。奴隶承诺获得自由,是一种潜在的资源,即使他们中的大多数并没有被用作前线战斗人员。同样至关重要的是,要了解英国提出的条件是一个从奴隶制中获益良多的帝国。英国的经济利益与奴隶制度有着深刻的联系,尤其是在加勒比地区的蔗糖种植园。因此,在美国独立战争期间向奴隶提供自由是务实的、机会主义的,而不是对奴隶制基础本身的挑战。这场战争的原则、战略和权宜之计交织在一起,影响了许多人的历史进程,并最终影响了从这场冲突中诞生的国家。

法国对美国独立战争的参与对美国殖民者获胜起了决定性作用。虽然法国的动机部分是基于反对英国的暴政,但他们同样(如果不是更多的话)受到了战胜他们的宿敌英国的战略愿望的影响。1763 年《巴黎条约》结束了七年战争,法国在该条约中遭受的耻辱仍历历在目。因此,找回失去的威望并削弱英国实力的机会对法国来说太诱人了,不容忽视。法国的援助不仅限于宣布支持,还向美国叛军提供了军队、海军舰队、武器、装备和重要的资金。1777 年的萨拉托加战役经常被认为是战争的转折点,这不仅是因为它是殖民者的一次重大胜利,还因为它让法国相信美国人是一支不可忽视的力量,从而在 1778 年正式结盟。法国的参与平衡了战场上的力量,尤其是在1781年决定性的约克镇围城战中,英军投降,基本上结束了敌对状态。法国的介入也使冲突国际化。随着法国的公开参战,西班牙和荷兰等其他欧洲列强也纷纷进入战场,开辟了新的战线,转移了英国对北美的注意力。最终,如果没有法国在军事、财政和外交上的支持,很难想象美国殖民者能像他们对抗强大的英国那样迅速取得全面胜利。

罗尚博伯爵和乔治-华盛顿将军之间的合作对于协调法军和美军的共同努力至关重要。两位指挥官建立了相互尊重的关系,并共同制定了抗击英军的战略。罗尚博最显著的贡献之一是他的专业军事经验。欧洲人,尤其是法国人,已经发展出了成熟的战争战术,罗尚博与华盛顿分享了这些专业知识,提高了大陆军的能力和效率。但是,1781 年围攻约克镇之战最能证明法国干预的重要性。罗尚博、华盛顿和在切萨皮克湾指挥一支重要舰队的法国海军上将德格拉斯密切合作,包围了康沃利斯将军指挥的英军。美军和法军陆地部队的配合,再加上法军对水域的控制,使英军的阵地难以为继。康沃利斯被迫投降,成为殖民地寻求独立的决定性转折点。如果没有罗尚博(Rochambeau)率领的法国远征军的存在和支持,如果没有德格拉斯(de Grasse)的海军指挥,约克镇的胜利--或许也是战争的最后胜利--将很难取得。法国以军队参战和舰队进入美国水域的形式参与战争,不仅帮助殖民地平衡了力量对比,还为美国的战争努力注入了新的动力和信心。

法国海军上将德-格拉斯在切萨皮克湾精心策划的海军优势是导致英国在约克镇投降的战略的关键部分。在此期间,对海洋的控制是决定重大冲突胜负的关键,围攻约克镇也不例外。德格拉斯舰队的及时抵达挫败了英国人的计划,阻断了康沃利斯获得海上增援的希望。德-格拉斯保持这一态势的能力确保了康沃利斯在法国和美国陆军的联合进攻下仍将孤立无援,不堪一击。但法国海军的作用不仅限于阻挡英国援军。法国船只还帮助运输部队、补给品和弹药,支持爱国者在陆地上的作战努力。最终,法美在陆地和海上的合作形成了一个强大的联盟,扭转了战局。约克镇战役本身虽然被象征性地视为美国的胜利,但实际上却是双方共同努力的成果,在这场战役中,法国的军事和海军专长在给英国人设下的陷阱中发挥了决定性作用。如果没有这次合作,战争的结果可能会截然不同。

1783 年《巴黎条约》是美国、英国、法国和其他欧洲列强之间一系列谈判的结果。该条约正式结束了美国独立战争,承认了美国对西起阿巴拉契亚山脉、东至密西西比河、北起加拿大、南至西班牙佛罗里达州的广袤领土的主权。法国对美国战争的贡献不容低估。它远远超出了部队和军事装备的供应。法国利用其在欧洲的影响力为美国的事业赢得支持,并劝阻其他大国不要与英国结盟。法国还在条约谈判中发挥了关键作用,确保美国的利益在谈判桌上得到保护。法国的援助对战争结果的影响显而易见。法国和美国的联合力量打败了军事上占优势的殖民国家。最终,法国与美国并肩作战的决定不仅改变了战争的进程,也重新定义了北美的力量平衡。因此,《巴黎条约》是一次成功结盟的最高成就,也是一个新生国家新时代的开端。它象征着从叛乱到主权的过渡,巩固了美国作为一个独立实体在世界舞台上的地位。

美国独立战争从 1775 年持续到 1783 年,是世界历史上导致一个新国家诞生的重要事件。虽然战争始于 1775 年的莱克星顿和康科德战役等对抗,但殖民地在 1776 年大胆宣布独立,标志着与英国王室的彻底决裂。与其他独立运动相比,有几个因素促成了这场战争的迅速胜利。首先,法国的重要支持是不可估量的。法国不仅提供了必要的财政和物质资源,还派出了地面部队和海军力量。在法国和美国的共同努力下,在约克镇成功包围并击败了英军,这是一场决定性的胜利,基本上结束了战斗。大陆军的军事战略也发挥了至关重要的作用。在乔治-华盛顿将军的领导下,大陆军采取了灵活的方法,经常使用游击战术来对抗规模更大、装备更精良的英军。这些战术使美军避免了重大损失,同时也给敌人造成了巨大伤害。最后,美国爱国者坚定不移的决心是这场胜利的关键因素。尽管面临挑战、挫折和困难时期,但对自由和独立的渴望继续激励着美国战斗人员,驱使他们为自己的权利进行抵抗和战斗。美国独立战争是一场艰苦的战斗,但由于战略联盟、创新战术和坚定不移的决心,美国在不到十年的时间里成功赢得了独立。这为美国今后几个世纪在世界舞台上发挥核心作用奠定了基础。

在战胜英国的喜悦之后,美国面临着复杂的建国现实。一个新生的民主共和国需要一个强有力的政府结构。1777年通过的《邦联条款》最初起到了宪法的作用,但其固有的弱点导致1787年通过了《美国宪法》,为我们今天所知的联邦政府奠定了基础。美国的扩张主义野心在19世纪初开始显现。1803年,美国从法国购买了路易斯安那州,使美国的国土面积扩大了一倍,向西部开辟了大片领土供探索和殖民。在托马斯-杰斐逊担任总统期间进行的这一收购是美国 "显赫命运 "理念的核心,即美国注定要从海岸线扩展到另一个海岸线。1845 年对得克萨斯州的吞并以及紧随其后的与墨西哥的战争都反映了这种扩张主义观点。1848年美墨战争结束后,《瓜达卢佩-伊达尔戈条约》将墨西哥北部大部分地区割让给美国,包括今天的加利福尼亚州、亚利桑那州、新墨西哥州等。然而,这种快速扩张并非没有后果。在这些土地上生活了数千年的原住民面临着暴力、欺骗和剥夺。美国政府的政策,包括 1830 年的《印第安人迁移法》,导致许多美国原住民部落被迫从他们祖先的土地上迁移到密西西比河以西的地区,这一悲惨事件通常被称为 "泪痕之路"。这些扩张政策在使美国富裕起来的同时,也给原住民留下了不公正和创伤。

独立战争的结束标志着美国进入了一个充满挑战的时代。在获得独立之后,美国面临着众多威胁其凝聚力的内部困境。奴隶制问题尤其造成了深刻的分歧。虽然《独立宣言》宣称 "人人生而平等",但奴隶制根深蒂固,尤其是在南方各州。一些国父本人也拥有奴隶,这就造成了自由和平等的理想与压迫和非人化的现实之间的明显矛盾。1787 年起草宪法时,奴隶制成为一个核心问题。为了维持蓄奴州和非蓄奴州之间岌岌可危的平衡,人们做出了妥协,如五分之三的妥协。但这些妥协只是解决日益恶化的问题的暂时办法。随着国家向西扩张,新领土是成为奴隶州还是非奴隶州的问题加剧了紧张局势。1820 年的《密苏里妥协法案》和 1850 年的《逃奴法案》等事件试图维持这种微妙的平衡。与此同时,治理这样一个幅员辽阔、多元化的国家也带来了挑战。州权与联邦权力之间的紧张关系引发了关于宪法解释和联邦权力范围的激烈辩论。这些问题的交汇,尤其是奴隶制问题,最终导致亚伯拉罕-林肯在1860年当选。他的反奴隶制立场导致南方几个州脱离联邦,引发了1861年的南北战争。这将是美国历史上死亡人数最多的战争,最终将考验美国的韧性和建立统一身份的决心。

革命还是反动?[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

历史学家目前正在争论,美国革命应该被视为一场真正的 "革命",还是仅仅是对英国统治的保守反应。

美国革命是一场真正的革命,还是仅仅是对英国统治的保守反应,这个问题在历史学家中仍有争论。那些将革命视为根本性动荡的人提出了几个令人信服的论点。首先,美国革命彻底背离了传统的君主制度。革命不是简单地用一个君主取代另一个君主,而是催生了一个由民选代表行使权力的共和国。这一政治变革并非简单的调整:它标志着一个以人民主权为基础的国家的诞生,与欧洲的世袭君主制直接对立。在这一动荡时期,启蒙运动的思想也得到了采纳。受约翰-洛克和孟德斯鸠等思想家的影响,国父们接受了不可剥夺的权利和社会契约等激进理念。在此过程中,他们摒弃了君主神权至上的旧观念,接受了政府权力来自被统治者同意的愿景。更重要的是,革命不仅改变了国家的政治结构。它还引发了一场文化和社会变革。虽然社会没有立即发生变革,但平等主义思想开始深入人心,为后来的平等运动,如废除奴隶制和女权运动铺平了道路。

另一方面,另一个历史学家阵营认为美国革命更像是一场保守的反动,而非激进的革命。他们的论点主要基于革命的根本动机。根据这一观点,争取独立的斗争与其说是为了创造全新的事物,不如说是为了维护和恢复殖民者眼中的传统权利。这些他们认为被英国践踏的权利包括基本的经济自由,如贸易自由。英国的法律和税收,如《印花税法》和《茶叶法》,在他们看来不是创新,而是对他们传统特权的不公平侵犯。此外,在研究革命后的美国宪法时,一些人看到了保守的因素。宪法中的许多内容,如两院制,并不是从零开始建立一种新的政府形式,而是受到英国传统和其他欧洲模式的启发。宪法寻求平衡,在保障权利的同时避免 "多数人暴政 "的风险,这可以解释为一种保护财产权和企业权的保守做法。因此,在这些历史学家看来,美国革命与其说是与过去彻底决裂,不如说是殖民者认为受到不公正侵犯的权利和传统的演变和肯定。

尽管美国革命存在各种细微差别和矛盾,但它代表了世界历史上的一个决定性时刻。它不仅是对英国枷锁的反抗,也是席卷欧洲的启蒙运动理想的体现。人民主权和不可剥夺权利等概念的出现反映了政治和社会思想的彻底转变,摆脱了君主制和贵族统治的旧秩序。美国作为一个新成立的国家,试图通过这些大胆的新思想来建立民主政府。他们不再依赖君主或世袭精英,而是构想建立一个权力来自人民的共和国。美国宪法》虽然受到许多先例的启发,但在三权分立和公民自由的概念上具有创新性。美国革命塑造国家与公民之间关系的方式也具有创新性。在世界许多地方,公民身份的概念以前受出生或社会地位的限制,而美国革命则将其转变为一种基于出生地、居住地、甚至对一套民主原则的信仰的概念。然而,革命也继承和保留了过去的某些因素,尤其是在社会结构和经济不平等方面。奴隶制和原住民地位等问题给革命宣称的理想蒙上了一层阴影。最终,美国革命虽然植根于与英国的冲突和紧张局势,却成为一个变革性事件,在与自身内部矛盾斗争的同时,建立了一个以民主原则为基础的新国家。

革命就其本质而言,是激烈变革和动荡的时刻。当现状不再满足大部分人口的需求或愿望时,革命就会发生。在革命进程中,有四个关键因素往往十分突出:

  1. 大规模动员民众: 革命需要集体的力量。当挫折或不公正达到临界点时,社会中的大部分人都会动员起来要求变革。起义、示威和其他形式的抗议反映了民众推翻专制政权或制度的愿望。这些群众的能量是推动革命前进的引擎。
  2. 不同意识形态之间的斗争: 每一场革命都会带来对未来的各种设想。这些相互竞争的愿景可能会造成分裂。一些人可能向往自由民主,而另一些人则可能憧憬无产阶级专政或神权统治。这些杂乱的意识形态决定了革命的方向和特点。
  3. 具体的权力斗争:抛开意识形态不谈,革命是一场实实在在的控制权争夺战。武装或非武装的对立派别为建立自己的霸权而发生冲突。这种斗争可能是残酷的,往往涉及冲突、清洗、政治阴谋,有时甚至是内战。
  4. 结构的深刻变革: 革命的最终目标是变革。这远不止更换领导人或精英那么简单。革命寻求重塑社会的基本结构,无论是通过重新分配土地、工业国有化、制定新法律还是重建国家认同。

简而言之,革命不仅仅是一系列抗议或政变。它是一个深刻的过程,挑战并往往改变一个社会的基础。这四个要素虽然不是唯一的决定因素,但往往是这些动荡的核心。

革命因其产生的社会、经济、政治和历史背景而各不相同。有些革命会从根本上改变一个国家的社会和经济面貌,而有些革命则更侧重于政治变革,基本结构基本保持不变。美国革命就是一个很好的例子。它导致了与英国的重大决裂,并建立了新的共和政体。然而,战后主要依赖南方奴隶制的殖民地农业经济在很大程度上保持不变。基于种族和阶级的社会结构也依然存在,导致后来的冲突和改革。相比之下,圣多明各的革命远不止推翻统治精英那么简单。它导致殖民地废除奴隶制,白人地主被清算,海地于 1804 年成为世界上第一个自由黑人共和国。这场革命产生了深远的社会和经济影响。与此同时,法国大革命不仅推翻了君主制,还试图重塑整个法国社会,从阶级关系到宗教再到经济结构。以理性崇拜取代天主教的尝试、土地的重新分配以及《拿破仑法典》的制定,都体现了变革的深度和广度。这些变化凸显了在其独特背景下理解每场革命的重要性。虽然某些因素可能是许多革命所共有的,但它们的存在、强度和后果会因具体情况的不同而大相径庭。

十三殖民地的领导人大多来自富裕阶层,这种说法是正确的。托马斯-杰斐逊、乔治-华盛顿和约翰-亚当斯等人出身优越。这些人不仅有经济利益需要保护,而且基于他们对启蒙哲学家的研究和作为英国臣民的亲身经历,对自由和自治抱有憧憬。从本质上讲,美国革命也确实不是一场可与法国或俄国革命等其他革命相提并论的群众运动。虽然许多殖民者对英国的行为不满,但并不一定每个人都支持革命的想法。殖民者之间存在很大分歧,很大一部分人仍然忠于英国王室。如前所述,革命之后,许多社会经济结构依然存在。然而,重要的是要注意到有些事情发生了变化。君主制被摒弃,取而代之的是共和制。独立宣言》以及后来的《宪法》中规定的原则为建立一个基于自由、平等和民主理想的新型政府奠定了基础。然而,革命后的美国远非平等主义。尤其是奴隶制,成为这个新生国家结构上不可磨灭的污点。尽管北方部分地区在革命后的几年里开始废除奴隶制,但奴隶制在南方扎根更深。奴隶制问题成为一个核心问题,最终引发了美国内战。美国革命是一个充满矛盾的时期。它打着自由和平等的旗号,却允许奴隶制等严重的不平等现象持续存在。战争结束后的几十年里,这些矛盾将继续影响美国的发展轨迹。

海地革命无疑是革命史上最独特、最激进的时刻之一。尽管美国革命的理想是自由,但它保留了奴隶制等不平等结构,而海地革命则不同,它深刻地颠覆了现有制度。海地当时被称为圣多明各,是法国最富有的殖民地,也是世界上蔗糖、咖啡和其他农产品产量最高的国家,而所有这些产品都是由奴隶劳动生产的。奴隶人口占岛上人口的绝大多数,他们的生活和工作条件极其恶劣。1791 年,奴隶们奋起反抗,不仅是为了结束殖民统治,也是为了在被视为财产的制度面前伸张人性。在图桑-卢维杜尔、让-雅克-德萨林和亨利-克里斯托夫等人的领导下,起义军与法国、英国和西班牙军队展开了斗争,这些军队要么试图削弱他们的力量,要么试图利用混乱的局势。1804 年,经过多年艰苦卓绝的斗争,海地革命军宣布独立,使海地成为后殖民时代第一个自由的黑人国家,也是世界上第一个废除奴隶制作为其民族特征基本组成部分的国家。与美国革命相比,海地革命的社会和经济影响要激进得多。它不仅改变了掌权者,还改变了权力的性质和行使方式。海地革命不仅是反对殖民主义的胜利,也是反对白人至上主义和奴隶制度的巨大胜利。它在美洲引起了震动,为未来的反殖民主义和反奴隶制斗争开创了强大的先例。

美国革命发生于 1775 年至 1783 年,主要是一场政治革命。它是由十三殖民地的殖民者与英国大都会之间在代表权和税收等问题上的分歧引发的。美国在 1783 年获得独立后,建立了一个以自由、平等和民主原则为基础的联邦共和国,至少对部分人口而言是如此。然而,尽管通过了《独立宣言》并宣称 "人人生而平等",革命后的社会却远非平等主义。美国革命最大的悖论之一是,虽然它受到自由和平等思想的启发,但它并没有挑战奴隶制,奴隶制仍然根深蒂固,尤其是在南方各州。奴隶是劳动力和经济的重要组成部分,解放奴隶会产生深远的经济影响。事实证明,未能解决奴隶制问题代价高昂,最终导致了 1861 年的美国内战。相比之下,始于 1791 年的海地革命既是一场政治革命,也是一场社会革命。这场革命主要由起义反抗奴隶主的奴隶们领导,最终于 1804 年建立了世界上第一个自由黑人共和国。这场革命不仅是对殖民主义的否定,也是对奴隶制度和种族等级制度的彻底挑战。虽然美国革命建立了新的政治框架,奠定了国家的基础,但它并没有对原有的社会经济结构做出任何重大改变。另一方面,海地革命颠覆了社会和经济秩序,使废除奴隶制和要求平等不仅成为理想,而且成为新国家的具体现实。

美国国徽。印章上的 13 个州和 13 条条纹代表组成美国的 13 个州。鹰代表战争,鹰爪上握着和平的橄榄枝和战争的箭。拉丁文铭文 "e pluribis unum "意为 "合而为一"。

美国的独立不仅标志着美国本身,也标志着整个世界进入了一个创新的时代。通过成为美洲第一个获得独立的国家,美国为未来的国家开辟了一条大胆的道路。最初的十三个殖民地是反抗强大的英国的先锋,他们的成功为美洲其他地区的独立运动提供了灵感。他们采用的政治结构在当时也是革命性的。美国植根于共和主义的理想,强调公民美德、代表权和对共同利益的追求。与此同时,美国精心设计了联邦制,以平衡权力,确保国家政府和各州都不会过于强势。这种做法形成了美国政府的独特活力,使中心地位和地方地位和谐共存。但对欧洲传统最重要的摒弃之一是放弃贵族世袭。在与欧洲君主制和贵族制决裂的过程中,美国接受了这样一种理念,即权力不是由出身决定,而是由功绩和公民的同意决定。独立宣言》是这一信念的雄辩宣言,它宣称 "人人生而平等",并坚持政府的存在要以人民的意愿为基础。总之,美国的创新为这个国家奠定了基础,在未来的几个世纪里,这个国家将不断寻求重新定义自由、民主和平等。

获得独立后,美国面临着建立一个稳定而有效的政府的挑战。1787年的《宪法》在许多方面都是一份革命性的文件,它为我们提供了答案。它不仅是世界上第一部成文宪法,而且其持久性意味着它今天仍然是仍然有效的最古老的宪法。它是来自不同殖民地的代表在费城制宪会议上激烈讨论和妥协的结果。他们所制定的宪章谨慎地平衡了政府行政、立法和司法部门之间的权力,体现了三权分立的原则。这种分权旨在避免权力过度集中,并通过建立制衡机制来保护公民权利。宪法不仅仅是简单的政府结构。它还规定了必须受到保护的基本自由。前十条修正案(即《权利法案》)保障了言论自由、公平审判权以及免受不合理搜查和扣押等个人权利。宪法的适应性得益于其修订机制,这使得美国能够在不断变化的时代和前所未有的挑战中游刃有余,同时又能维护其基本原则。这种适应性使美国宪法成为其他国家寻求编纂本国政府原则和价值观的典范和灵感来源。

美国独立后在治理方面进行了重大创新。美国选择了以被统治者同意原则为基础的共和制,通过联邦制建立了权力制衡,并通过了世界上第一部成文宪法,这部宪法至今仍然有效,美国创造了民主和联邦制的典范,影响了许多其他国家对自治和民主治理的追求。

尽管美国开创了共和制并引入了多项民主创新,但与现代民主概念相比,其最初的民主在多个方面受到限制。最初于 1787 年起草的美国宪法反映了当时的社会政治和经济现实。虽然深受启蒙思想的影响,但这部宪法也体现了为团结一个年轻、四分五裂的国家所需的妥协特征。首先,选举权最初仅限于白人男性财产所有者。这一限制是基于国父们的信念,即只有那些拥有切实经济利益的人才有权决定国家事务。他们惧怕 "多数人的暴君",认为直接民主可能证明是不稳定的。其次,五分之三的妥协是紧张谈判的结果,它将每个奴隶算作五分之三的国会代表。南方奴隶制各州希望通过计算奴隶人口来增加其立法权,而北方各州则更不情愿。这种妥协虽然在今天看来在道义上给我们造成了困扰,但却是保持各州之间微妙平衡的一种务实的方式。最后,设立选举团是为了建立一种平衡机制,保护小州的利益不受大州的影响。开国元勋们担心民众可能会做出冲动的决定,因此设计了这一制度,以便由受过教育、消息灵通的人选出总统。多年来,宪法不断修订,以更好地反映社会政治的变化,如废除奴隶制和赋予妇女投票权。尽管如此,其最初版本仍是十八世纪末妥协和理想的精彩见证。

美国建国时的民主概念深受当时历史经验和思想关切的影响。今天,"民主 "一词让人联想到普遍参与和平等权利,但在 18 世纪末,情况并非如此。美国的开国元勋们在考虑民主问题时,往往会从古希腊的角度来看待它,古希腊的雅典民主与不稳定、冲动和蛊惑人心联系在一起。歇斯底里的人群做出草率的决定,或者被高超的演说家轻易操纵,这些都是他们汲取的教训,也是他们所惧怕的。此外,美国革命时期也是知识分子激烈质疑的时期。启蒙运动引发了对政府、权利和人性的深刻反思。许多开国元勋受到这些思想的影响,但也意识到过于直接的政府可能带来的危险。他们担心 "多数人的暴政 "会威胁到少数人的权利,也担心一时的激情会战胜深思熟虑的推理。因此,他们在寻求建立一种能够保障某些基本权利和公众参与的制度的同时,也热衷于引入保障措施。与直接民主相比,他们更倾向于共和制,即公民选举代表来代表他们做出决定。开国元勋们的愿景是创造一种平衡:一个既能有效运作,又能保护个人权利并避免与直接民主相联系的陷阱的政府。随着时间的推移,这种愿景也在不断演变,民主的概念也在不断扩大和深化,让更多的公民参与到决策过程中来。

自独立以来,美国的民主和代表制度经历了深刻的变革。宪法本身虽然植根于基本原则,但其设计初衷是使其成为一份活的文件,能够随着时间的推移不断调整和演变。因此,多年来通过了多项修正案,以反映国家的社会和政治发展。1870 年批准的第 15 项修正案是一个里程碑,它保证 "美国或任何州不得因种族、肤色或以前的奴役状况而剥夺或减损 "选举权。换句话说,它禁止在选举权方面的种族歧视,尽管在实践中,许多南方州想方设法规避这一规定,直到 20 世纪的民权运动。1920 年批准的第 19 项修正案代表着又向前迈进了一大步。经过女权运动者数十年的斗争和宣传,该修正案保障了妇女的选举权,结束了妇女长期被排斥在选举进程之外的状况。最后,1971 年,第 26 项修正案获得通过,以回应美国年轻人的关切,尤其是在越南战争期间。许多人不明白,为什么年轻人 18 岁就可以应征入伍为国效力,却要等到 21 岁才能投票。该修正案将投票年龄从 21 岁降至 18 岁。这些修正案和其他修正案显示了美国民主是如何演变的,如何适应变得更具包容性和更能反映国家不断变化的价值观。它们还凸显了公民倡导和参与对实现制度积极变革的重要性。

美洲 "一词起源于制图师和探险家亚美利哥-韦斯普奇(Amerigo Vespucci)的名字,他认为克里斯托弗-哥伦布(Christopher Columbus)发现的土地是一个有别于亚洲的大陆。最初,这个名字被用来描述新大陆中新发现的大陆,即北美洲和南美洲。然而,随着时间的推移,随着美国权力和影响力的崛起,"美洲 "一词在许多情况下成为美国本身的同义词。美国独占 "美洲 "一词的观点一直是争议的根源。当非洲大陆其他国家的公民听到 "美国 "一词专指美国时,他们会感到自己被边缘化了。这是一个承认和尊重构成美洲的独特文化、历史和民族的问题。在国际背景下,通常用 "美国人 "来指代来自美国的人。但是,在拉丁美洲,为了避免混淆,通常使用 "norteamericano"(北美人)或 "estadounidense"(美国人)。此外,在许多拉丁美洲国家,"americano "一词指来自美洲任何地方的人,而不仅仅是美国人。因此,在使用这一术语时,必须认清语境和受众。语言和文化上的细微差别会影响信息的接收和解释。对许多人来说,"美洲 "一词会让人联想到一个有着丰富多彩的文化、历史和民族的广袤大陆。

附件[modifier | modifier le wikicode]

  • Photographie interactive de la déclaration
  • Site des Archives nationales américaines
  • Bibliothèque Jeanne Hersche
  • Hérodote.net
  • Transatlantica, revue d'études américaines. Dossier spécial sur la Révolution, dirigé par Naomi Wulf.
  • Nova Atlantis in Bibliotheca Augustana (Latin version of New Atlantis)
  • Barnes, Ian, and Charles Royster. The Historical Atlas of the American Revolution (2000), maps and commentary excerpt and text search
  • Blanco, Richard L.; Sanborn, Paul J. (1993). The American Revolution, 1775–1783: An Encyclopedia. New York: Garland Publishing Inc. ISBN 978-0824056230.
  • Boatner, Mark Mayo III (1974). Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (2 ed.). New York: Charles Scribners and Sons. ISBN 978-0684315133.
  • Cappon, Lester J. Atlas of Early American History: The Revolutionary Era, 1760–1790 (1976)
  • Fremont-Barnes, Gregory, and Richard A. Ryerson, eds. The Encyclopedia of the American Revolutionary War: A Political, Social, and Military History (5 vol. 2006) 1000 entries by 150 experts, covering all topics
  • Gray, Edward G., and Jane Kamensky, eds. The Oxford Handbook of the American Revolution (2013) 672 pp; 33 essays by scholars
  • Greene, Jack P. and J. R. Pole, eds. A Companion to the American Revolution (2004), 777 pp – an expanded edition of Greene and Pole, eds. The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (1994); comprehensive coverage of political and social themes and international dimension; thin on military
  • Herrera, Ricardo A. "American War of Independence" Oxford Bibliographies (2017) annotated guide to major scholarly books and articles online
  • Kennedy, Frances H. The American Revolution: A Historical Guidebook (2014) A guide to 150 famous historical sites.
  • Purcell, L. Edward. Who Was Who in the American Revolution (1993); 1500 short biographies
  • Resch, John P., ed. Americans at War: Society, Culture and the Homefront vol 1 (2005), articles by scholars
  • Symonds, Craig L. and William J. Clipson. A Battlefield Atlas of the American Revolution (1986) new diagrams of each battle; Works by Thomas Paine
  • Common Sense - Thomas Paine (ouvrage complet en anglais)
  • Deistic and Religious Works of Thomas Paine
  • The theological works of Thomas Paine
  • The theological works of Thomas Paine to which are appended the profession of faith of a savoyard vicar by J.J. Rousseau
  • Common Sense by Thomas Paine; HTML format, indexed by section
  • Rights of Man

资料[modifier | modifier le wikicode]